|
ISBN: 0-7190-7182-8
There is no comparable
study and this book would find a welcome place on the reading lists of
graduate students and historians of the Atlantic world. Professor Kenneth
Morgan, Brunel University.
This is the first book
wholly devoted to assessing the array of links between Scotland and the
Caribbean in the later eighteenth century. It uses a wide range of
archival sources to paint a detailed picture of the lives of thousands of
Scots who sought fortunes and opportunities, as Burns wrote, 'across th'
Atlantic roar'. It outlines the range of their occupations as planters,
merchants, slave owners, doctors, overseers and politicians, and shows how
Caribbean connections affected Scottish society during the period of
'improvement'. The book highlights the Scots' reinvention of the system of
clanship to structure their social relations in the empire and finds that
involvement in the Caribbean also bound Scots and English together in a
shared Atlantic imperial enterprise and played a key role in the emergence
of the British nation and the Atlantic World.
This book will be of
interest to scholars and students of Scottish, British, Caribbean,
imperial and Atlantic history.
Douglas J. Hamilton is
Curator of Eighteenth-century Maritime and Imperial History at the
National Maritime Museum, Greenwich
Cover illustration: W.
Clark, Shipping sugar, 1823. Reproduced courtesy of the National Maritime
Museum (PAH30I9)
Introduction
In 1786, an Ayrshire man
prepared to leave Scotland to take up the post of book-keeper on Charles
Duncan's plantation near Port Antonio in north-east Jamaica. The man was
an aspiring poet, and he wrote of his misgivings about venturing 'across
th' Atlantic's roar' in the weeks before his departure. In the end, his
poetry saved him. As he waited for his ship at Greenock, word came that
the first edition of his work, published in Kilmarnock, had been greeted
with acclaim in Edinburgh, and that a second edition was to be
commissioned. Jamaica was thus denied a book-keeper as Robert Burns went
on to become a key figure in Scottish literature.[1]
Although Burns's later
experiences were not typical of those of most Scots in this period, many
others did consider careers in the Caribbean, and, as this book shows,
thousands actually went. There were a number of reasons why they did so:
Burns, for example, wrote odes of farewell to Mary Campbell and at least
two other women. More prosaic explanations were outlined forcefully by
James Baillie from Inverness, who became an influential West India
merchant, planter and politician: 'I am astonished that any Person can
think of Injuring there children so much Who are not born to Independant
fortunes, as to keep them after their Education in so compleat and in such
a miserable country when they have such a Country as Grenada, St Vincent
or the other West India islands to send them to, or what do you think of
the East Indies for a change?' [2]
Baillie wrote in the
context of the expansion of the British Empire in 1763, but the
limitations of the Scottish economy he alluded to had led Scots to seek
advancement abroad since the middle ages. Whether merchants in a Scottish
community in Danzig, Vere or Brugge, or soldiers and officers in the
service of foreign monarchs, notably in France and Scandinavia, Scots had
a well-established tradition of overseas employment. From the sixteenth
century, Scots also began to look to the Atlantic, trading to Iberia and
the Azores. [3]
Early in the seventeenth
century Scottish adventurers began to develop more distinctly imperial
ventures in the Atlantic, beyond the plantation of Ulster. Short-lived and
ultimately unsuccessful attempts were made to establish a New Scotland
colony, or Nova Scotia, on the North American seaboard throughout the
1620s and then, in the 1630s, Scots imperialists turned their attention to
Africa. In 1634 Charles I granted a thirty-one year charter to the
Scottish Guinea Company to trade with, and explore further, the African
coast from the Senegal River to the Cape of Good Hope. [4] The enterprise
was wound up around 1639, and its failure, following on the heels of the
hand-over of New Scotland, along with the Cromwellian interregnum between
1649 and 1660, caused Scottish imperial ambitions in the Atlantic to
atrophy for thirty years. During this period, Scottish involvement in the
Caribbean was largely restricted to the involuntary transportation of
captured Scottish soldiers to Barbados and Jamaica.
