The population of the
shire, like that of the country, was divided into the free and the
unfree. The free consisted of the greater and lesser vassals, free
tenants, burgesses, and other freemen not included in any of the
foregoing classes.
Before the accession of
Robert II., the chief vassal was, of course, the Steward, who held the
whole of his estates in the county for the service of five knights.
Afterwards the chief vassals were the Prince of Scotland, and the heads
of the great county families already enumerated. The lesser vassals,
with the exception of the burgesses, were the smaller landed
proprietors. Probably they were those who are designated in the charters
probi homines. Among the free tenants the most important were those who
held their land by lease for a term of years—or for one or more lives.
When the land had been held for more than three generations, a tenure in
perpetuity was acquired. The land then became the absolute property of
the tenant, and he might sell or alienate it as he chose without
consulting his overlord. On the first opportunity this class, as may be
readily supposed, converted their tacks or leases into chartered
freeholds. A more numerous class, freemen but not chartered freeholders,
were the Jirmarii or farmers, who held at will by a tenancy removable
from year to year, and paid rent in carriages and kind, and sometimes in
money. Such were the tenants of many of the lands of the Abbey of
Paisley. Farmers holding in perpetuity, but without a charter were “ fee
farmers.” So long as they fulfilled their obligations they could not be
removed, and on resigning their holding into the hands of their lord
they could “go where they willed.” Next to these came the husbandman.
the tenant of a quarter holding or husbandland of twenty-six Scots
acres, paying a rent and services, which as time went on were gradually
commuted for money. Below the farmers seems to have been the free
labourer, the man with a cow and a cow’s grass.
On the church lands, near
to each grange or farm-stead of the Abbey, where were gathered the
cattle, implements and stores needed for the cultivation of the
surrounding estate, and which was generally presided over by a lay
brother or conversus who dwelt there, were the cottars, cottiarii, a
class a good deal above that which we call cottars, since each of them
had from one to nine acres of land along with a cottage, for which he
paid rent (though the term “ rent ” was seldom used) in the shape of
money and services in seed-time and harvest. Beyond the cottar town were
the farms of the husbandmen, each of whom lived at his separated
farm-house or steading and held a definite quantity of land. The terms
on which the free tenants of the Abbey of Paisley held their lands, are
carefully stated in the Rental Book of the Abbey, which was begun by
Abbot Henry Crichton, and is now preserved in the British Museum.
The unfree were natives,
nativi or neyfs. In a very limited sense they were free; technically
they were not. In the laws of William the Conqueror, we read :—“ The
nativus who flies from the land on which he was born, let none retain
him, or his chattels ” (which in the eyes of the law were his lord’s), “
if the lords will not send these men back to their lands, the King’s
officers are to do it.” The terms used to designate this class, however,
are but vague and indefinite in their meaning. Two classes of slaves
appear to have been recognised—the neyf in gross, “the out and out
slave,” and the neyf regardant, that is, astricted to certain land.
While the latter could not be removed at the mere will of his lord from
the soil on which he was born, the former could be transferred both from
one estate to another, and from one owner to another, like any of his
lord’s goods and chattels. Both in England and Scotland the nativi are
regarded as the remains or descendants of the original Celtic
population, whom the invader had reduced to slavery by capture or
purchase. Among them were probably many broken men—men who were unable
to pay their debts and men who had sold themselves and their families in
order to avoid starvation. The status of the nativi descended to their
children ; all their posterity, unless the chain was broken by
emancipation, were born slaves. Stud books were kept in which their
pedigrees were recorded from generation to generation. Steps were taken
to prevent their escape, and fugitives were sought for, and claimed in
the courts of law. The last claim of neyfship or serfdom proved in a
Scottish court of law was in 1364,5 and in that and the following
century
the institution appears
to have gradually died out, “ not by legislative enactment, nor purely
by aid of philanthropy, but mainly by pressure of circumstances and
interests.”
The burgesses were a
class by themselves, having their own privileges and obligations. The
qualification for burgesship was the holding of a rood of land in a
burgh and residence upon it.
Burghs were of three
kinds—royal burghs, burghs of barony, and burghs of regality. Between
the two last there was but little difference, a burgh of regality being
a burgh of barony situated in a regality. In royal burghs, as in
Renfrew, the burgesses held of the King; in the others, they held of the
lord of the barony, or, as in Paisley, of the lord of the regality. The
burgesses of a royal burgh had the right to choose their own Provost,
Bailies and Town Councillors, and to be governed and judged by the
ancient code of laws known as the Leges Burgorum or “ The Burgh Lawis.”
Collectively the burgesses were called “the community.” Over them were
at first four bailies, one for each of the four wards into which the
burgh was divided. Originally the bailies were the King’s officers for
the collection of the dues and cess. They were entrusted with the
administration of the laws in the burghs, and when the Chamberlain came
on ayre, they had to give an account of their stewardship. No King’s
bailie or servant could keep a tavern or bake or sell bread in a burgh.
Many of the royal burghs enjoyed the protection of the King’s peace ;
but their privileges, while in some cases the same, in most they varied
according to the terms of their charters.
Renfrew is said to have
been a royal burgh as far back as the time of David I. ; but it was not
until 1396 that it obtained a charter. Most royal burghs had a merchant
gild and crafts. Renfrew would have its crafts and may have had a
merchant gild from the earliest times, but it may be doubted whether its
gild existed before the year 1614.
The burgesses of Paisley
had privileges similar to those of a royal burgh; but the Abbot reserved
to himself the right to appoint one of the two bailies authorised to be
appointed by the charter ; he also reserved the right to veto the
appointment of any of the officials of the town, to dismiss any who were
in office, and to appoint others in their place, but otherwise the
burgesses
had the right to elect
their own rulers and to be ruled and judged by the burgh laws. The
Abbots appear never to have exercised their right to veto the
appointment of any of the officials of the town, but they appear to have
appointed one if not both of the bailies.
