The movement in Scotland
which ended in the Reformation of religion, was at first largely
political. During its earlier stages its significance was scarcely
realized, and, except in the eastern counties, the people generally took
no particular interest in it. Whatever was done in connection with it at
this period in Renfrewshire was due less to the desire for religious
reform and more to the political ambitions of its leaders. Chief among
them were William second Earl of Glencairn, Mathew fourth Earl of
Lennox, William Lord Semple, his son Robert Master of Semple, and John
Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley, afterwards Bishop of Dunkeld and Archbishop
of St. Andrews. The Earls of Glencairn and Lennox belonged to the
English party, while the rest sided with the French or Catholic party.
James Stewart of Cardonald was in the pay of the English, and appears to
have been chiefly occupied in watching the movements of the Abbot of
Paisley.
On the death of James V.,
James Lord Hamilton, second Earl of Arran, as the next heir to the
Crown, was appointed Regent of the kingdom and tutor to the infant
Queen. A man of no great ability, he was unequal to the position in
which he was placed. At home he was opposed by the whole of the clergy,
with Cardinal Beaton at their head, while in Henry VIII. he had a friend
or a foe according as he followed or did not follow his bidding. Henry’s
object was to bring about a marriage between the young Queen and his
son, Edward Prince of Wales. With a view to compassing this, as soon as
the death of James was known in London, he set free the captives taken
at Solway Moss, loaded them with presents and pensions, and sent them to
work for him in Scotland. Joining Arran, the “English Lords” or “assured
Scots,” as they were called, seemed at first as if they would be the
prevailing party in the country. Beaton was seized “ in the Governor’s
chamber, sitting at Council,” and warded in the Earl of Morton’s house
at Dalkeith. A meeting of the Estates was held, March 12, 1543, when
three ambassadors were appointed to proceed to England for the purpose
of treating with Henry for the marriage of the Scots Queen with his son,
Edward Prince of Wales. On July 1 the negotiations were concluded at
Greenwich, the Earl of Glencairn and Sir George Douglas being present
and assisting. Henry did not get all he desired. On two points the Scots
refused to give way. They declined to give up their ancient league with
France and to send the young Queen to England. Mary was to remain in
Scotland till the time of her marriage, and the French were to be
included in the treaty of peace.
Meantime, the French
party had been bestirring themselves. French gold was poured into the
country as liberally as English, and it was believed that the Duke of
Guise was only waiting a favourable opportunity to sail with a great
armament to Scotland. In the beginning of April Beaton was at large. At
a meeting held at St. Andrews immediately after, the clergy offered to
devote their own plate and that of the Church to defeat the policy of
Henry. Towards the end of June a French fleet appeared off the east
coast, when Beaton resolved to bring matters between him and Arran to an
issue. Three weeks after the negotiations had been concluded at
Greenwich, he entered Linlithgow, where the young Queen was staying
under the care of Arran, at the head of six or seven thousand men, with
the intention of seizing her. Negotiations followed, and on July 26 the
Queen was removed to Stirling to be out of Henry’s way. On September ,
Arran and Beaton were reconciled, and on September 8 Arran abjured his
religion and did penance for his apostasy in the Church of the
Franciscans in Stirling. Beaton’s victory was complete.
In the opposite party,
besides the Earls of Lennox and Glencairn, were the Earls Angus and
Cassillis, the Lords Fleming, Maxwell, and Sommerville, Sir George
Douglas, brother of Angus, and a number of lesser barons. In craft and
resolution Sir George Douglas was a match for Beaton, and more than a
match for Henry. Lennox was a Catholic. He had been invited over from
France by Beaton, who, having used him, had cast him off. In the hope of
outwitting Beaton, he had joined the English Lords. Subsequently he
married Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of the Earl of Angus, niece of
Henry VIII., and afterwards mother of the unfortunate Darnley.
In October, 1543, a
French fleet of ten vessels, bringing ten thousand golden crowns, and
fifty pieces of artillery, and having on board a French ambassador and a
papal legate, Marco Grimani, arrived at Dumbarton. The money and
artillery were sent by Francis I. to Lennox, who, in the meantime,
unknown to him, had changed sides. These valuable gifts Lennox,
accompanied by Glencairn, made haste to secure, and afterwards used them
against those whom they were intended to help.
Elsewhere, the English
party were less fortunate. Lords Maxwell and Sommerville were seized
while on their way to England with treasonable papers, and lodged in the
Castle of Edinburgh. In the beginning of November feeling ran so strong
against Henry that Sir Ralph Sadler, his ambassador, was obliged to seek
refuge in Tantallon Castle, one of the Douglas strongholds. Towards the
end of the month, the Earl of Rothes, Lord Grey, and Balnaves of
Halahill, with other members of the English party in Forfarshire, fell
into the hands of Beaton.
On December 11,
Parliament met at Edinburgh, when the English treaties, though solemnly
ratified in the Abbey Church of Holyrood so recently as August 25, were
declared null and void, in consequence of Henry having seized some
Scottish ships, the treaties with France were renewed, stringent laws
were passed against heresy, and Beaton was appointed Chancellor of the
Kingdom.
