The news of this northern revolution caused
Edward speedily to listen to proposals of a truce made him by France,
that he might have leisure to reduce Scotland. Instantly on his arrival
in England, he assembled a numerous and well-disciplined army,
amounting, according to the common accounts, to above 80,000 foot,
besides a fine body of cavalry, most of them veteran troops, newly
brought over from the French war. He marched northward at their head,
having under him, as general officers, Bohun, Earl of Hereford, High
Constable of England; Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, Chief Marshal; the Earl of
Lincoln, and Antonius de Beck, the warlike Bishop of Durham. This
numerous host arrived at Temple-Liston, now known by the name of
Kirkliston, two miles south of Queensferry, where they encamped, and
abode near a month, waiting for the arrival of ships, which had been
appointed to attend them with provisions, but were detained by contrary
winds. The Scots were, meanwhile, making vigorous preparations for
defence. An army of 30,000 collected by Wallace and other chiefs,
rendezvoused near Falkirk, waiting for the enemy. They had chosen their
ground in a situation apparently advantageous, with a morass, impassable
by cavalry, in front, and, where the morass ended, a sort of
fortification, with palisadoes driven into the earth, and tied together
with ropes.
The scarcity of provisions had become so
great in Edward’s army, that he had thoughts of returning to
Edinburgh; but, receiving intelligence that the Scottish army had taken
post within six leagues of his camp, he resolved to attempt a decisive
stroke, and ordered the troops, hungry and hard bestead as they were, to
march forward with the greatest celerity. Setting out, accordingly, from
Kirkliston at three in the afternoon, they arrived at Linlithgow that
evening, and encamped on the east of the town, on ground part of which
still remains in its uncultivated state, and is known by the name of
Burgh-Moor. As the tents and baggage had been left in the former camp,
the army, including the king, lay all night on the bare ground. Nor had
the horses any provender, except the furze and grass of the moor. The
English contemporary historians mention an accident which that night
befell their sovereign. As he lay fast asleep, a horse, trampling upon
him, broke two of his ribs. Concealing his anguish, however, he mounted
at daybreak, and led the army through the town. They had no sooner
passed Linlithgow, than they descried, on the hills of Muiravonside,
several bodies of armed men, whom they took for the Scottish army. They
marched up in battle array to attack them. Upon their arrival, it was
found that the Scots had retired, having been only the outposts and
scouting parties, who, upon the approach of the enemy, had fallen back
to the main body at Falkirk.
Reaching the summit of the hills, the
whole English army halted till the Bishop of Durham had said mass. It
was the 22nd of July, and St. Magdalen’s day. They now
observed the Scottish army two miles off, forming in order of battle
upon a gentle eminence near Falkirk. When mass was ended, the king
proposed that the army should take some refreshment. The troops,
however, would listen to no delay, but insisted on being led forward to
action. Edward consented, in the name of the Holy Trinity.
The English advanced to the charge in
three great bodies. The first was led by the Earl Marshal and the Earls
of Hereford and Lincoln; the second by the Bishop of Durham, with whom
Sir Ralph Basset de Drayton was joined in command; and the third, which
was probably intended as a corps de reserve, was commanded by Edward in
person. The Scottish army also stood in three divisions, commanded by as
many leaders, who, beside Wallace, were John Cumyn of Badenoch and Sir
John Stewart of Bonkill, brother of the High Steward of Scotland.
English writers say that there were four bodies of the Scots, each drawn
up in the form of an orb, with their spears advanced horizontally, as
the most effectual defence against a numerous cavalry; that the
intervals between the orbs were planted with archers; and that a small
body of cavalry was stationed behind the rest of the army.
Hitherto the Scottish leaders had acted
with apparent unanimity. An obstinate dispute, however, arose about the
chief command, which each now claimed as his right – Wallace, as
guardian of the kingdom; Cumyn, because allied to the crown, and having
a numerous vassalage; and Stewart, as supplying the place of his brother
the Lord High Steward. We are not informed how the ill-timed dispute was
ended. Each, probably, continued to exercise an independent command over
the body he had brought into the field. It is commonly asserted that
Cumyn was so irritated because the supreme command was not decreed to
him, that he marched his ten thousand off the field, without fighting;
and that only Wallace and Stewart, with their divisions, remained to
receive the enemy, who approached in a highly martial style.