Each of the
burghs—Paisley as well as Renfrew—had its court of justice, its market
day and its market cross, at which all goods brought into the burgh for
sale had to be exposed and sold between certain hours, at the prices
fixed by the visitors appointed to appraise them. There were obligations
of watch and ward. At the stroke of a staff upon the door of a house an
inmate was bound to come forth, unless the house was that of a widow,
armed with two weapons, to join in keeping watch and ward over the
sleeping burgh from couvre feu to cock-crow. Each burgh had also its
fair or fairs to which all comers were welcomed, and where pedlars and
others offered their wares for sale, and were amenable to the justice of
a temporary Court of Dusty Foot.
As a royal burgh Renfrew
had, as we have seen, its royal castle. As elsewhere, the constable had
a right to three yearly gifts of food from the burgesses, and the
burgesses had to keep watch and ward in the castle for forty days, an
unpopular service which was later compounded for by a money payment to
the constable. Most burghs had their hospitals, chiefly for lepers.
There was one probably in Renfrew, but there is no trace of one in
Paisley. In the parish of Kilmacolm is a place named Leperstoun. Here,
it may be, the lepers of the county resorted or were compelled to live.
The tendency of towns is
usually to the expansion of trade. Renfrew appears to have done a fair
trade for the time in fish and probably in agricultural products ; but
as a town it was soon outstripped by Paisley, which, owing to the beauty
of its Abbey and the veneration in which it was held, became one of the
chief places of pilgrimage in the country. In Paisley, whatever was the
case in Renfrew, there were no crafts, i.e., no societies of workmen
with exclusive privileges, and no merchant gild. Many of the burgesses
while carrying on a trade or practising a handicraft, were farmers. A
good example was set them by the monks, who, besides being farmers, had
a fulling mill on the Espedair. In each of the two burghs was a number
of individuals, who, though not burgesses, were yet free. These were for
the most part children of the burgesses, labourers, and orray men.
Beggars, sorners and idle men were numerous.
The streets of the burghs
were narrow, crooked, ill paved and ill kept. Down each side of the
streets ran a gutter into which all manner of refuse was cast. Standing
in front of it on the street, each house had its midden, the favourite
hunting-ground of pigs, ducks and geese, and fowls. Butchers slaughtered
sheep on the streets, and even on the High Street, or, as it was often
called, the King’s High Way, and left the offal upon the road, where it
was scavenged by dogs and vermin.
Roads in the country were
few and usually in wretched condition. For the most part they were mere
tracks—intended for horses, not for wheeled carriages. Travelling was
done chiefly on horseback. When the artillery had to be moved in the
reign of James IV., men, as we saw, had to go before to “ cast the
gait,” and the sheriffs had to provide oxen to draw the guns. As late as
the beginning of the seventeenth century, and still later, the roads
continued almost impassable for wheeled carriages. In 1612, the Countess
of Eglinton applied to her mother, the Countess of Linlithgow, for the
loan of carriage horses to convey her from Craigiehall to Linlithgow.
The distance is short, but the Countess of Linlithgow promised to send
her a dozen horses with panniers and ropes in place of “ tumeler ” (tumbril
?) carts.. Later on, the Earl of Eglinton, when writing to his wife,
asks her to send her coach and horses for him and to cause six of the
ablest tenants to come with the coach to Glasgow “ to put the coach by
all the straits and dangers.”
The houses of the
burgesses were usually of one storey, built of rough stone, thatched
with heather or straw, and rigged with turfs. The chimneys were
generally on a level with the ridge ; the sides of the houses fronting
the street were often faced with planks of wood painted or white-washed
for protection against the weather. In Paisley two or three houses upon
the High Street were built of rough ashlar, were a couple of storeys in
height, and were roofed with tiles.
Behind each house was its
“ yaird,” in which vegetables and sometimes corn was raised. Each yaird
was expected to be securely fenced in ; but the fences were often broken
down by cattle, horses, goats and pigs, and the vegetables and corn
consumed or destroyed. In the most ancient part of Paisley, now known as
the Seedhill, there was a village green. Attached to the houses of the
burgesses, which seldom consisted of more than two or three rooms, or
separated from them by a short distance in the yaird, was the workshop,
in which the burgess and his journeymen and apprentices carried on their
business. Sometimes there were also a brewhouse and a barn.
The room most in use in
the house was the kitchen, which was usually the most commodious, but
dimly lighted, ill ventilated, and having an earthen floor. Plaster was
almost unknown, and the walls were bare or hung with cloth or faced with
deal boards. The furniture was rough and scanty, consisting usually of a
table, a settle, and a few stools or chairs. Utensils were costly, and,
except those in common use, would be obtained at the fairs. The floor of
the “ben room” would be covered with straw or reeds or rushes— and some
slight attempts at comfort and elegance might be visible. In the
bedrooms were bedsteads, and feather and other sorts of beds were in
use. Sheets were in use and blankets. Most, if not all, of the rooms in
the house were furnished with bedsteads built into the walls.
Some idea of the
furnishings of a burgess’s house may be derived from the fact that when
a burgess died, his heir could always claim the following articles,
which are termed “ necessare thyngis ” : the best board (table) with the
trestle, a table cloth, towell, bason, lavar, the best bed with the
sheets and all the rest of the clothes pertaining to it, the best
feather bed (or flock bed if there was no feather bed), a lead with a
masking tub, a fermenting vat, a barrel, cauldron, kettle, gridiron,
bason or porringer called a “posnet,” a chymney, a stoup, a crook or
sway for hanging pots over the fire. These things, it is said, “ ought
not to be left in legacy from the house.” The heir was entitled also to
everything that was built, set, or sown in the ground. Further, he could
claim a chest, a reaping hook, a plough, a wain, cart and waggon, a
brass pot, a pan, a roasting iron, a girdle, a mortar and pestal, a
large wooden platter, a drinking cup, twelve spoons, a shelf, bench and
stool, a set of scales and weights, a spade and an axe.
There were other
inhabitants in the burghs, such, for instance, as journeymen and
labourers, who were not so well set up as the heir of a burgess. But in
those days, as in the present, there would be a good deal of borrowing
and mutual accommodation among the poor.