The restoration of the
Stuart monarchy in 1660 saw renewed attempts by Scots to establish their
own colonies. Charles II received representations for the settlement of
Scots colonies in Barbados and St Lucia, and he offered the island of
Dominica to Scotland in 1671. There were further proposals in 1678 for the
settlement of St Vincent by Scots. [5] While these plans came to naught,
there was increasing Scottish involvement in the English Caribbean in the
period immediately after the Restoration. In 1667, Lord Willoughby,
governor of Barbados, wrote to the Lords of Trade in London requesting the
free transfer of Scots to that island: 'If your Lopps. shall open a trade
in Scotland, for the transportation of the people of that Nation hither,
and prevent any accesse of Irish in the future, it will accommodate all
the ends propounded and abundantly gratify his Matys. good subjects here.'
[6]
The numerical strength of
the Barbadian militia had declined from the 1650s, and Willoughby's
determination to bolster it with three or four thousand Scots was, to a
considerable degree, based on a fear of a revolt by the 'Creolised
generation' of enslaved Africans. [7] In the context of the second
Anglo-Dutch War, which drew in the French in the Caribbean theatre, it was
also predicated on their Protestantism. As Willoughby put it, 'I am for
the down right Scott who I am certain will fight without a crucifix about
his neck'. [8] The demand for Scottish 'servants' continued into the early
eighteenth century. In 1701, George MacKenzie petitioned the Barbados
council for payment for 'several Scotch servants' brought to the island.
This desire for Scots was equally apparent in North America. Indeed,
demand was so great between 1665 and 1685 that the English Privy Council
granted over twenty-six special warrants to allow ships to carry Scottish
indentured servants to the English colonies. [9]
Yet it would be a mistake
to assume that all Scots in the Caribbean before the Act of Union were
either exiles or indentured servants. Several, despite the difficulties of
being Scottish in an English colony (and therefore foreign nationals),
were able to enter the islands' elites. In the last years of the
seventeenth century, Thomas Maxwell was repeatedly elected speaker of the
Barbados assembly, and he was later appointed a member of the council. His
perceived Scottishness was challenged: when Governor Grey recommended him
to the Council of Trade and Plantations in January 1700, he noted that
Maxwell was 'of a Scotch name, but English born: of admirable parts and a
considerable estate'. But Maxwell did maintain Scottish links, notably
with his distant relation Sir James Maxwell of Pollok. [10] Scottish
nationality could also be conveniently ignored. In 1699, a patent was
issued allowing Alexander Skene to take the influential post of island
secretary in Barbados, 'provided he proved his qualifications, it being
objected that he is not a native-born subject of England, Ireland or the
Plantations'. [11] It is clear from this that while Scots were sometimes
able to get ahead, their status as foreigners, despite sharing a monarch,
could be an effective barrier to them. They remained reliant on English
concessions.
In addition to those Scots
in Barbados, it has been estimated that there were over 200 Scots on the
islands of Nevis, Montserrat and Antigua in 1678. Others were to be found
living in or trading with Dutch colonies. Robert Milne, from Auchlie near
Aberdeen, for example, went to Holland about 1696, and then travelled to
Curacao with Captain Grieve in 1698. In total, perhaps 4,500 Scots went to
the Caribbean in the second half of the seventeenth century, that is,
before the Act of Union. [12]
This increasing involvement
in the empires of other countries did not diminish Scots' efforts to
establish colonies of their own in this period. The most successful and
long-standing Scottish settlement was founded on the American mainland, at
East New Jersey from 1683. Contemporaneously with the East New Jersey
settlement, a group largely composed of landowners and merchants from
south-west Scotland planted a short-lived colony in Carolina between 1684
and 1686. [13] The least successful ventures, in terms of the losses
sustained, were the endeavours of the Company of Scotland Trading to
Africa and the Indies to establish a colony at Darien on the Isthmus of
Panama. The attempts to found settlements at New Edinburgh and Fort St
Andrew between 1698 and 1700 were the most ambitious of all the
seventeenth-century Scottish schemes, and aimed to establish a settled
Scottish entrepot between the two great trading oceans of the Pacific and
the Atlantic. Their failure, so devastating in loss of life and capital,
had serious economic and political implications for Scotland, and also had
the effect of increasing the population of Jamaica, whence some of the
survivors fled. [14]
It is clear that in
Scotland the idea of imperial engagement was not just an
eighteenth-century phenomenon. Significantly, these early imperial
undertakings were conceived and led by members of the Scottish gentry and
nobility, along with those from mercantile and professional backgrounds.