The first line of the English, led on by the Earl Marshal and the Earls
of Hereford and Lincoln, advanced with great ardour; but, not having
reconnoitred the ground, were somewhat retarded by the morass in front
of the Scots. Turning a little to the left, however, they found firm
ground, along which they charged. The Bishop of Durham, who, with Sir
Ralph Basset, commanded the second line, perceiving the morass, turned
to the right, and made a circuit; but, more nearly inspecting the
warlike posture of the Scots, he proposed to stop until the third
division, commanded by the king, had advanced. Delay, however, did not
suit Basset’s ardour, who insisted that the troops should instantly
charge, and called out to the bishop, "Go to mass, if you please,
and we shall conduct the military operations of the day." They
advanced, accordingly, and charged the left wing of the Scots almost at
the moment Bigod had charged the right.
The Scots made so brave a resistance,
that the English cavalry, who were not chiefly employed, could not, for
some time, make any impression upon their ranks. Supported, however, by
the infantry, who, advancing, poured terrible showers of arrows among
them, the horsemen, attacking them with their lances, at last threw them
into great disorder. The division commanded by Stewart was surrounded,
and, after a gallant defence, mostly cut to pieces, together with their
leader, who was mortally wounded, and fell from his horse while giving
orders to a company of archers. Wallace, for some time, stood his
ground, against the whole power of the enemy, with amazing intrepidity;
till Robert Bruce, who, with a body of cavalry, had taken a circuit
round a hill, was ready to fall upon his rear. This obliged him to begin
a retreat, which he accomplished, with great valour and military skill,
to the Carron. He crossed the river, in view of the victorious army, at
a ford near Arthur’s Oven.
Such is the account which the generality
of the Scottish writers give of Wallace’s behavior. There are not
wanting, however, some who represent it very differently. These tell us,
that, in the recent altercation about the post of honour, much
opprobrious language had passed between Stewart and Wallace. Stewart is
said to have upbraided his friend with aspiring to a dignity far above
his rank; and compared him to the owl in the fable, who, having dressed
herself with borrowed feathers, affected not only a beauty above her
kind, but a dominion over the whole winged tribe. Wallace, it is added,
was so irritated, that he led off his ten thousand to Callendar Wood,
where they stood idle spectators of the combat. Thus, as Comyn also had
gone, none remained to oppose the advancing foe, except Stewart, who
resolved to devote himself for his country, and, with the greater part
of his division, perished. Nor, according to this account, could Wallace
be prevailed upon, by all the entreaties of Sir John Graham, and the
other officers, to interfere for Stewart’s relief. At last, indeed, he
began to reflect upon the danger in which, by giving way to passion, he
had involved himself; and, perceiving that the only alternative now
left, was, either tamely to yield himself up to the victorious army, or
cut his way through them to Torwood, he resolved to attempt the latter,
and, by many signal exertions of courage, and great slaughter of the
enemy, succeeded.
This account, although it leaves him in
full possession of his valour, and other military talents, entirely
strips him of his patriotism, and represents him sacrificing the public
interest to private passion. It brings to mind the brutal Achilles
refusing to fight for his country because he had quarrelled with
Agamemnon. It is utterly irreconcileable with Hemingford’s narrative,
which places the English army, immediately before the battle, almost
upon the same ground which this account makes Wallace occupy.
That an unhappy difference had arisen
between the Scottish leaders, before the battle, cannot be denied. Nor
is it easy to conceive what could have induced the Scottish writers to
fabricate a tale so dishonourable to Wallace, generally their favourite.
The most plausible method of conciliating this account with that by the
English historians, is to suppose that the dispute had happened the day
before; and that, if Wallace had carried his resentment so far as to
retire, yet, afterwards relenting, he had joined the army. In this case,
it might have been his division that the English saw upon the heights
west of Linlithgow, and which, upon their approach, fell back to the
main body at Falkirk. Fordun expressly says, that Cumyn forsook the rest
of the leaders; and in Goodal’s edition of that author, there is no
mention of any dispute between Wallace and Stewart; but in the various
readings it is intimated, that, in Hearn’s manuscript, the loss of the
battle is ascribed to the jealousy and pride of two of the Scottish
commanders.