In the rural parts the
cottars and tenants of the Abbey, it may be assumed, were better housed
than those of the lay proprietors. The Grange was always a substantially
built and commodious structure, and the steward and the Abbot’s bailiff
would see that the houses of the cottars and tenants were maintained in
a fair state of repair and cleanly kept. Fully occupied with their feuds
and always impecunious, the lay proprietors left their natives and
tenants to take care of themselves. The houses of their natives and
labourers were usually of the most wretched kind. They were built of
rough stones picked up in the fields, held together by mud or lime or by
their own weight, and perhaps faced inside and out with a coating of
lime or mud. They were thatched with heather or straw, which was held
down by ropes and stones. The floors were of earth ; the rafters were
boughs of trees, which formed a convenient roosting-place for the few
hens the native possessed and for a a stray pigeon or two from the
dovecote attached to the manor house. Light was obtained from the
doorway and through unglazed apertures in the walls. The fire often
stood in the middle of the floor and sometimes there was no chimney, the
soot being allowed to accumulate in the thatch, from which it was
collected in the spring and used for fertilizing the land. The fuel used
was peat and wood, and sometimes coal, which in places was given away as
alms to the poor.1 Outside these wretched hovels was a patch of ground
where the native or labourer raised corn and vegetables and kept his
pigs.
The houses of many of the
farmers or free tenants were not much better than those of the serfs and
labourers. Usually they consisted of a long, low building of rough,
unhewn stones covered with thatch. What may be called the front of the
building was pierced with two and sometimes more windows often unglazed.
The door was on the same side and near one of the ends. It opened into
the byre, where the cows were kept. Opposite to the stalls was another
door which opened into the kitchen, at the further end of which was a
third door opening into the “ ben ” room or rooms according to the
wealth or taste of the occupier. The kitchen might boast of a chimney or
it might not. In the other rooms fires were unknown. They were used as
store rooms or as sleeping rooms, and one of them was usually kept for
the entertainment of company on high occasions. It is difficult to
obtain a description of any of the houses actually inhabited by the
farmers or free tenants of the period under review. The description just
given applies to the houses of many tenant farmers in the beginning of
the last century, and though some of the class might occupy houses of a
superior kind during the reigns of the first four Jameses, it is not
likely that the houses of the majority of them were in any way better
than those described.
The houses most in
request among the proprietors were chiefly in the castle or tower style,
which was then considered as connected with birth and station. Besides,
amid the anarchy and feuds of the time, no one with any pretensions to
birth or station thought himself safe or could depend upon sleeping
securely at night unless his house was sufficiently strong to withstand
the attacks of freebooters or of his private enemies.
These castellated
dwellings were of different sizes, according to the wealth of the
proprietors. Though not all built upon the same plan, they had certain
features in common. They were surrounded by a deep moat, and had walls
of great height and thickness. Access by an enemy was made as difficult
and dangerous as possible.
The entrance to the
building was narrow, and strongly protected by a heavy door, consisting
of massive bars of iron. The lower windows were small and carefully
guarded; and from these and from the turrets over the entrance and at
the adjacent angles, as well as from the battlements, stones and other
missiles could be showered upon assailants, while those who were within
were under cover. The interior of these buildings usually consisted of
three or four floors, the first of which formed a spacious hall, which
was used for purposes of hospitality, upon which no expense was spared,
and which it was necessary to dispense, in order to caress the vassals
and dependants and to secure their assistance. The upper floors were
apparently of the same size as the first. The kitchens where the dishes
were prepared for the entertainment of the great companies which often
assembled, were on the ground floor. They were usually vaulted, and
sometimes spacious and lofty.
Most of these towers had
their pit or thieves’ hole. They were usually beneath the ground,
somewhat in the shape of a bottle, though at times they were above
ground, in the form of an oven. They were badly lighted and badly
ventilated, and were a reproach to humanity. Men and sometimes women
were thrown into them before conviction, merely to gratify the
resentment of those into whose hands they had fallen, and many a hapless
and innocent victim was allowed to languish in them unheard. Here, too,
private enemies taken with arms in their hands or caught in a
treacherous ambuscade were thrown, and detained as long as it suited the
interest or caprice of their captors.
Parts of a number of
these castellated dwellings still remain, from which it is possible to
form a fairly accurate conception of what they were. Many of them have
been described by Messrs. Macgibbon and Ross in their excellent work on
the Castellated and Domestic Architecture of Scotland, from the pages of
which the materials for the following paragraphs have been taken.
Mearns Tower, which
stands in an upland district overlooking the valley of the Clyde, is
situated on a small knoll having a level platform round the building,
with a precipitous slope of about 25 feet. The tower is oblong, and
measures 44 feet from east to west, 29 feet 6 inches from north to
south, and 45 feet high to the top of the corbels. It contained three
floors, two of which are vaulted, and still remain. The entrance, which
is at the east end, leads directly into the basement or lower vault,
which is lighted by two widely splayed slits. The eastern wall is here
10 feet in thickness; the other walls are about 8 feet thick. From the
entrance passage a straight flight of steps leads to the first floor,
and in continuation a corkscrew stair leads to the top. Immediately over
the entrance to the basement is the separate round arched doorway,
forming the principal entrance to the castle on the first floor. The
height from the ground to the door sill is 11 feet. This doorway enters
directly into the hall, which occupies the whole of the first floor as a
single apartment, measuring 27 feet 9 inches long by 16 feet 6 inches
wide, and 21 feet high. The object of the great height of the vaulting
appears to have been to introduce in the east wall an entresol, entering
off the corkscrew stair, forming what is usually called a minstrel’s
gallery and a wall closet. Adjoining the first floor is a lighted wall
closet, and at the opposite end is a fire-place with windows in the side
walls having stone seats. The upper floor is very similar in arrangement
to the first. From its wall closet a garde-robe is projected on the
south front. The stair was continued to the battlements, where it was
protected by a “ cape house.” Herbert Lord Maxwell was granted a licence
to build this tower by James II., on March 15, 1449, and there can be
little doubt that it was built shortly after that date. According to the
licence, Lord Maxwell was “ to build a castle or fortalice in the Barony
of Mearns in Renfrewshire, to surround and fortify it with walls and
ditches, to strengthen it by iron gates, and to erect on the top of it
all warlike apparatus necessary for its defence.” In 1589 it was one of
the castles William, fifth Lord Herries, was called upon by James VI. to
surrender. About the middle of the seventeenth century it was sold by
the Earl of Nithsdale to Sir George Maxwell of Nether Pollok. Shortly
afterwards it passed into the possession of the ancestors of its present
owner, Sir Hugh Shaw Stewart.