It is equally apparent that Scots from other social ranks were involved
(as indentured servants) in imperial ventures. An emerging tradition of
transatlantic migration and enterprise predated the Act of Union of 1707
and existed, albeit in a relatively minor way, alongside the more
substantial migrations to north and east Europe, Scandinavia and the
Baltic.
After 1707, the balance
between European and Atlantic involvement swung decisively to the west.
Access to the English empire after 1707 created new opportunities that
were seized upon by Scots. The first acquisition of new land in the
Caribbean after the Act of Union, in St Kitts in 1713, offered the chance
for Scots to obtain land in the new British empire. The second decade of
the eighteenth century saw two Scotsmen as governors of St Kitts, Walter
Douglas and Walter Hamilton. During this period, Scots were prominent
among the grantees receiving estates of over 100 acres. [15] The
beleaguered refugees from Darien swelled Scottish numbers in Jamaica, and
formed the basis of a considerable Argyll community of the western part of
the island.
In the North American
colonies, the Scottish presence grew similarly in the first half of the
eighteenth century, perhaps most notably in the Chesapeake, where Glasgow
merchants played an increasingly important role in the tobacco trade from
the 1740s. In 1735, a Highland community had been established at New
Inverness, later Darien, in Georgia. This was followed by Highland
settlements in New York in 1738 and at Cape Fear, North Carolina, in 1739.
[16]
In the context of this
tradition of Scottish imperial activity, the upsurge in Caribbean
enterprise and settlement after the acquisition of the Windward Islands in
1763 appears as part of an important upward trend in imperial involvement,
not as a stunning new departure for Scottish people and their capital.
Nonetheless, the volume of migration to the Caribbean, and its
significance for Scotland and the West Indies, was considerable. The book
argues that Scots like James Baillie were disproportionately numerous in
the Caribbean, and that they were extremely successful across a range of
activities including planting, trading, medicine and politics.
Contemporary observers were
certainly aware of a Scottish presence. A resident on Rhimesbury
plantation in Jamaica believed that 'of the Europeans the Scotch are most
numerous, as well in Kingston as all over the island'. Janet Schaw, a
Scottish 'lady of quality', found a 'whole company of Scotch people, our
language, our manners, our circle of friends and connections, all the
same' during a visit to Antigua in 1775. Edward Long, the cantankerous
Jamaican planter-historian, remarked, 'This hospitable alacrity to assist
and befriend their countrymen, in a place where they might otherwise
become destitute of support, and sick of life, produces likewise an event
very favourable to the colony, by inviting into it frequent recruits of
very able hands, who add not a little to its population and strength.'
[17]
This notion, which
contemporary observers liked to call 'clannishness', was central to the
Scottish experience in the eighteenth-century Caribbean. For those
writers, it was an aspect of Scottish social organisation to be admired
because it redounded to the advantage of the islands. 'Clannishness'
underpinned the networks that Scots employed to organise themselves in the
islands. For Scots, the real significance of the networks lies not so much
in 'clannishness', but in their relationship to clanship. The bonds were
an adaptation of the longstanding forms of social relations based on
regional and familial connections outlined in Chapter One. Their groupings
evinced a flexible notion of kinship that allowed pragmatic alliances to
sit alongside more traditional biological bonds. The fluidity of these
social relations enabled Scots to accommodate non-Scots within their
Caribbean networks. This challenges the perception sometimes advanced by
historians that Scottish networks represented a display of (sometimes
invented) ethnic solidarity in the face of an alien culture. [18] That
these social forms were being adapted to an imperial setting at the same
time as they were under attack in Scotland adds a particular resonance.