In January, 1544, aided
by the French gold taken at Dumbarton, Angus, Lennox, Glencairn and
Cassillis collected their forces at Leith and tried to draw the Governor
and Cardinal out of Edinburgh to give battle. The Governor and Cardinal
sat still, and Angus and Glencairn and the rest of them, unable to keep
their forces together, while those of their opponents were daily
increasing, were obliged to come to terms. They formally abandoned their
alliance with Henry, and undertook to take “ a plane part in the defence”
of the kingdom, each of the leaders giving pledges for his good faith
and fidelity to Arran and Holy Church.3 Lennox, however, fled secretly
to Glasgow, where he fortified the castle and prepared to defend himself
to the utmost. As soon as the news of this reached the Regent, he
gathered together such forces as he could and marched to Glasgow. In the
meantime Lennox had gone off to Dumbarton to fetch more troops, and had
left Glasgow in charge of Glencairn. When the news of the Regent’s
coming was known to the garrison, Glencairn with Houston and Buchanan
and other barons and nobles of the Lennox and of the shire of Renfrew,
went out to meet him at the head of a numerous force, which they had
gathered from the neighbouring towns, and without waiting for Lennox
offered battle. Victory leaned first to the one side, and then to the
other, but at last Arran prevailed, and the leaders of the Lennox party
fled, leaving many of their partisans dead upon the field. Arran entered
the city and treated the people with leniency. Glencairn fled to
Dumbarton and rejoined Lennox. For some time the two sat quiet; but a
rising of their partisans occurring again in Glasgow, they proceeded
thither and placed themselves at their head. The Regent at once summoned
the nobility of the south to meet him at Glasgow, and then besieged the
place, and, having taken it, hanged “ eighteen of the nobilitie quhome
Lennox luvet weil, but lat the rest pas.” Among the prisoners was the
Earl of Angus, whom Henry and his advisers strongly suspected was
playing a part to deceive them. Glencairn aud Lennox escaped, and
continued to plot and work against Arran in the west.
In the meantime the man
who was destined in a few years to succeed both Arran and Beaton as the
head of the Catholic party, had returned and was rapidly making his way
to the front. This was John Hamilton, a natural brother of Arran the
Governor, and Abbot of Paisley.
In or about the year
1540, having “a fine genius for letters,” he had gone to France for the
purpose, it is said, of pursuing his studies in the University of Paris.
He returned in 1543, and arrived in Scotland between the 2nd and 18th of
April. On his way he was feted in London by Henry and dismissed with
rich presents. In Scotland his arrival was awaited with anxiety. Knox
and his party expected that both he and his companion, David Panter,
would at least “ occupye the pulpit and trewly preach Jesus Christ.” On
their arrival, however, they disappointed the Protestants. Both attached
themselves to the Catholic party, and Hamilton soon proved himself one
of its most effective members. According to Knox and Sadler, his
influence with the Governor was all powerful. It was through him, it is
said, that Arran was reconciled to Beaton and to the Catholic Church.
Writing to Henry Till, on April 18, 1543, immediately after Hamilton’s
return, Sir Ralph Sadler says of the Regent: !! Ever since his brother,
the Abbot of Paisley, came home, he hath been chiefly ruled and
counselled by him, who, they assure me, is altogether at the cast of
France and the Cardinal’s great friend ; and whatever they do mind with
the Governor to-day, the Abbot of Paisley changeth him in the same
to-morrow.” A few days later, he reports Sir George Douglas as using
almost his own words. “ The Abbot, he saith, hath been the only cause of
the Governor’s alteration ; which Abbot is all for France and the
Cardinal’s great friend, and since his coming home the Governor hath
been altogether ruled by him.”
In the year of his return
Hamilton was appointed by his brother Keeper of the Privy Seal. Shortly
afterwards he was promoted to the office of Lord High Treasurer, in room
of Sir James Kirkcaldy of Grange, a distinguished member of the English
party. In 1544, Hamilton appears as one of the Senators of the College
of Justice. As a member of the Privy Council his attendance at its
meetings was frequent. On the death of George Crichton, Bishop of
Dunkeld, he was appointed to succeed him. His right to be presented was
contested by Robert Crichton, nephew of the late Bishop and Provost of
St. Giles, who claimed the See in virtue of an alleged decree of the
Pope, by which the appointment of Hamilton to Dunkeld was made
conditional upon Crichton’s appointment to Ross, failing which he was to
be Bishop of Dunkeld. Ross had been filled up by the appointment of
David Panter. Hamilton appealed to the Court of Session, where he
accused Crichton of barratry at Rome, and gained his case. Crichton then
appealed to Rome. The Pope referred the matter to certain Cardinals, who
gave their decision in favour of Hamilton. Whether Hamilton was ever
installed in his northern bishopric is doubtful. He is styled Bishop and
Abbot in June, 1548, and Bishop of Dunkeld as late as May, 1549, though
some historians give him Archepiscopal rank previous to that date.
In the beginning of
April, 1544, shortly after the capture and sack of . Glasgow, Arran was
the guest of his brother in the Abbey of Paisley. Notwithstanding their
engagement in January to renounce their alliance with Henry, and to take
“ a plane part in the defence of the kingdom,” Angus, Glencairn, and the
rest of their party, were still in correspondence with England. In the
month of March, they were urging Henry to send a “ main army” into
Scotland for their relief. The army did not come as they expected, but
they continued their treasonable practices ; and on April 9, while still
the guest of his brother, Arran issued a commission to the Earl of
Argyll and others to charge the keepers of Finlaystone Castle, which
belonged to the Earl of Glencairn, to surrender the castle into their
hands and keeping, and authorized them “ to raise fire gif need be.”
Whether the place was then actually besieged does not appear. Arran and
his associates had soon a much more formidable enemy to contend with.
On Sunday, May 4, a fleet
suddenly appeared in the Firth of Forth under the command of the Earl of
Hertford, and having on board that “ main army ” which Angus and
Glencairn were longing for. The Regent and Beaton hastily gathered their
forces, but after a feeble show of resistance, fled to Linlithgow,
leaving Hertford to do as he liked. Leith was taken and Edinburgh was
given to the flames. The country round about Edinburgh and to within six
miles of Stirling was laid waste. Hertford then took his way south,
working such havoc as he went, that he could report to his master,
without exaggerating, that “ the like devastation had not been made in
Scotland these many years.” One effect this invasion had was to set the
people of Edinburgh against the Cardinal. It was intended by the English
that it should. Wherever they went, they nailed up upon the church doors
and scattered among the people printed leaflets, telling them that they
had the Cardinal to thank for the miseries which were then inflicted
upon them.