Leven Castle stands upon
the steep bank of a stream near Gourock on the Clyde. It consists of a
double tower, but appears to have been originally a simple keep similar
to the one already described, the wing to the south-east being probably
a later addition. The ground floor contains two vaulted cellars, one of
which has a private stair communicating with the hall above. The
entrance door was on the ground floor, with a narrow straight stair to
the first floor landing, which is continued as a newel stair in the
south-west angle to the upper floors. The hall windows have square
recesses furnished with stone seats. From the style of the corbel table,
the south-east wing seems to have been added about the beginning of the
sixteenth century, when the old keep appears to have been re-modelled
and the same cornice continued all round the building. At this period,
too, a kitchen appears to have been added in the form of a wing, and
other buildings. Before 1547 this castle belonged to the Mortons. At
that date it passed to the Semples, by whom it was probably re-modelled.
It is now the property of Sir Hugh Shaw Stewart, Bart.
Crookston Castle was
built about the year 1180, when Robert Croc and Henry de Nes asked and
obtained permission from Robert, Prior of Paisley, to build chapels
within their courts.3 It is very doubtful, however, whether any of the
original structure now remains. “ It is not unlikely,” Messrs. Macgibbon
and Ross write, “ that the site of the existing structure was occupied
with a castle at an even earlier date (than the thirteenth century). The
great ditch and mound which still surround the summit of the hill on
which the castle stands, seem to point to this as one of the ancient
fortresses whose site and defences were made available in connection
with a castle of later date.” Some of the features of the existing
castle certainly indicate considerable antiquity, but the distinguishing
features of thirteenth century castles are entirely wanting. There is no
great wall of enceinte with towers and donjon, but simply a central
keep. “ The main block of the castle is a parallelogram 60 feet long by
40 feet wide, having in the basement a finely vaulted hall. Over this
vault is the great hall, with pointed vault 28 feet high, and the usual
large fireplace and windows with stone seats. At each of the four
corners was a square tower. One of these towers is still standing,
another is in ruins, and the two others can be traced. Over the door
from the basement in the north-west tower, is a hole or machicolation in
the wall, from which missiles might be thrown on assailants below. The
entrance door, which is on the ground level, adjoins the north-east
tower, and was defended by two doors and a portcullis, the inner door
having the usual sliding bar, which, when drawn back, crosses the
staircase of the north-east tower at such a level as to prevent entrance
by it. The doorway projects from the face of the wall, so as to leave
ample room for the portcullis, and the latter was worked from the window
of the hall above.” A straight stair in the thickness of the wall leads
from the entrance door to the hall, and under this stair in a
well-finished chamber, entering from the basement, is the well. A small
stair in the wall of the north-east tower leads to a guard-room in the
tower, under which, entering from a trap in the floor, is the vaulted
dungeon, with the usual small aperture to the exterior for ventilation.
In the basement of the southeast tower is a vaulted cellar. Access to
the upper floors of this and of the north-east tower is by a newel
staircase entering at the south-east corner of the great hall, from
which passages run in the thickness of the east wall to the north-east
tower. This stair also conducted to the apartments over the great hall
where were a moulded fireplace and a mullioned window. Among the most
interesting features connected with this castle are the ditch and mound
surrounding it. The ditch is from 12 to 13 feet deep, and the mound on
the outside of it is still raised from 2 to 10 feet above the level of
the surrounding ground. Being on the top of a hill the ground beyond the
ditch slopes somewhat steeply away from it, so that the mound when
covered with a formidable palisade, as it no doubt was, would afford a
secure defence. The entrance was at the south-west angle. The estate in
which the castle stands was purchased in 1330 by Sir Alan Stewart, and
granted in 1361 to John Stewart of Darnley. It was held by his
descendant, Henry Lord Darnley (1546-67).1 As we have already seen, it
was surrendered by the Earl of Lennox to James IV. in 1489.
Newark Castle, a fine
specimen of Scottish domestic architecture of the advanced type, is
situated at Port-Glasgow, and is now closely surrounded by shipyards.
The building is entire, and is partly inhabited. The uninhabited portion
is in a state of great dilapidation. The castle is built round a
courtyard, and forms three sides of a quadrangle, being open towards the
south and partly to the west, the latter side not extending so far south
as the eastern side. The courtyard was at one time enclosed, when the
principal entrance was through an arched passage in the west range of
buildings, with a guard-room entering off it. The castle is of three
periods. The oldest part is the keep at the south-eastern corner. It
measures 29 feet by 23 feet 1 inch over the walls, and is 48 feet high
to the top of the present parapet, which has been raised so as to obtain
an additional storey, thus making three stories above the vaulted
basement. The present entrance doorway to the keep from the lobby of the
more modern buildings is the original one. A corkscrew stair in the
north-east corner leads to the upper floors, which contain the usual
wall recesses, garde-robes, and fireplaces. The building of the second
period is at the south-west corner, and was evidently the gatehouse to
the courtyard. It measures 23 feet 6 inches by 20 feet 1 inch over the
walls. The passage into the courtyard has the usual stone seat, and a
slit so placed as to command the outside of the western enclosing wall.
A corkscrew stair leads from the guardroom to the two upper floors,
which, like those in the keep, consist of single chambers. The buildings
of the third period form the remainder of the castle. These are by far
the most important parts of the edifice, and unite the two detached
portions into one whole. The principal and only entrance doorway is at
the north-east corner of the courtyard. Above it is the date 1597 and
the inscription : “ The blessingis of God be heirin.” Inside the door is
a small porch, and opposite to it a handsome scale and platt stair
leading to the first floor. The whole of the apartments on this floor
are vaulted. Above them is the hall, a splendid apartment, measuring 37
feet 4 inches by 20 feet 8 inches, lighted by windows on all sides. The
fireplace, which is of good design, is on the north wall and measures
about 8 feet 7 inches wide by 7 feet 6 inches high. At the side of the
hall door, in the south-east corner of the room, is a small low closet,
about two or three feet above the floor, provided with a small
spy-window or shot-hole just over the entrance doorway. The upper floor
is reached by a separate stair adjoining the landing of the main stair.