The idea of the 'network'
is often used by historians as a convenient short-hand for groups of
people bound together by a range of interests,-they were, as Zoe Laidlaw
puts it, 'mechanisms which were consciously utilised by their members to
benefit themselves or others'. [19] In the pre-industrial world, these
mechanisms took different forms and had different purposes. There were
professional connections: Laidlaw highlights three different networks
arising from common military service, humanitarianism, and the scientific
community. Pearson's and Richardson's examination of groups of investors
in fire insurance in Liverpool, Manchester and western England between
1776 and 1824 emphasises that it was 'practical experience of working
together in a business environment which highlighted common interests and
facilitated resource pooling'. Previous contacts in slave trading in
Liverpool, or in manufacturing in Leeds and Manchester, led to cooperation
in insurance. Networks could also be based on other bonds. As Charles
Tilly argues, the 'most effective units of migration' were 'sets of people
linked by acquaintance, kinship and work experience'.
Peter Mathias reminds us
that the 'family matrix was so often central to the operations of
business', not least as a means of reducing risk of various kinds. The
importance of family ties in business is reinforced by scholarly studies
of merchant communities in both northern and southern Europe, notably Ida
Bull's essay on immigrant merchants in Trondheim. Meanwhile, J. C.
Sola-Carbacho's work on Madrid merchants has emphasised the importance of
paisanaje, or sense of community based on local association, among migrant
groups in the Spanish capital. [20] It is clear that many groups of people
employed networks based on ties of kinship, local association or
profession to raise capital, facilitate communication and recruit
employees across a range of functional areas, most notably in business,
and so in a sense Scots were not unique. But they were distinctive.
This study shows not only
that did Scottish networks exist throughout eighteenth-century West
Indies, and especially in the period after the Seven Years War, but that
the cohesion within these groupings was not based simply on Scottishness.
Although the networks were, at their hearts, based on a local or familial
link with Scotland, they were by no means exclusive. Scottish involvement
in the Caribbean empire played a crucial role in forging a unity among
Britons during the eighteenth century. This book also argues, following
Long's assertion of the value of Scots in Jamaica, that the networks were
critical to the success of Scots in the islands. The networks provided
opportunities, for employment, for investment and for advancement; and
they provided security for those taking their chances, in two ways. At one
level, the welcoming embrace of friends or family in the Caribbean was, as
we will see, of great importance for Scots stepping off the boat in
Kingston, St George's or Scarborough. They also provided economic
security, through the availability of capital backed up by heritable
Scottish security or Scots partnership law. This was not just a tale of
success, however. Making money in the Caribbean was risky: high mortality,
the threat of indebtedness and the difficulties of repatriating money all
meant that not all Scots fulfilled their ambitions in the islands. This
book explores these themes through a study of Scottish involvement in
planting, trade, medicine and politics.
Although it is a study in
Atlantic world history, this book draws on a number of (often distinct)
historiographical traditions. Since the 1960s, the explosion of scholarly
interest in Scottish history has promoted a sophisticated understanding of
Scotland's past. An increasingly important part of this literature has
assessed the role of Scots and Scotland abroad. This includes localised
and specialised studies of aspects of Scottish emigration and enterprise
around the world, some of it written by historians of Scotland, some by
other historians working in Scotland, and some by historians of the
countries in which Scots settled. [21] The general interest in Scottish
overseas expansion, however, has tended to focus on North America, the
antipodes or Africa. The tropical empires of the eighteenth century, and
the Caribbean in particular, have received far less scholarly attention.