Hertford’s arrival in the
Forth probably saved the heads of Angus and his brother, Sir George
Douglas. Their treasonable correspondence with Henry had been
intercepted, and they themselves were warded in the Castle of Blackness.
On April 27, a week before Hertford’s arrival, they had been compelled
to sign an order to deliver the Castle of Tantallon into the hands of
the Abbot of Paisley, and the Earls of Lennox and Glencairn were
summoned to underlie the law with them on a charge of treason on May 6.
For them, at least, the arrival of Hertford in the Firth, on May 4, was
opportune. Dreading what might happen, and in the hope of securing their
assistance, Arran at once set them free.
To Henry the conduct of
Angus and his brother had never been altogether satisfactory, and after
their liberation from Blackness, he began to regard them with extreme
suspicion, though probably without real cause. Both Angus and Douglas
were working against Arran and Beaton, and in appearance played fast and
loose with both sides, but always apparently with a view to furthering
the English alliance, or, at any rate, the downfall of Arran and the
advancement of their own party. Still, their conduct was extremely
perplexing and suspicious.
In November (1544),
Angus, Glencairn, and Douglas, received a remission for all their
treasons and offences, and were to all appearance reconciled to Arran.
Henry was now thoroughly exasperated. To their frequent letters he paid
no attention, but offered 2000 crowns for the head of Angus, and 1000
for his brother’s. Angus, who in July had been appointed Lieutenant of
the Border, and Glencairn, were with Arran at Ancrum Moor, February 27,
1545, where Sir Ralph Eure and Sir Bryan Layton were defeated and slain,
and where, in the first moments of joy over their victory, Angus and
Arran fell upon each other’s necks, the latter exclaiming that the
loyalty of Angus was now beyond suspicion. On June 26 following,
Glencairn, Angus, Cassillis and Sir George Douglas, were among those who
signed a new bond with France, pledging themselves to harass the English
to the utmost of their power. Yet incredible as it may seem, they were
all the while in correspondence with Henry or his agents, keeping the
Earl of Hertford, who had succeeded Sir Ralph Eure on the border, well
informed of what was going on in Scotland, and advising him as to the
best means to adopt. Lennox was in Ireland arranging for the capture of
Dumbarton Castle with the help of the Islesmen and the English. The Isle
of Bute was taken, but owing to the stern patriotism of Stirling of
Glorat, who was in charge of Dumbarton Castle, the attempt on that
stronghold failed, though its possession was much desired by Henry. Lord
Maxwell failed also to secure for him the three great castles of
Caerlaverock, Lochmaben, and Threave.
On April 16 in this year
(1545), Hamilton, the Abbot of Paisley, took a step which, though
eminently prudent at the time, must have caused him many regrets later
on. For some time his regality had been without a bailie and justiciar.
In 1529 he appears to have entertained the intention of filling up the
office by the appointment of certain “ noble and powerful men ” to act
as his procurators, bailies, and commissioners, but as the names of
these “noble and powerful men ” are not inserted in the document it is
probable that the commission was never issued. But since then things had
changed. The country was on the verge of anarchy. Glencairn and Lennox
had declared themselves, and with two such powerful enemies for his
neighbours, it was necessary to procure what protection he could from
other neighbours. Some time previous to the year 1541 he had appointed
William Lord Semple as his bailie, but apparently only for a term. On
April 16, 1545, he filled up the office permanently by appointing
Robert, Master of Semple, hereditary bailie and justiciar of the whole
lands of the monastery, with the exception of those in Ayrshire.
The narrative of the
instrument upon which the appointment runs, unless the language of it is
exaggerated, affords a lively picture of the times, and shows that the
Abbot and his monks had already been indebted to the Master of Semple
for timely help. “In these days,” it says, “the wickedness of men so
increases, that nothing pleases them better than to invade the
possessions of monks and to overturn their monasteries ; nor had we
ourselves been saved from that disaster but for the help and assistance
of that noble man, Robert Semple, Master of the same, the son and
apparent heir of William Lord Semple. We who are unwarlike and whom it
becomes to abhor arms, have by the same Master been valiantly defended
with arms not only against the madness of heretics, but also against the
insults of more powerful tyrants, and unless he continue unweariedly in
our defence with arms, counsel, and assistance, soon nothing will remain
safe to us. But so far as we are concerned, nothing must be left undone
that may tend to our greater security; for according to the old proverb
To preserve what we have is not less a virtue than to acquire what we
have not.’” The deed then proceeds to appoint Robert and his heirs
bailies and justiciars of the lands named, with the usual powers, at a
stipend of three chalders of oatmeal yearly from our “ granary ” and
forty-three shillings and fourpence from the lands of Glen in the parish
of Lochwinnoch. Lord Semple, on the other hand, bound himself, his heirs
and successors, to bring the whole power of his family, whenever
necessary, to the defence and protection of the monks and their
property, failing which the appointment was to become null and void.
In the beginning of May,
Hamilton’s party was cheered by the arrival of a French fleet in the
Clyde, off Dumbarton. Mindful of the device practised on their
countrymen by Lennox and Glencairn, the French were very chary of
landing. But as soon as it was known who they were, the townspeople
received them with enthusiasm. The troops, three thousand foot and five
hundred horse, were under the command of Lorges de Montgomery, an
experienced soldier.
In the Parliament held at
Stirling in the following month, it was ordained that these troops
should be joined on Roslyn Moor, on July 28, by all the men in the
country, capable of bearing arms, between the ages of sixteen and sixty.
There accordingly the two forces assembled and numbered in all from six
thousand to seven thousand men. The object was an invasion of England,
but the enterprise came to nothing. According to a letter written by
Angus, the Earl Marischal, Cassillis, and Sir George Douglas, “all that
they,” i.e., the Regent, Beaton and Montgomery, devised was
stopped by us that are the Kingis freendes.” The troops crossed the
Border, but within four days they returned, and were disbanded.
Dissensions broke out among the allies, and the Frenchmen were glad to
get back to their own country.