Bruce pursued Wallace to the river; and
like one of the ancient warriors, loudly called out to him, as he stood
upon the opposite bank, to grant him a private interview. The other
assented; when each, walking to a place where the channel was narrow,
and the banks very steep, stood, with the stream between them, and held
a conference that opened Bruce’s eyes to a just view of his interest,
and that of his country. He had represented to Wallace the madness of
taking up arms against so powerful a monarch, and charged him with
having a view to the crown. The other replied, with great warmth, that
he utterly abhorred such views; and that the welfare of his country was
the sole motive by which he was animated. He concluded by telling Bruce
that he had brought much misery upon his country, and been altogether
blind to his own interests, in siding with the English. This conference
sank deep into the mind of Bruce, and convinced him of the foolish part
he had hitherto acted.
The loss of the Scots was very great; and
seemed to threaten inevitable ruin to their land. We are not to give
credit, however, to the exaggerated relations of the English writers,
some of whom make the number of slain amount to fifty or sixty thousand,
beside a great many prisoners. The Scottish writers generally state the
loss at above ten thousand, amongst whom, besides the valiant Sir John
Stewart of Bonkill in Berwickshire, was Sir John Graham of Dundaff in
Stirlingshire, who, for courage and military skill, was reckoned next to
Wallace, and commonly styled by that hero his "Right Hand." To
the English it was a dear bought victory. Nor was it very glorious. An
army of veteran, well marshalled troops had fought one almost thrice
inferior to them in numbers, and chiefly composed of raw undisciplined
peasants, whose leaders had been so divided by ill-timed altercation as
not fairly to co-operate. Although, perhaps, we are not to give entire
credit to the Scottish accounts, which make the victor’s loss amount
to thirty thousand, yet he certainly lost a great number. Particular
notice is taken of the Master of the Knights-templars in England, and of
the Master of the same order in Scotland, together with a Templar of
great renown, Frere Brianjay, whose horse, happening to stick fast in
the mud, had exposed its rider to a mortal wound.
The scene of this bloody encounter lies
about midway between Falkirk and the Carron. Hemingford, the English
monk, who had his information from eye-witnesses, has given the most
particular account extant of the motions and allocations of both armies.
He says, what we have already mentioned, that the English halted upon
heights, a good way westward from Linlithgow, till mass had been said by
the Bishop of Durham; that they there observed the Scottish army forming
in order of battle, upon a gentle eminence near Falkirk; and that there
was a small rivulet between the two armies, when thus situated.
The heights upon which the English halted
could be no other than those west of Maddiston, and south of Callendar
Wood; and the rivulet none else than Westquarter Burn, which, though
small, has such steep and rugged banks, that cavalry could not have
conveniently passed.
The eminence upon which the Scots were
drawn up must have been the ridge of ground east of Mungal, and which is
distinctly seen from the heights of Callendar; what cannot be said of
any other eminence in the near neighbourhood of Falkirk. Our historian
informs us, in front of the Scots, there lay a morass, having firm
ground at either end. This slough, which terminated at the north end of
the Terrace Plantation, is still visible, running along the south side
of the above-mentioned eminence, and intersected by the Forth and Clyde
Canal. It is known by the name of Mungal Bog. It exactly answers the
description given by Hemingford, who calls it "lacus bituminosus,"
undoubtedly meaning a peat-bog. Add to this, that tradition is uniform
in pointing out the fields in the neighbourhood, as the scene of the
action; and that, closely adjoining to this morass, there is a tract of
ground called Graham’s Moor, from the brave Sir John de Graham, who
fell on this memorable occasion. At the east end of the bog, we find
Brian’s Ford, or, as it is now pronounced, Bainsford, supposed to have
received its name from Brianjay, the knight-templar, who was slain
there.
Robert Bruce, according to Fordun, had
made a circuit round a long hill, to attack his more patriotic
countrymen in the rear. His route must have been westward, along the
hollow in which Westquarter Burn runs; and then on, by Roughcastle, and
Caermuirs.