[22]
This outward-looking
Scottish history fits with a general shift in British historiography that
leans away from purely anglocentric approaches in three senses. The first
is that as a shared enterprise, empire helped to integrate the peoples of
Britain. Not only did the pursuit of imperial gain bind the interests of
the Scots and the English together, but the mobility required of them
forced them to live side by side, in the colonies, in the port cities and
in the corridors of power. Secondly, it suggests that in looking for
centres of imperial power, the search ought not to stop at London. From
what follows, it is clear that Glasgow and the English outports all
witnessed the rise of local elites whose business relied on empire. For
medical education, Scotland, and especially Edinburgh, was the hub of the
empire. Thirdly, the implication behind J. G. A. Pocock's assertion that
British history in the eighteenth century 'must be thought of as the
history of four realms' is that the Atlantic, far from being a barrier
between Britain and its colonies, was actually a link. [23]
The Atlantic world has been
subject to considerable scholarly attention, taking its cues from the work
of Bernard Bailyn, D. W. Meinig, Ian K. Steele and others. Taken
collectively, important work from the mid-1990s has helped to focus
Bailyn's 'view from the moon', and this study aims to clarify it still
further by arguing that Scots and their overseas interests can tell us a
great deal about the way in which the Atlantic world was created. [24] It
seeks to understand the relationship between an integral and important
part of an imperial power and a colonial sphere. This relationship was
about exchanges of people, goods and ideas, and it impacted right across
both regions to transform the social, economic, political and physical
landscapes. A study of Scottish-Caribbean connections suggests that they
were among the key bonds forging a transnational maritime world of
exchange. In short, it argues that these connections, and the Atlantic
world of which they were part, existed, and changed the lives of the
people who experienced them. It does this by assessing the role of Scots
on the plantations and as merchants, doctors and politicians in the
islands. The final chapter considers the repatriation of people and
capital from the Caribbean, and their impact on developments in Scotland.
But the book begins, as did the eighteenth-century adventurers to the
Caribbean, in Scotland.
Notes
1 J. Mackay, RB: A
biography of Robert Burns (Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 1992), p.
200; R. B. Sheridan, 'The role of Scots in the economy and society of the
West Indies', in V. Rubin and A. Tuden (eds), Comparative perspectives on
slavery in New World plantations (New York: New York Academy of Sciences,
1977), p. 97. The line comes from 'Will ye go to the Indies, my Mary?'
2 NLS, MS5515(161-2),
Liston papers, James Baillie to Mrs Ramage, 24 July 1775.
3 G. G. Simpson (ed.),
Scotland and Scandinavia, 800-1800 (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1990); Simpson
(ed.), The Scottish soldier abroad, 1247-1967 (Edinburgh: John Donald,
1992); Simpson (ed.), Scotland and the Low Countries, 1124-1994 (East
Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1996); T C. Smout et al., 'Scottish migration in
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries', in N. Canny (ed.), Europeans on
the move: Studies in European migration 1500-1800 (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1994), pp. 76-112; S. W. Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the
House of Stuart, 1603-60 (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2000); R. Law, 'The
first Scottish Guinea company, 1634-39', Scottish Historical Review, 76, 2
(1997), 189; J. L. Israel, A conflict of empires: Spain and the
Netherlands, 1618-1648', Past and Present, 76 (1977), 48-9, 51-4.
4 N. E. S. Griffiths and J.
G. Reid, 'New evidence on New Scotland, 1629', William and Mary Quarterly,
49, 3 (1992), 492-508; Law, 'The first Scottish Guinea company'.
5 NAS, GD205/40/13/3,
Ogilvy of Inverquharity papers, warrant from Charles II to Sir John Nisbet,
10 July 1671; GD205/40/13/4, Duke of Lauderdale to Sir John Nisbet, 22
July 1671. I am grateful to Allan I. Macinnes for these references. See
also NAS, GD103/2/4/42, Society of Antiquities, D. Dobson, Scottish
emigration to colonial America, 1607-1785 (Athens, GA: University of
Georgia Press, 1994), pp. 74, 76.
6 G. P. Insh, Scottish
colonial schemes, 1620-1686 (Glasgow: Maclehose, Jackson & Co., 1922),
appendix D, Barbados correspondence, p. 231.