As a reply to this
invasion, Angus and his friends, in the letter just referred to, urged
Hertford to prepare his “ substancious ” armies and to invade Scotland
during the following harvest. Hertford did so, and with cruel effect.
The Scots themselves testified that they had never before been “ so
burned, scourged and punished.” Besides five market towns, two hundred
and fifty-three villages and sixteen fortified places, Hertford in this
invasion left behind him the Abbeys of Kelso, Melrose, Dryburgh,
Roxburgh and Coldingham in ruins, to mark his track.
On May 29, 1546, Cardinal
Beaton was foully murdered in St. Andrews Castle, and the castle taken
possession of b}' Norman Leslie and his five fellow assassins. Shortly
afterwards the}T were joined by John Knox and other reformers. Within a
fortnight after Beaton’s murder a meeting of the Privy Council was held
at Edinburgh, which was attended by the leaders of both political
parties. Huntly was appointed Chancellor, and the rejection of the
English alliance was unanimously confirmed. Parliament met on June 30,
when all concerned in the slaughter of Beaton were declared guilty of
treason, and steps were taken to press on the siege of St. Andrews
Castle with vigour. The defenders of the castle hoped for aid from
England ; but a French fleet hove in sight under the command of Leo
Strozzi, the Prior of Capua, and on July 21 the place was surrendered.
The prisoners were carried away to France, where part of them were
distributed among various prisons, and the rest, among whom was Knox,
were sent to the galleys.
After the fall of this
stronghold, the various political parties in the country appeared to be
united and to concur in the prosecution of the French policy. The union,
however, was only seeming. From his castle at Duchal, in the parish of
Kilmacolm, the Earl of Glencairn was still keeping the English
Government informed as to what was going on in Scotland, and the rest of
the English lords were still at the service of Henry.
In January, 1547, Henry
died, and the Earl of Hertford, now Duke of Somerset, as Lord Protector,
was at the head of affairs in England. In Scotland, notwithstanding the
intrigues of the English lords, the French or Church party remained
supreme, and was strongly supported by the Prior of Capua and his fleet.
Somerset’s first effort was to recall the Scots to a sense of their real
position, but encouraged by Strozzi, they refused Somerset’s proposal to
discuss terms of peace, took the offensive, and captured the castle of
Langholm, then in the hands of the English. On Sunday, September 4,
Somerset crossed the border with eighteen thousand men, and took his way
along the East coast, attended by a fleet under the command of Lord
Clinton. At Musselburgh he found the Regent with Angus, Huntly, and
Argyll awaiting him with from twenty-three thousand to twenty-five
thousand men. Both sides prepared for battle on the morrow, and so
confident were the Scots of victory, that during the night they played
games of chance with their future prisoners’ ransoms for stakes. On the
following day, long afterwards known in Scotland as Black Saturday, was
fought the battle of Pinkie. The rout of the Scots was complete. Fifteen
hundred of them, among whom was Huntly the Chancellor, were taken
prisoners, and the number of their slain was reckoned at ten thousand.
The loss of the English was inconsiderable.
Glencairn, who is usually
said to have been killed at the battle of Pinkie, was not on the field.
The Governor had forbidden him to be present, and on January 12 of the
following year he was sitting in Council with the Queen Dowager at
Stirling. In July, 1547, he wrote to Somerset offering to raise a
thousand men “ of my friends and surname and a thousand more assisters
and favourers of the Word of God, and to break and divide the country
till your army comes—holding Kyle, Carrick, Cunningham and Renfrew.” In
the same letter he proposed to Somerset to fortify a strong position on
the Clyde, opposite the town of Greenock. Had this been done, it “ would
have been as disastrous for the country as Lord Gray’s delivery of
Broughty was to the borders of the Tay.” In August the Governor is
reported to have said that he dreaded “ mair the furth byding of
Glencairn than the incoming of the army {i.e., Somerset’s]; for the Earl
had made sik ane brulzie within the realme, that he wist nocht surelie
quhom of to be siker when he had ado.” On September 6, two days after
Somerset had crossed the border, Glencairn wrote to Lennox and Wharton,
who forwarded his letter to the Duke, saying : “ I could not go outside
my bounds for the watch kept on me by the Governor, but have spoken
with, and sent your proclamations to Kyle and ‘ Lowdeane,’ who promise
to do their ‘ devoir,’ and my lord Lennox will be assured of Kyle,
Cunningham, his and my part of the barony of Renfrew, and his own
Earldom, except the Laird of Buchanan—and Glasgow and Dumbarton are
determined to live and die with him.” Lennox was then at Carlisle
planning with Wharton an invasion of Scotland from the west. On October
23, Glencairn wrote from Duchal to Somerset, urging him to seize “a
little house Crawford-John,” which, if won, he assured him, would be of
great service. On the same day he wrote to Lennox, saying, “Na thing
laikis your presens. The Lennox is your own and all Renfrew, except the
‘Simples.’ George Douglas has spoken with the lieutenant and I am with
him and taikis him one hand to be of your lordschippis partie. As for
Angus I doubt not he will be sure. ... If you come not now, your friends
will never look for you. Ye need none with you but the assured men ‘ sik
as Closburne, Lag, my baronrie of Glencairne, the Captane Crawfurd, and
my lord of Angus’ folkis, and thir [these] may bring you saifelie
aneuche to our bondis ’; when we will pass with you to Glasgow or
Paisley.”