It is at present open from end to end of the building, and is 83 feet 9
inches long. It appears to have been divided off at one time by moveable
partitions into several apartments. Entering off this floor are several
fine turret closets. The barony of Newark came into the possession of
the Maxwell family about the beginning of the fifteenth century, and the
whole building was erected by this family. The keep dates from near the
end of the century, probably about the year 1484. The buildings of the
third period bear the dates 1597 and 1599. James IV., as we have seen,
was here in 1495, when on his way to put down the disturbances in the
Western Isles.
Duchal Castle, the
stronghold of the Lyles, besieged by James IV. in 1498, and later the
residence of Marion Boyd, his mistress, has now almost entirely
disappeared. It is situated about two miles south-west from Kilmacolm on
a detached mass of rock which is almost entirely surrounded by a deep
ravine, through which run the river Gryffe and a confluent. The sides of
the rocky site to the height of about 20 feet are either perpendicular
or very precipitous. The whole position, which measures about 70 yards
in length from east to west by 30 yards wide, was enclosed with a strong
wall of enciente, portions of which still remain. Outside this wall to
the west, the neck of the peninsula was cut across by a deep ditch. The
entrance was probably at the north-west angle. The surface of the
enclosure is fairly level except at the south-east angle, where a
precipitous pinnacle rises about 20 feet above the courtyard. On this
seems to have stood the keep, the foundations of which, surrounded by a
higher wall, are yet traceable. The wall of enciente was of a much
stronger character than the ordinary enclosing walls of courtyards, and
may possibly be the remains of a thirteenth century castle. In 1544 the
property passed into the Porterfield family.
Barr Castle, in the
parish of Lochwinnoch, is in a fine state of preservation, and though
uninhabited is well cared for. It is a simple parallelogram in plan, and
measures about 35 feet 6 inches from east to west, and 26 feet from
north to south. On the west side it had a courtyard containing
buildings. The entrance to the courtyard is by a round arched doorway in
the north side, defended with shot-holes in the adjoining wall. There
was also a wing on the south side of the keep communicating with it by a
doorway on the first floor. The entrance doorway to the keep from the
courtyard is by a porch, which is of later construction. The original
doorway is above it, entering upon the first floor. Upon the ground
floor are two vaulted apartments, one of which is the kitchen, and has a
finely arched fireplace, 11 feet wide by 4 feet 6 inches deep. Behind
the fireplace is the usual drain and an inflow for water supply. A wheel
stair in the north-west comer leads to the upper floors and to the
battlements. The hall, which as usual is on the first floor, measures 24
feet by 17 feet. It is lighted by four windows, one on each side, and
has a fireplace in the west wall. In the north-east corner is a wall
closet. There is a sink in the hall and various cupboards. A narrow
private stair in the southwest corner leads to the second and third
floors, to which the main stair also gives access. The dates 1680 and
1699 appear on the walls, but the building may be older.
Cathcart Castle occupies
a strong position on the steep and lofty banks of the White Cart, which
defends it on two sides. The keep is a simple oblong structure,
measuring about 51 feet by 30 feet 9 inches, and is surrounded at a
distance of about 10 feet by curtain walls, strengthened with round
corner towers. The ground floor is vaulted: above it were three floors.
The entrance through the curtain was at the east end. and opposite to it
is the door to the keep. A passage in the east wall leads to a wheel
stair which ascends to the top and served the various floors. Adjoining
the door at the south end of the passage is a small chamber, about 6
feet by 5 feet, which was probably used as a guard-room or as a dungeon,
with access from above. The hall on the first floor measures about 32
feet 6 inches by 17 feet, and was well lighted with windows. One of the
windows had stone seats, and two of the others have lockers in the
ingoing. The fireplace stands in the centre of the south wall. The
property, as we have seen, passed from the Cathcarts to Gabriel Semple
of Ladymure in 1546. The building is apparently of the fifteenth
century, and is not likely to have been the one originally erected by
the Cathcarts.
Stanely Castle now stands
upon a peninsula in the reservoir of the Paisley Water Works, about two
miles south of the town, but originally it was in all probability
protected by a marsh. The exterior walls are well preserved, but the
interior is entirely gutted. The castle is of the L shape, and the
doorway is, as usual, in the re-entering angle. The ground floor is
pierced with several loops, which have an ancient appearance, being
formed with a circular eyelet at the lower end. The walls are built of
coursed work, and the parapet has run round the whole castle, with
corbelled bartizans at the angles. A similar bartizan is introduced over
the entrance doorway, with a machicolation for its defence. In the
fourteenth century the castle and barony of Stanely belonged to the
Dennistons of that ilk, from whom it passed by marriage to the Maxwells
of Calderwood, and through them, in the following century, to the
Maxwells of Newark. It is said to belong to the fifteenth century.
Scattered through the
county were other of these castles. Some of them are in total ruins;
others of them have been restored or are in a fair state of
preservation. Among these may be mentioned Haggs Castle, Dargavel
Castle, and Johnstone Castle. The ancient house of the Semples of
Eliotstoun, of the Erskines of Bishopton, Blackhall—the favourite
hunting lodge of the Stewards —Ranfurly Castle, and the Castle of
Pulnoon are in various stages of decay.
The site selected for
these castles was not always chosen because of its natural beauty. Many
of the castles were set down at the very extremity of the estate, next
to the most powerful or turbulent neighbour, or to the one who was most
likely to encroach. Light was admitted to the apartments from the south,
windows being but rarely found on the north side of the buildings, even
where the northern prospect is pleasing and picturesque and the southern
consists only of barren hills or moor or morass. The kindly influences
of the sun and shelter from the bitter north wind appear to have been
more highly appreciated than a beautiful prospect. Many other castles,
however, are finely situated. Taking the royal castles as their pattern,
the builders appear to have chosen the most beautiful sites at their
command.