7 R. S. Dunn, Sugar and
slaves: The rise of the planter class in the English West Indies,
1624-1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), pp. 75,
87, 124, 257.
8 Insh, Scottish colonial
schemes, appendix D, p. 230; A. P. Thornton, West India policy under the
Restoration (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956), p. 130.
9 CSP, vol. 19, p. 737,
minutes of the council in assembly of Barbados, 2 September 1701; I. C. C.
Graham, Colonists from Scotland: Emigration to North America, 1707-1783
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1956), p. 9.
10 W. Fraser, Memoirs of
the Maxwells of Pollok (Edinburgh: 1863), vol. 1, pp. 370-2. On Maxwell
see CSP, vol. 15, p. 296; vol. 16, p. 110; vol. 18, p. 44.
11 See CSP, vol. 18, p. 31.
12 ACA, Baillie Court:
propinquity books, vol. 1, pp. 586-9, 19 January 1722. I am grateful to
Marjory Harper for this reference. See also Smout et al., 'Scottish
migration', p. 87.
13 N. C. Landsman, Scotland
and its first American colony, 1683-1765 (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1985), pp. 103, 275-8; L. G. Fryer, 'Robert Barclay of Ury and East
New Jersey', Northern Scotland, 15 (1995), 1-17.
14 D. Armitage, 'The
Scottish vision of empire: Intellectual origins of the Darien venture', in
J. Robertson (ed.), A union for empire: Political thought and the Union of
1707 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 97-117.
15 R. B. Sheridan, Sugar
and slavery: An economic history of the British West Indies, 1623-1775
(Barbados: Caribbean Universities Press, 1974), p. 158.
16 Landsman, Scotland and
its first American colony, p. 11; J. M. Price, 'The rise of Glasgow in the
Chesapeake tobacco trade, 1707-1775', William and Mary Quarterly, 11
(1954), 179-99; T. M. Devine, The tobacco lords: A study of the tobacco
merchants of Glasgow and their trading activities, c. 1740-1790
(Edinburgh: John Donald, 1975); A. W. Parker, Scottish Highlanders in
colonial Georgia: The recruitment, emigration, and settlement at Darien,
1735-1748 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1997).
17 Anon., An account of the
island of Jamaica, with reflections on the treatment, occupation and
provisions of the slaves (Newcastle: S. Hodgson, 1788) p. 7; J. Schaw,
Journal of a lady of quality, being the narrative of a Journey from
Scotland to the West Indies, North Carolina, and Portugal in the years
1774 to 1776, ed. E. W. Andrews and C. M. Andrews (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1923) p. 81; E. Long, The history of Jamaica, or general
survey of the antient and modern state of that island (1774; London: Frank
Cass, 1970), vol. 2, p. 286.
18 A. L. Karras, Sojourners
in the sun: Scottish migrants in Jamaica and the Chesapeake, 1740-1800
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992), pp. 120-1; Landsman, Scotland
and its first American colony, pp. 141-62.
19 Z. Laidlaw, 'Networks,
patronage and information in governance: Britain, New South Wales and the
Cape Colony, 1826-1843', DPhil thesis, University of Oxford, 2001, p. 48.
20 Laidlaw, 'Networks,
patronage and information', pp. 48-86; R. Pearson and D. Richardson,
'Business networking in the industrial revolution', Economic History
Review, 54, 4 (2001), 657-79; C. Tilly, 'Transplanted networks', in V.
Yans-McLaughlin (ed.), Immigration reconsidered: History, sociology and
politics (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 79-95;
P. Mathias, 'Risk, credit and kinship in early modern enterprise', in J.
J. McCusker and K. Morgan (eds), The early modern Atlantic economy
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 16; I. Bull, 'Merchant
households and their networks in eighteenth-century Trondheim', Continuity
and Change, 17, 2 (2002), 213-31; J. C. Sola-Corbacho, 'Family, paisanaje,
and migration among Madrid's merchants (1750-1800)', Journal of Family
History, 17, 1 (2002) 3-24.