On the second of April in
this year, Stewart of Cardonald, cousin of Lennox, reported to Wharton
that Hamilton, the Abbot of Paisley, was about to go secretly to France,
in order to obtain the consent of the King of France to the Governor’s
desire to have the princess, and to get the red hat to himself to be
cardinal and the bishopric of Mirepoix, formerly held by Cardinal
Beaton, and urges that strict watch be kept for him.4 Whether Hamilton
went is uncertain. He attended the Privy Council, April 5, and May 3 and
20. On June 20 he was present in Parliament, but his name is not in the
sederunt of the Privy Council on July 24. On July 30, however, he
attended Parliament, and again on August 4. On August 22 he was present
at a meeting of the Privy Council. So that if he went to France during
this year (1547), it must have been between this last date and October
9, when Lord Grey of Wilton was expecting a visit from him to discuss
the Queen’s marriage. In October, Cock burn, a spy in the pay of Grey of
Wilton, reported that he had gone to Clydesdale to ask the gentlemen to
await aid from France. On the 15th of the following month, Brunston
reported that he had taken two cannons out to Leith—so secretly, he
added—that none knew where they were going, though he was of opinion
that they were being conveyed either to Broughty Crag or to St. Colm’s.
Two days later Cock-burn reported again, and this time that Hamilton had
gone to Fife and the Governor to Perth, to raise the men of Fife and
Angus, preparatory to laying siege to Broughty Castle.
On March 29 of the
following year (1548), Huntly, then a prisoner at Newcastle, asked
Somerset for a safe conduct for Hamilton for a month, that he might come
and speak with him.5 Four days later Grey of Wilton informed Somerset
that Hamilton (now Bishop of Dunkeld) was coming to Berwick commissioned
to treat of peace, and asked for instructions as to how he was to deal
with him.6 Nothing seems to have come of the commission. His safe
conduct was missent, and it is doubtful whether he went.
In June, at the
invitation of the Regent, a French fleet appeared in the Forth, and
when, on the 16th of the month, Mary of Lorraine, the Queen Dowager,
interviewed D’Esse, the Lieutenant-General of the forces on board,
Hamilton accompanied her. The troops landed at Leith and made their way
to Haddington, then in the hands of the English, and on June 30 began to
attempt its capture. A week after this, Parliament met in the Abbey near
Haddington, when it was definitely resolved that Mary, the young Queen,
should wed the Dauphin.
In the meantime, the Earl
of Glencairn had hastened home in the month of February to defend
himself against his late friend the Earl of Lennox, whom shortly before
he had been urging to come to Scotland, assuring him that his own part
of the barony of Renfrew as well as other places were all for him. In
the raid which followed, under the leadership of Lennox and Wharton, one
of Glencairn’s sons was taken prisoner. We hear no more of the “ old
Earl,” as he was subsequently called. On April 22 he was dead, and his
career of duplicity and treachery ended.
On April 12, 1554, the
Queen mother, who for some time had been intriguing to supplant the Earl
of Arran, now Duke of Chatelherault, was publicly proclaimed Regent.
Attention had been called to the new doctrines taught by the Reformers
by the murder of Beaton, but nothing contributed so much to their
diffusion as the French domination which the Queen Regent now tried to
establish, and her attempt to reduce Scotland to the position of an
appanage of the French Crown.
Whether these doctrines
were spreading among the people in Renfrewshire there is little or no
direct evidence ; but it is scarcely possible that they were not. The
conduct and example of Alexander, the new Earl of Glencairn, afterwards
a Lord of the Congregation, could hardly fail to give a strong impetus
to their spread. He was one of the two who were sent to intercede with
the Queen Regent for the preachers whom she had summoned to appear
before her on May 10, 1559, and to whose request for “some performance
of her manifold promises,” she replied that it “ became not subjects to
burden their Princes with promises farther that it pleased them to keep
the same.” He was probably in Perth on May 11, when Knox’s “rascal
multitude ” began their work of destruction. ’When the French troops
were removed from Stirling to Auchterarder, to be in readiness to seize
Perth and inflict punishment for the destruction of its buildings, he
appears to have been in the west; but on the receipt of Knox’s appeal
for assistance, he rode up hastily at the head of some two thousand men
and was just in time to prevent D’Oysel from attacking the reformers. He
was probably at Cupar Moor, and again at St. Andrews when Knox preached
in spite of Hamilton’s threat to turn the culverines against him. On
July 19 he wrote along with Argyll and others from Edinburgh to Cecil
and Elizabeth, “ humbly beseeching ” the latter, “ her Council,
subjects, and realm to assist them in their present danger from the
designs of France and in the Reformation as she had enterprised in her
own realm,” and a few days later was told by Cecil, who replied for
himself and his royal mistress, that he doubted if they were taking the
right way with the papist kirkmen, that he liked to see good things put
to good uses, and that he thought them negligent in not expelling the
French. After the futile attempt on Leith, and while waiting for the
result of Maitland of Lethington’s mission to England, when the Earl of
Arran, Lord James, and Knox, left Edinburgh and went to St. Andrews.
Glencairn, the Duke, and Argyll came west and made their headquarters in
Glasgow.
Meanwhile the Abbot of
Paisley, who had been appointed Archbishop of St. Andrews and Primate of
Scotland, had been doing his utmost to defeat the English party and to
set hack the Reformation. Immediately after his enthronization he
summoned a General Council by which a number of regulations were passed
for the reformation of the lives of the clergy and for the introduction
of decency and order into the Church. To make up for the want of
preaching power among the clergy, he caused the series of homilies
already referred to, and known as “ Hamilton’s Catechism,” to be drawn
up, and was at the expense of its publication. He also completed the
College of St. Mary at St. Andrews, and largely endowed it out of his
episcopal revenues for the better education of the ministry. But his
attempts were made in vain. They were too late. The new doctrines were
spreading at a continually accelerating pace, and the possibility of
saving the old Church was rapidly receding. Hamilton probably saw this.
At any rate, in 1553 he resigned the Abbacy of Paisley in favour of his
nephew, Claud Hamilton, a mere child.
The Bull by which Julius
III. confirmed this deed is dated December 9, 1553, and states that the
boy’s age was fourteen, but according to another and more reliable
account he was only seven. According to the Bull of Julius, the
Archbishop was to administer the temporal as well as the spiritual
affairs of the Abbey, until his nephew reached the age of twenty-three.