The life led in these
somewhat gloomy buildings, though often rude and rough, was usually gay
and lively. The standard of comfort changes from age to age, and what
was considered comfort or luxury in those days would not be considered
such in the present. The walls in the various apartments, including the
great reception hall and the rooms above it, were usually roughly
plastered and then hung with tapestry, cloth, or stamped leather. A
cloth or carpet of small size, called a “ lyare,” with one or more
cushions upon it for the feet, was sometimes placed on the floor in
front of a chair of state, but otherwise carpets, as usually understood,
were unknown ; the floors, even in the greatest houses, being strewn
with bent or rushes mingled with sweet herbs. The most conspicuous
article of furniture in the hall, besides the table, was the cupboard—“
an open sideboard or buffet, often of considerable size, usually
containing three shelves—sometimes a larger number—covered with carpets
or rich cloths, on which articles of gold and silver plate . . . were
displayed. Above it there was usually a canopy with rich hangings.”
The furniture was substantial and heavy. “ All the furniture that is
used in Italy, France, or Spain,” says Don Pedro de Ayala, the Spanish
Ambassador to the Court of Scotland in 1497-8, “is to be found in the
Scots dwellings.” “ It has not been bought in modern times only,” he
adds, “ but inherited from preceding ages.” The windows, which, as we
have seen, were usually on the south side of the house, were small, and
provided with stone seats. Glass had been in use long before the
beginning of the fourteenth century, but was still costly in the
fifteenth and sixteenth. The casements were, consequently, often made to
fit not only different windows in the same house, but also windows in
different houses, and when the owner shifted from one house to another
they were taken out and either laid up in store like the moveable
furniture, or packed up with the arras and cupboard and carried to the
place to which he was removing.
The second floor was
probably used as a withdrawing room for the ladies. In some instances
the third or uppermost floor bears signs of having been divided off by
wooden partitions into smaller apartments, which were probably used as
bedrooms or as private sitting-rooms. The bedrooms were usually of scant
dimensions, consisting merely of a recess in the thickness of the wall,
the bedstead occupying almost the whole of the floor. Light and
ventilation from without were obtained through a narrow slit in the
wall. Even in the King’s bedchamber the floor was covered with grass.
The beds and bedsteads
differed little from those now in use, except that the latter were made
of wood. The hangings and furnishings were sometimes sumptuous. Usually
the blankets were made of fustian, and were frequently called fustians.
They were also made of broad cloth. The sheets were of linen. A narrow
sheet called the “ head-sheet ” was spread over the pillows, and a
corresponding “foot-sheet” was spread across the foot of the bed. These
were generally of cloth or linen, but sometimes of silk or fur, or cloth
of gold. “The account of articles furnished for the royal nursery in
1473-4, when Prince James was yet an infant, includes two ells and a
half of French brown cloth ‘ to covir my lordis creddill,’ four ells and
a half of tartar to be a ‘ sparwort ’ or canopy above it, ‘ bucram ’ to
bind the curtains, ‘ small ’ or fine broad cloth—linen or Holland
cloth—for sheets, and white fustian ‘ for blan-katis to my lorde.’ His
nurse, Agnes Preston, had twelve ells of linen for a pair of sheets.”
Infants and nurses in some of the castles would be provided for in a
similar way.
The small number of
bedrooms in the keeps would at times prove inconvenient ; but on
occasions many of the guests would find accommodation on the floor of
the hall, which, like the room above it, had at one or at both ends a
huge fireplace, in which grates were rarely used, the fire being kindled
on the hearthstone. During the long winter evenings the rooms were
lighted partly by the blazing logs on the hearthstones, and partly by
candles fixed in brass chandeliers, pendant from the ceiling.
The food provided from
the vaulted kitchens, if not always delicate, was at least abundant.
Besides the ordinary dishes of beef, mutton, venison, grouse and other
game, some dishes were served up which are now entirely discarded. A
favourite dish at great entertainments was the crane, a bird which was
once common in the country, but has now disappeared. The swan, heron,
bittern, solan goose and other birds of coarse flavour were also
esteemed delicacies. Sturgeon, both fresh and cured, was accounted a
dainty. Porpoise during the fourteenth century and later was a regular
item at the King’s table. The flesh of the seal was also served. The
porpoise and seal continued to be used till the end of the sixteenth
century, if not later. Other fish served as food were, besides salmon,
herring and trout, bream and ged or pike. In the Archbishop’s Palace at
Glasgow when it was sacked by Muir of Caldwell in 1527, there were
fifteen swine, valued at ten shillings each, six dozen salmon, each
valued at four shillings, a last of salt herrings worth twenty-eight
shillings the barrel. .
The chief drink, at least
among the upper classes, was wine. In the cellars of Archbishop Beaton
in Glasgow, on the occasion just referred to, no less than twelve tuns,
valued at £10 the tun, are said to have been destroyed.
In the fifteenth century
the wines “ chiefly in use in Scotland,” Dr. Dickson writes, “ were
those of Guienne and Gascony, Burgundy, the Rhine countries, and the
Levant. Claret, which was most in favour, was imported by French and
Scottish traders from Bordeaux. The growths also of Anjou and Poitou
found their way to Scotland from Nantes and Rochelle. The Rhine wines
were brought from Middleburgh or Campvere, Sluys and ‘ the Dam. The two
latter, however, were illegal places of shipment, the trade being
rigidly restricted to the Staple. Malmsey—Malvoisie—which was brought
from Candia and Cyprus to the chief ports of Europe by the galleys of
Genoa, Venice and Pisa, was in high esteem. Muscadel and Bastard are
also sometimes mentioned. . . . Much of the wine then in use is not
distinguished by name, being merely described as e red ’ and ‘ white.
The wines of the Peninsula also were brought from Bayonne, Lisbon,
Alicant, and other ports.” Wine could only be sold in towns and in
villages where the lord of the manor was a knight, and in such
exceptional places as the Monastery of Paisley, which had a charter
authorising the Abbot and Convent to sell wine within their gates.