No monuments are to be seen near the
field; but, on the summit of a hill, a mile south-east of Callendar
Wood, a stone is erected, well known in the neighbourhood by the name of
Wallace’s Stone, and a little to the east, is a tract of ground called
Wallace’s Ridge. Common tradition reports, that the stone is erected
where Wallace, incensed by Stewart’s opprobrious language, had stood,
an idle spectator of the battle, and that his soldiers were posted on
the above-mentioned ridge. If this was more stone, however, has any
reference to that hero, it probably erected where he had taken post
before the battle; and, as the place can be seen from Linlithgow, we may
reason that it was possibly the corps under his command which the
English had thence descried. On the north side of the stone is
inscribed, "Hic stetit, 11 die August, A.D. 1298"; while on
that facing the south, "Erected to the memory of that celebrated
Scottish hero, Sir William Wallace, 3rd August, 1810."
The original slab, which was 3 feet high, 18 inches broad, and 3 inches
thick, stood a short distance to the west.
In the old churchyard of Falkirk, lie the
remains of Sir John de Graeme, of Dundaff, the bosom friend of Wallace.
Surrounding the four blocks of stone over his grave there is now a
cast-iron railing, surmounted by a Gothic cupola, and which unites in
the centre with a gilded coronet and the Scottish lion rampant. North
and south is the family crest, with the words "ne oubliez";
east and west, a shield with the motto, "Virtus vivit post funera."
On the topmost of the gravestones may be read the following Scottish
inscription: -
"Heir lyes Sir John
the Grame, baith wight and wise,
Ane of the cheefs who reskewit Scotland thrise;
Ane better knight not to the world was lent
Nor was gude Grame, of truth and hardiment."
Below, on a raised tablet, are also the
Latin lines: -
"Mente manuque potens
et Vallae fidvs Achates,
Conditure hic Gramvs, bello interfectvs ab Anglis.
22 Julii anno 1298."
Or literally – "Here lies Graeme,
strong alike in head and hand. The faithful friend of Wallace. He was
slain in battle by the English, 22nd July, 1298."
When Cromwell’s soldiers were here, one
of the officers, who was anxious to know the "meaning" of the
above, was, however, furnished with the following translation by James
Livingstone, the parish schoolmaster: -
"Of mind and courage
stout,
Wallace’s true Achates,
Here lies John the Grame,
Felled by the English baties."
There is another edition of it in
"Watson’s Historical Collection," London, 1657: -
"Here lies the
gallant Graham,
Wallace’s true Achates,
Who cruelly was murdered
By the English baties."
The word "batie," signifying
dog, seems to have been contemptuously aimed at the
"Roundheads."
Over the tombstone there has lately been
fixed a well-executed casting of the two-handed sword used by the hero
on his last war-field. The following are its inscriptions: - On one side
of the blade, "Casting of the sword used by Sir John de Graeme at
the battle of Falkirk, 22nd July, 1298," and, on the
other side, "Cast at Falkirk ironworks, 3rd May, 1869,
from the original in the possession of the Auchterarder, No. 46, Lodge
of Freemasons." The length of the sword over all is now 5 feet 4
inches, and of the blade 4 feet. But as it was originally 6 inches
longer, the extreme length, at one time, would be 5 feet 10 inches.
It may be permitted to subjoin a few
Latin verses in memory of Graeme, by a Scottish poet of the seventeenth
century – John Johnstone; more especially as the printed work whence
they are transcribed is scarce: -
"Joannes Graemus
eques, omnium laborum Vallae socius, occidit
ad Varium Sacellum, 1298. Vallam alloquitur.
Me tibi do, Valla socium bellique laborumque;
Accipe me in numerum nunc quoque magne tuum.
Eheu! praecipites ruimus discordibus armis,
In diversa trahunt ambitio, ira, dolus.
Te seauor usque, libens haec tecum pignora dextrae,
Hancque animam patriae do voveoque meae.
Nec dixisse satis, quin haec mea pectora morti
Offero. Scis, nostrum haud dicere sed facere."
Another brave soldier sleeping here is
Sir John Stewart, of Bonkill. A plain, coffin-shaped block of stone,
however, is all that marks his grave. Inscribed on its rugged face are
the words – "Here lies a Scottish hero, Sir John Stewart, who was
killed at the battle of Falkirk, 22nd July, 1298." It is
supposed that the body lies a few feet to the south or west of the
present position of the stone.