In the event of the Prelate dying before that time, the Claustral Prior
of the Abbey was to take charge of them. After deducting one-fourth of
the revenues of the monastery if he kept a separate establishment, or a
third if he lived in the Abbey, for the maintenance of the fabric, the
purchase of ornaments for the Abbey Church and for the relief of the
poor, the fortunate youth was to retain the whole of the rest of the
income for himself.
Two years after this,
July 26, 1555, Mathew Stewart of Barscube and others, twelve persons in
all, came to Paisley, “ by way of hamesuikin,” and assaulted John
Hamilton, son of John Hamilton of Ferguslie, “grynter” of Paisley. The
assault had probably nothing to do with the Reformation. In all
probability it arose out of the feud between the Lennox and Hamilton
parties, and was a piece of private revenge.
After Glencairn and
Argyll had retreated before the French and taken up their quarters in
Glasgow, they were joined by the Duke, and appear, according to
Whitelaw, a pensioner of the English, to have at once set out to take
possession of Semple Castle. Writing from St. Andrews, early in the
month of December (1559), Whitelaw informed Sadler that the Duke was
gone to take Lord Semple’s house. Whitelaw, however, is not always a
reliable witness; neither is Sadler. Both of them sometimes repeat the
merest gossip. On September 27 the latter wrote to Cecil saying that a
commission had been given to the Earl of Glencairn and the Laird of Dun
to suppress the Abbey of Paisley,* and two days later he conveyed to the
same quarter the report made to him by the same Whitelaw that the Abbeys
of Paisley, Kilwinning, and Dunfermline had been suppressed. The
statements are quite unsupported.
To the Catholic Church in
Scotland the year 1560 was disastrous. To Hamilton it was the beginning
of the end. In February one of his chaplains, who was following the
French troops in Fife, was taken with a list of the names of those whom
the Archbishop desired to be saved from spoliation.4 A few days later
Hamilton was greatly discouraged, and desired “ some poor place to
retire to ” ; but after staying for a few days with the Queen Dowager,
he appears to have regained his spirits. On June 21, Randolph wrote to
Killegrew :—“ We think to see next Sunday the Lady Stanehouse, by whom
the Bishop of St. Andrews has had without shame five or six children,
openly repent herself,” i.e., before the congregation in the Church of
S. Giles, Edinburgh. In July, Hamilton was in Paisley, where “he has had
private masse since he came,” and “ perseveres,” Randolph goes on to
inform Cecil, “ a sore enemy to this cause as much as he is able to do
with his tongue, for otherwise he has not much wherewith to do.” On
August 15, Hamilton was in Edinburgh, when he dined with the Duke, who
expressed himself as having great hopes of winning him round to sign the
contract. Two days later the Estates met and adopted the Confession of
Faith. Hamilton was present, but made no strenuous opposition to its
passing, excusing himself from doing so on the ground that he was not
ready to give an opinion, because he was not sufficiently acquainted
with the book. But when he saw how completely the Reformers intended to
destroy the old Church, he ventured to remonstrate and to counsel
moderation.
The day of moderation,
however, was past, and Hamilton was soon to learn that passion and
violence alone would prevail. On August 24, the jurisdiction of the Pope
in Scotland was formally abolished. To say or hear mass was made a
criminal offence, punishable on the first occasion with confiscation of
goods; on the second, with banishment; and on the third, with death.
Three days later Hamilton was deprived of his livings. In October there
was a rumour that he was “ like to become a good Protestant,” though “
my Lord of Arran is not so easy of belief, that he will credit much
before he see some token of heartier repentance than I can think will
proceed out of so dissembled a heart.” So Grange wrote to Randolph.
Before the year was out, however, one piece of good fortune came to the
distressed Archbishop. Writing to Cecil, on October 7, Randolph informed
him that the Duke had restored to Hamilton the Abbey of Paisley.
Things had been going
equally ill during the year with the Archbishop’s friend and Bailie,
Lord Semple. In the month of July a treaty had been concluded between
the ambassadors of England and France, acting on behalf of Scotland, by
which it was agreed that there should be a general peace and
reconciliation among all the lords and commons and that there should be
“no convocation of men of war, but in the ordinary cause approved by the
law and custom of the realm.” But Robert Lord Semple, along with others,
it was complained to the Privy Council, had, in spite of this, committed
many slaughters and “ heirschippis,” burned houses and corn, and “ kest
down stane howsis only on private feuds with his party.” Instead of
appearing before the Justice-General to answer for this, he had set
himself to fortify and garrison Castle Semple, and had “ off new fortit
ane hows within ane ile in the loch of Lochquhinyeoch,” daily reiving
and spoiling, “ not sparand to sla auld men of fowr skoir yeris off age,
lyand decrippit in thair beddis.” In August the Lords heard that he had
lately retired to Dunbar, then held by Captain Charlebois for the
French, and left Castle Semple in the charge of his son, with a strong
garrison. A messenger was at once sent to Charlebois to demand that the
rebel lord should be delivered to the Justice-General at Edinburgh.
Charlebois refused ; and, when the demand was repeated in tho following
month, refused again, maintaining that Semple, being in the King and
Queen’s service, was no rebel, and that before he could accede to the
demand it was necessary that he should have their Majesties’ command.
Meantime the Earl of
Glencairn had been collecting men and artillery in order to besiege
Semple’s stronghold. From Glasgow the Earl of Arran had sent to demand
the surrender of the castle from the Master of Semple, who had replied
that, as his father had put him there, he would be loth to do anything
contrary to his command, but was quite willing to ascertain what his
father would agree to. The date of this is not quite clear2; but on
Wednesday, September 18, an attack was made upon the place by a few
“hagbutters” under the command of the Earl of Glencairn’s brother, who
apparently penetrated within the enclosure and carried off a number of
sheep in proof of his prowess. The negotiations with Lord Semple came to
nothing, and early in the month of October Arran appeared before the
place, prepared to besiege it. For seven days he was unable to do
anything in consequence of a violent storm. So “evil” was the weather,
Randolph reported to Cecil, “that neither approach could be made nor
artillery planted.” But “his ardent desire and his servants’ good will
was such,” he told Maitland, “ that the eighth day in the morning the
artillery was placed so nigh that it ‘astunysshed' his enemies and was
to be wondered at of all men that beheld it.” By three o’clock in the
afternoon of the following day the artillery had played with such effect
that the gate-house tower fell “one half from the other,” giving entry
to the besiegers, but the defence was so stout that they were obliged to
retire. Next morning, however, “ a whyte bannard ” was hung out, and the
place was surrendered, October 19, 1560.