Several statues were
passed to encourage the importation of wine. In 1314 Parliament ordained
that those who exported salmon should sell or barter it only for English
money—silver or gold—for one half of the price, or for Gascon wine, “ or
siclyke gude pennyworthis,” for the other half. The importation or sale
of corrupt or mixed wine was prohibited under the severest penalties.
The mixing of wine was forbidden “ on pane of dede.”
The excessive drinking of
the period is referred to by Boece6 and Leslie/ and also by various
travellers. In the beginning of the seventeenth century the Privy
Council complained of the “ grite excesse of wyne-drinking,” by “ both
nobilman, baron, and gentilman,” and imposed a tax of four pounds per
tun on all wine sold by retail. Large quantities of aromatic spices and
of sugar were imported and mixed with the wines then generally in use,
in order to counteract their harsh and acrid qualities.
The drinks of the poorer
classes were milk, whey, ale and beer. The ale was home brewed. It could
not be sold before it had been proved by the tasters, and to sell it at
any other price than that fixed by these officials was an offence,
involving fine and confiscation. The beer used during the greater part
of the fifteenth century appears to have been imported, chiefly from
Germany. In Bishop Leslie’s time (1578) it was extensively made in
Govan. “ There was no settled rule,” says Dr. Dickson, “ as to the grain
best suited for malting. Ale was made both from oats and barley or bere,
or from a mixture of both; and in the absence of hops, it was flavoured
with ginger and other spices and aromatic herbs to fit it for keeping.
Women—‘browster wives’— were then the only brewers, and most of the
alehouses were kept by them.” Excessive drinking occurred among the
lower classes as well as among the upper, and in 1436 an Act was passed
ordering all taverns to be closed at nine o’clock at night, and
directing the bailies to appreheud all who were found drinking in them
after the hour had struck.
The food of the lower
classes was plain and simple. Bread was made of wheaten flour and from
barley. Oatmeal in the shape of porridge and cakes was used extensively.
As sold by the baxters or bakers, the bread was of different qualities
and prices, and like other articles of food had to be proved and priced
by the official visitors before it could be sold. Brose and kail and
soup were common dishes. Fish was plentiful and cheap. Hens, capons,
ducks and geese found their way to the table of the burgess as well as
to the table of the lord. Beef and mutton were sold in the towns, and in
the beginning of winter ox and cow beef was salted down by the farmers.
Times of dearth were frequent all over the country. The earliest
mentioned in Renfrewshire occurred in 1601, but it is scarcely likely
that this was the first time the district suffered from famine. It was
not the last.
Extravagance in dress was
a feature of the times and was frequently inveighed against. An Act of
Parliament of the year 1447 begins as follows : “ Since the realm in
each estate is greatly impoverished through sumptuous clothing both of
men and women, and in special within burghs and commons to landward, the
Lords think it speedful that restrictions hereof be made in this
manner:—That no man within burgh that lives by merchandise, except he be
a person in dignity, as alderman, bailie, or other good worthy men that
are of the Council of the town, and their wives, wear clothes of silk
nor costly scarlet in gowns, nor furrings of martens.” It then goes on
to enjoin the men to make their wives and daughters to be in like manner
dressed fitly and corresponding to their estate—“ that is to say, on the
head short kerchiefs with little hoods as are used in Flanders, England,
and other countries. And as to the gowns, that no woman wear martens nor
grey fur nor tails of unbecoming magnitude nor furred under, except on
holiday; and in like manner without the burghs of worthy poor gentlemen
and their wives that are with xl of auld extent.” On working days
labourers and farmers were to be clad in white or grey, and on holidays
in light blue or green or red. Their wives were to be clothed in the
same colours and in addition might wear upon their heads a kerchief, but
of their own making and not of greater value than forty pence. Women
were forbidden to attend kirk or market with their faces muffled or
covered under pain of escheat of the kerchief. In 1471 the wearing of
silk by men in gown, doublet and cloak was forbidden, except knights,
minstrels and heralds, unless the wearer could spend a hundred pounds
worth of land-rent. In the same way the wives of men with an income of
less than a hundred pounds were forbidden to wear silk in lining, and
were only to wear it “in collar and sleeves.”
Of female attire during
the latter half of the fifteenth century, Dr. Dickson writes : “ The
chief items were the kirtle, a close-fitting garment covering the whole
body from the neck to the feet, and buttoning at the wrists; and the
robe or gown, which was worn over it, generally open in front, showing
the kirtle . . . These garments were made of the most showy colours and
the costliest materials, and adorned with the most expensive trimmings
and embroidery. The kirtle required three ells to seven and a half of
satin, velvet, silk, camlet, or other narrow cloth; the gown and riding
gown from three and a half to five ells, and the long gown from eight
ells and a half to fifteen ells. They were lined with broad cloth, silk,
buckram, or fur, and were also trimmed with broad cloth, or with bands
of fur at the bottom of the skirt. Five ‘ tymmir,’ or two hundred skins,
of cristy gray, were required to line a gown, and as much of gris,
merely to ‘ purple ’ a gown of crimson satin for Queen Margaret. A
stomacher of satin or velvet, richly ornamented and lined with ermine or
other costly fur, was worn over the kirtle, and covered the breast. A
tippet, or a collar of satin or velvet similarly lined, worn above,
sometimes under, the gown, completed the costume. The cloak of cloth,
lined and furred, was worn over all. A collar required one ell of satin,
and a tippet two quarters and a half; and twenty-six ‘ bestis ’ or skins
of gris sufficed to line it. With collars are found associated ‘birlatis,’
perhaps ruffs, also of satin.” There were no dressmakers, and the
dresses of women as well as of men were made by tailors.
Many of the silk stuffs
came from the East; others of them came from the looms of Italy and
France. They varied in prices according to their colour as well as
according to their quality. Taffeta, a light soft silk, sold at 8s. to
20s. an ell. Camlet of silk cost 36s. to 50s. ; damask, 32s. to 50s. ;
satin of good quality was sold at from 24s. to 50s.; except crimson-coloured,
which, being more expensively dyed, cost from 70s. to 100s., and when
pirnit or brocaded with gold thread, 110s. the ell. Velvet, which, like
satin, was mostly from Italy, cost from 32s. to 70s., but crimson-coloured
velvet cost from 80s. to 100s. Raw silk sold at 5s. 6d. per ounce, and
silk thread from 4s. to 5s.