21 The range includes: G.
Donaldson, The Scots overseas (London: Robert Hale, 1966); D. S. MacMillan,
Scotland and Australia 1788-1850: Emigration, commerce and investment
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967); J. D. Hargreaves, Aberdeenshire to
Africa: Northeast Scots and British overseas expansion (Aberdeen: Aberdeen
University Press, 1981); J. M. MacKenzie, 'Essay and reflection: On
Scotland and the empire', International History Review, 15 (1993), 714-39;
McKenzie, 'Empire and national identities: The case of Scotland',
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, 8 (1998),
215-31; N. C. Landsman (ed.), Nation and province in the first British
empire: Scotland and the Americas, 1600-1800 (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell
University Press, 2001); M. Fry, Scottish empire (East Linton: Tuckwell
Press, 2001); A. I. Macinnes et al. (eds), Scotland and the Americas: A
documentary source book (Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 2002); E.
Buettner, 'Haggis in the Raj: Private and public celebrations of
Scottishness in late imperial India', Scottish Historical Review, 81, 2
(2002), 212-39; A. Mackillop and S. Murdoch (eds), Military governors and
imperial frontiers c. 1600-1800: A study of Scotland and empires (Leiden:
Brill, 2003); T. M. Devine, Scotland's empire, 1600-1815 (London: Allen
Lane, 2003).
22 R. B. Sheridan, 'The
rise of a colonial gentry: A case study of Antigua, 1730-1775', Economic
History Review, 13, 3 (1961), 342-57; Sheridan, 'The role of Scots'; A. L.
Karras, 'The world of Alexander Johnston: The creolization of ambition,
1762-1787', Historical Journal, 30, 1 (1987) 53-76; Karras, Sojourners in
the sun; R. A. McDonald (ed.), Between Slavery and Freedom: Special
Magistrate John Anderson's journal of St Vincent during the apprenticeship
(Kingston: University of the West Indies Press; Philadelphia: University
of Pennsylvania Press, 2001). This lacuna has been only partly filled by
M. Quintanilla, 'The world of Alexander Campbell: An eighteenth-century
Grenadian planter', Albion, 35, 2 (2003), 229-56.
23 L. Colley, Britons:
Forging the nation, 1707-1837 (London: Pimlico, 1994); K. Wilson, The
sense of the people: Politics, culture and imperialism in England,
1715-1785 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); A. Murdoch,
British history 1660-1832: National identity and local culture
(Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998); K. Morgan, Bristol and the Atlantic trade
in the eighteenth century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993);
D. H. Akenson, If the Irish ran the world: Montserrat, 1630-1730
(Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1997); C. A. Bayly, Imperial
meridian: The British Empire and the world, 1780-1830 (London: Longman,
1989), p. 15; P. J. Marshall, 'A nation defined by empire, 1755-1776', in
A. Grant and K. J. Stringer (eds), Uniting the Kingdom! The making of
British history (London: Routledge, 1995), pp. 208-22; J. G. A. Pocock,
'The limits and divisions of British history: In search of the unknown
subject', American Historical Review, 87, 2 (1982), 330.
24 B. Bailyn, Voyagers to
the west: A passage in the peopling of America on the eve of the
revolution (London: I. B. Tauris, 1987); B. Bailyn, 'The idea of Atlantic
history', Itinerario, 20 (1996), 19-44; D. W. Meinig, The shaping of
America, vol. 1: Atlantic America (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1986); I. K. Steele, The English Atlantic 1675-1740: An exploration of
communication and community (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1986); important studies include: D. Armitage and M. Braddick (eds), The
British Atlantic world, 1500-1800 (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002); A. Games,
Migration and the origins of the English Atlantic world (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1999); D. Hancock, Citizens of the world: The
Integration of the British Atlantic community, 1735-1785 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1995); E. H. Gould, The persistence of empire:
British political culture in the era of the American Revolution (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the OIEAHC, 2000). |