The castle and peel were
left in charge of Captain Forbes, with ten men; also “ the things in the
house reserved unspoiled, not worth 40 crowns, besides the artillery and
victuals whereof they had good store.” The soldiers were all dismissed
well pleased—the one side happy to escape with their lives, the other
well rewarded above their wages—and “ the country round,” Randolph
continues, “ well delivered of such combersome neighbours, and think
this a good example to others.” “To rehearse our incommodities,” he
adds, “ were too good a pastime for you to know. Never,” he declares, “
was camp better victualled, saving lack of houseroom and fire. My Lord
and his nearest friends lodged in a barn, ‘ wher I was my self the least
of vi that lay in one bedde.’” The Master of Semple was carried by his
captors to Hamilton, where they were all “ merry ” on the day after the
surrender. Lord Semple was reported to have sailed from Dunbar for
France. The report, however, was untrue. His son, the Master of Semple,
pled his cause with the Duke and others, and in February of the
following year he was released from the horn.
In the month of June,
1561, the “ suppression ” of the Abbey of Paisley, which had probably
often been threatened, actually occurred. The only account given of this
sacrilegious deed is from the hand of Knox. Knox is not always a
reliable authority, but in this matter, so much to his taste, he may
probably be wholly relied on. The Lords of the Privy Council, he says,
“maid ane act, that all places and monumentis of ydolatrie suld be
destroyit. And for that purpose wes directed to the West, the Erie of
Arrane, having joyned with him the Erlis of Argyle and Glencarne,
togidder with the Protestantes of the West: quha burnt Paislay (the
Bishop [of St. Andrews, its Abbot] narrowlie escapit), kest doun
Failfurd, Kilwynning, and a part of Corsragwell.” Glencairn and his
rabble appear to have done their work effectually. The buildings were
partly pulled down, a great part of the Abbey Church was destroyed, its
splendid tabernacle was broken up, the chandelier and other furnishings
which Tervas and his successors had so laboriously accumulated were
shattered to pieces, the altars in the church were thrown down, the
tombs of kings rifled, and the whole place, which for centuries had been
the chief ecclesiastical centre and ornament of the county, and which
was capable of being turned to good and profitable uses, was desecrated
and left in ruins.
Probably with the Abbey
went the other churches and chapels in the town, and among them the
ancient church of S. Mirin in the Seedhill and the church of S. Roque in
Broomlands. It is scarcely likely that these furious iconoclasts would
leave anything they could reach untouched, and as they marched along
they would hurl to the ground every cross or chapel or sign of religion
that came in their way.
The effect which all this
was having upon the people of the county is extremely difficult to make
out. Whether it was inclining them towards the new doctrines or setting
them against them, there is little or no evidence. In the spring of
1556, Knox preached and administered the Lord’s Supper in Finlaystone,
but the preaching was evidently done in private, and those present when
he “ ministrat the Lord’s Table ” were only Lord and Lady Glencairn, two
of their sons and certain other friends—a proof that at that time the
doctrines of the Reformers had not made much way in the county or even
upon Lord Glencairn’s estate there. A description of those who assisted
the Earls in the destruction of the Abbey of Paisley might throw some
light upon the subject, but, in the absence of any such description, we
are under no necessity of supposing that any of the iconoclasts, with
the exception of Glencairn himself and perhaps a few of his followers,
belonged to Renfrewshire. In Paisley, at least, the Reformers seem to
have had no following. As soon as Glencairn and his rabble were gone,
Hamilton returned and continued to say mass unmolested, and nearly ten
years had to elapse before a Protestant minister was appointed to the
town.
In 1562 the Catholics
resolved to hold the festival of Easter with something of the old pomp.
For celebrating the festival in Paisley, Hamilton and thirteen others
were, on May 19, arraigned before the Earl of Argyll, as hereditary Lord
Justice-General, in the Court of Session.2 Scant courtesy was shown to
the Archbishop. He was compelled to take his place in the dock as an
ordinary criminal. Knox, who had carefully warned Argyll not to be
absent from the trial, gloated over the incident. “ A merry man,” he
wrote, “ who now sleeps in the Lord, Robert Norwell, instead of the
bishop’s cross, carried bare before him a steel hammer, whereat the
Bishop and his band were not a little offended, because the Bishop’s
privileges were not then current in Scotland.” The penalty was death,
but the Archbishop and his associates came under the Queen’s will and
were warded in different parts of the country. Hamilton was imprisoned
in Edinburgh Castle. According to Knox, his imprisonment was not severe.
“ The Lady Erskine (a sweet morsel
for the devil’s mouth),”
he says, “gat the Bishop for her part.” In July, William Semple of
Thirdpart, in Kilbarchan, and Michael Naismyth of Posso, became sureties
for him, and he was set free.
In 1566 Hamilton baptised
the Queen’s son, James VI., at Stirling Castle, according to the ritual
of the Roman Church, to the great scandal of the Reformers. The same
year he was restored to the consistorial rights he had possessed as
Archbishop of St. Andrews, and one of his first acts was to divorce
Bothwell from Lady Jane Gordon ; but, on the representation of Moray,
the grant of jurisdiction was withdrawn. Later on, Hamilton was
re-appointed one of the Lords of the Articles, and was soon again the
leading spirit of the Catholic party. His name appears in the Dumbarton
band. He refused to be present at the coronation of James VI., and took
an active part, along with his nephew, Claud Hamilton, the Commendator
of Paisley, and others, in furthering the escape of Mary from Lochleven
Castle.