Fine linen or Holland
cloth, imported from the Low Countries, of which sheets and kerchiefs
and shirts were made, cost from 5s. to 18s. the ell. Home-made linen
cost as low as 10d. the ell.
Most of the woollen
cloths were imported. The finer cloths of all colours, black, blue,
brown, scarlet, etc., came from Lille and Rouen, and cost 20s. to 45s.
the ell; ingrained 50s., but scarlet 50s. to 70s. The finer English
cloths ranged from 20s. to 35s. Home-made fabric rarely exceeded 13s. or
14s. an ell. French black cost 28s. to 60s., and Rissilis 30s. to 40s.;
but Scotch black could be had at from 5s. to 12s. The colours which
brought the highest prices were black, brown, green and scarlet. Blue,
gray, and russet were worn by the lower orders—gray and russet were the
colours for work, and blue for holidays. Spinning went on in most
houses. Many farmers’ wives spun and dyed, as in some parts they do now,
the wool from their own sheep, and then sent it to the village weaver to
be woven. Afterwards the cloth was made up at home or sent to the
tailor. Much of the rougher sort of linen was home grown, home spun and
home bleached. During the fifteenth century cotton does not appear to
have been used as a fabric for clothes.
On March 10, 1633, died
Dame Margaret Ross, daughter of Lord James Ross, and wife of Sir George
Stirling of Keir. She left behind her an inventory, which is interesting
as showing the amount of money spent upon a lady’s dress in her day and
the state of her affairs. In the inventory, among other possessions are
included “ ane gowne of Flourence setoune in blak and orience flowris
layid over with gold leise,” price £133 6s. 8d.; “ane gowne of orience
pan velvet laid over with silver leice,” £160 ; “ane petticoat of Millan
satine,” £100 ; “ ane uther of grein seitine,” £80 ; “ sextine ellis of
fyne florit satine to be another gowne,” £120 ; “Item, ane kirk cushione
of red velvet,” £40 ; “ Item, ane chaine and ane pair of braclettis of
gold,” £200 ; “ Item, ane compleit holland clothe bed,” £160. Among the
debts owing to the deceased was a legacy to her and her husband by the
late Dame Jane Hamilton, Lady Ross, namely, “ ane silver baisoune, ane
silver laver, twelff silver spunis,” valued at £333 6s. 8d. ; “ Item,
als meikle fyne tapestrie as wald hing twa chalmeris, pryce iiij0 lib. ;
Item, ane grein dames [damask] bad, viz., bedis, bousteris, codis
[pillows] with blankettis, with ane grein dames mat, fyve pair of greine
dames courtines, pryce iiij0 lib.” The lady’s debts exceeded her assets
by nearly £13,000 Scots.
In the absence of banks,
money was usually invested in plate and jewels, but more especially in
the latter. With the plate the sideboard or cupboard and the table in
the great hall of the castle were on high occasions splendidly
garnished. The jewels were worn by the ladies, who sometimes carried on
their persons a great part of their own and their husbands’ fortunes. An
inventory of the jewels possessed by Lady Ann Hamilton, the first wife
of the seventh Earl of Eglinton, at the time of her death, which were
seen and entered October 24, 1632, while her husband was still Lord
Montgomery, affords some idea of the jewels owned by a young lady of
position in the first half of the seventeenth century.
“ Inprimis a great jowall
given to her Ladyship be my Lady Eglinton, all set with great diamonds,
quhilk was gevin conditionall that it should remain as a jowall dedicat
to the house of Eglinton, and to the hopeful young lady, my Lady Anna
Montgomerie, her use till the tyme of her marriage, if it sail please
God. Item, a great jowall in form of a feather all sett with great and
small diamonds, given by my Lady Marquies of Hamilton, her Ladyship’s
mother, to her ladyship, quhilk should be furth coming to the said
hopefull lady, Lady Anna Montgomerie.” A jewel in form of an S with six
diamonds, one pearl and two empty holes; a little jewel in form of an
anchor with seven diamonds; “ ane faire emrald ” set in gold, in oval
form, with a pearl; a diamond ring containing seventeen diamonds;
another with four diamonds in form of a crowned heart; another ring with
“elevin diamond sparks,” and a diamond enclosed, in form of a heart;
another ring with “ aucht sparks lyke saphirs,” and two empty places.
Another with “ thrie little emralds ” and two empty places; another ring
“ with a great blood-staine, with a face sunk in it ” ; “ Item ane
garnison, conteining in it twintie-sevin peice of gold-smith work of
gold, everie ane of them conteining four pearls, and a rubie set in the
midst; twa rubies onlie wanting ”; a chain of goldsmith work with
agates; a chain of pearl and coral with gold beads intermixed; a chain
of small pearl; a chain of greater pearls, “ about twa ells and thrie
quarters lenth.” “A great blacke chaine like agates blacke colourit
portrait in gold of the Marquis of Hamilton ; a red blood-stone set in
gold, in form of a heart; “ a jowall of gold quhilk Grissal Seton
affirms to be in my Lady Marqueis of Hamilton’s custodie, sett with
diamonds and blew saphire ” ; and lastly, a cup of mother of pearl set
in silver gilt, with a corresponding cover.
Jewels and ornaments of
gold and silver were often given and taken in pledge for money lent or
borrowed among all classes, from the King downwards.
As a rule, the tenants
lived on excellent terms with their landlords. It was the interest of
the landlord that they should do so, for in the unsettled state of the
country during the wars and the long minorities, he never knew how soon
he might need their assistance. As in other counties the tenants in
Renfrewshire sometimes saw their goods seized for the debts of their
landlords, and were at times turned out of their holdings when these
changed owners, but on the whole the tenants, and the labourers as well,
were fairly well off for the period. They enjoyed life on easier terms
than those of the same classes in any other country in Europe. The
tenant was always sure of his lord’s protection as long as it could be
given, and with his cow and his cow’s grass and field of oats or beans,
the labourer was always sure, except in times of dearth, of the bare
necessities of life. |