The Queen’s escape from
Lochleven Castle was the precursor of the downfall and ruin of the
Catholic party, and it was at Langside, in the parish of Cathcart, that
its ruin was wrought. From Lochleven, Mary rode straight to the Ferry,
crossed the Firth and galloped to Niddry, the residence of Lord Seton,
being met on the way by Claud Hamilton with about fifty horse. After a
few hours’ rest, she again took horse and rode to Hamilton, where she
deemed herself safe. The Regent Moray was at Glasgow, about eight miles
off, where he was holding a session of justiciary for the trial of
criminals, attended only by the officers of the law and his personal
servants. At Hamilton Mary found herself at the head of about six
thousand men, and desired to avoid bloodshed. Moray acted promptly.
Missives were at once issued for the assembling of his friends, and he
was soon surrounded by about four thousand. Among his supporters were
the Lords Glencairn, Morton, and Lennox. He was advised to retreat, but
refused, and drew up his troops in battle array on the muir of Glasgow.
Mary wished to take refuge in Dumbarton Castle. The Hamiltons, on the
other hand, seeing themselves the stronger party, hoped by an engagement
to crush Moray and to obtain an ascendancy over the Queen and
Government. The Queen succeeded so far that her supporters consented to
march with her from Hamilton to Dumbarton. The van, 2000 strong, was
commanded by Lord Claud Hamilton. He defiled
behind Clincart Hill, on
which the Queen’s artillery was posted, and proceeded along the Bus’ an’
Aik Road, so as to storm the village of Langside. On reaching the Lang
Loan he was suddenly assailed from hedges which lined the narrow road on
both sides, by a number of hagbutters who had been brought by Grange
across the Clyde and placed there to intercept him. But, confident in
his numbers, Lord Claud pressed on up the steep hill that lay before
him. When arrived at the summit, his men, exhausted with the climb, came
face to face with Moray’s advance, composed of the flower of the Border
pikemen, under the command of Morton, who, without giving the Hamiltons
time to regain their breath, ordered the charge. It was here that most
of the heavy fighting took place. For a time the victory seemed
doubtful; but a well-directed charge by Grange on Hamilton’s flank
compelled him to fall back upon the main body of the Queen’s troops,
which at once threw the whole army into confusion and resulted in a
headlong flight.
Meanwhile the Queen was
eagerly watching the fight from the Court Knowe, a hill about two
hundred yards to the east of Cathcart Castle. Among those who were by
her was Archbishop Hamilton, whose two sons were on the field.1 When she
saw that all was over, finding it impossible to reach Dumbarton, the
Queen fled in terror, and never drew rein till she reached Sanquhar, on
her way to Dundrennan Abbey. Archbishop Hamilton and Claud Hamilton were
among those who accompanied her. The Archbishop urged her not to place
herself in the power of Elizabeth. Lord Claud accompanied her in her
flight to England, while the Archbishop returned and took refuge in
Dumbarton Castle, where he afterwards wrote to Elizabeth demanding the
release of Mary, and to the Duke of Alva asking for help against the
English Queen.
When Parliament assembled
in the following August, the Archbishop was forfeited and the Abbey of
Paisley given to his bailie, Lord Semple, who in the meantime had gone
over to the Protestants, and, according to one account, was the Regent’s
most influential adviser on the eve of the battle of Langside. The
Archbishop is said to have been one of those who received Hamilton of
Bothwellhaugh with congratulations after his assassination of the Regent
Moray. In the confusion that followed that event, the Archbishop
returned to Paisley and took possession of the Abbey, which, according
to a letter he wrote to Queen Elizabeth in defence of his seizure of the
place, was standing “ waist,” or empty, and there was “ na man in it,
but onlie ane boy that had the key of the yeit.” He did not long retain
possession of it. On February 14, 1570-1, Lennox, the Regent,
accompanied by the Semples and a great force, passed to Paisley and laid
siege to the Abbey. Three days later the defenders surrendered on
condition that their lives should be spared. The condition was not
observed. On March 7, thirty of the defenders were ruthlessly hanged on
the Easter Burrow Muir of Glasgow.
On the 2nd of the
following month the Castle of Dumbarton, to which the Archbishop had
fled for refuge, was treacherously given up, and Hamilton fell into the
hands of his enemies. Two days later he was conveyed, along with Fleming
of Boghall, to Stirling, where on the 7th of the month he was accused
before Lord Ruthven, the Lord Justice-Clerk, and George Buchanan, the
Humanist and Pensioner of Crossraguel, of the murders of Darnley and the
Regent Moray and of other crimes. The Archbishop pled not guilty, and
protested his innocence, but was found guilty, chiefly, it would appear,
on the evidence of a priest, Sir Thomas Robeson, sometime schoolmaster
in Paisley, and “ as the bell struck at six hours at even, he was hanged
at the Market Cross of Stirling upon the gibbet.” His body was quartered
and his mangled remains are said to have been interred in the Abbey of
Paisley, where there is still a tablet with the Archbishop’s arms, his
initials, J. H., and the motto “ Misericordia et Pax.”
Archbishop Hamilton was
neither great nor good. He was able and zealous. In an age when men
changed sides in religion, as well as in politics, as readily as they
changed their clothes, he was conspicuous for his fidelity to his Queen
and Church. His unchastity can only be condemned. For their religious
opinions he sent two victims to the stake, but in judging of this one
has to remember the intolerance of the times, and that in a subsequent
age many who plumed themselves on their godliness, sent many more to a
similar fate, because they believed them to be workers of witchcraft and
sorcery and to be in league with the devil.
By the death of
Archbishop Hamilton the last formidable opponent of the spread of the
doctrines of the Reformers in Renfrewshire was removed; but, as we shall
see, prejudices in favour of the old Church still remained. |