Wallace, after his conference with Bruce,
visited the remains of his mangled army, which had halted at Torwood. He
then retired towards Perth; burning the town of Stirling, and laying the
country to waste, to distress the enemy for want of provisions, should
he attempt to pursue.
Arriving at Perth, he resigned his office
of Protector, dismissed the army, and returned to private life. We have
few certain accounts of him subsequently. He was, some years afterwards,
arrested by Sir John Monteath of Ruskie, and delivered by him into the
hands of Edward, who put him to death in London, on the 23rd
of August, 1305, in a manner so cruel as to reflect the utmost disgrace
upon that monarch. His defence against the charge of high treason was,
that he was not the born subject of the English king; nor had he sworn
allegiance to him, but, unshackled by engagement, had levied war in the
support of his country’s freedom. The following lines in praise of
Wallace, as hero and patriot, are by the Scottish poet recently quoted:
-
"Gulielmus Vallas,
custos regni post Alexandrum III., occidit
Londini a suis proditus 1305.
Robore, mente, animis ingens, ingentior, ausis,
Quem tibi quem dederint saecula prisca parem?
Romani arma gerunt, subnixi viribus orbis:
Vires, arma, orbis dextera sola tua.
Nil non pro patria geris, et pro te haec nihil unquam;
Illi cuncta sibi pro patria in patriam
Fata ferunt secum: fatus tu fervidus instas:
Imperium his, tibi sors destinat invidiam,
Quod neque Mars unquam potuit, neque callidus hostis,
Viribus ille suis, fraudibus iste suis;
At, scelus O! potuit gens hoc malefida tuorum!
Sic vixti, et fatis immoreris patriae."
Four days after the battle, Edward
advanced to Stirling, which he found in ruins. Taking up his abode in
the convent of Domincans, he stayed there two weeks, and from thence
sent a detachment in pursuit of the Scots as far as Perth, which they
found also burned. After planting a strong garrison in the castle, he
returned southward; for, notwithstanding his victory, his army was so
shattered, and provisions so scanty, that he saw it necessary to march
home with all speed. His route was by Falkirk to Abercorn, and thence to
Carlisle, through the forest of Selkirk, which appears to have then
extended over the greater part of the south of Scotland.
A number of entertaining incidents are
told of the battle; a few of which we shall subjoin. Wallace made the
following very short and simple speech to his soldiers: - "There is
Edward. Run if you can." During the retreat, he kept in the rear
with 300 of his best cavalry, and performed many valorous acts in
repelling the pursuers. He kept a constant eye upon such as were the
most forward in the pursuit, cut off many of them, and among others, the
Knight-templar Brianjay. Wallace and Bruce once encountered. The combat
was terrible, and brings to our remembrance the rencounters of Homer’s
warriors. Wallace, at a stroke, broke the other’s spear, and, at a
second, cut off his horse’s head. To apologise for the romantic
appearance of such feats, we are told, that the strength of this hero
was equal to that of four ordinary men; and that nothing was proof
against his sword, one blow of which, when it had chanced to hit fair,
never failed to cleave both head and shoulders.
When the retreating army had arrived at
the Carron, the flowing tide made them suddenly halt. At the call,
however, of their leader, still employed in repelling the pursuers, they
entered the river, and keeping close together, got all safe through.
Honourable mention is made of Wallace’s horse. Covered with wounds,
and spear-heads sticking in his flesh, the generous quadruped had just
strength sufficient to carry his master across the river, and then
instantaneously expired.
Some accounts mention a second conference
of Bruce with Wallace, as having taken place at the chapel of Dunipace,
the morning after the battle. They speak of a jest also, passed upon
Bruce, and co-operating with Wallace’s reasoning to alienate his
affections from the English. At a repast in the evening of the battle,
an English officer seeing much blood upon Bruce’s clothes, and some of
it mingling with the morsel he was putting into his mouth, said,
"See the Scot eating his blood," which Robert considered a
double entendre.
But, according to Mr. Chalmers, Robert,
the future King of Scotland, was not in the battle of Falkirk. He had,
indeed, repeated on the sword of Becket, at Carlisle, the oath he had
taken at Berwick, to be faithful to Edward. Soon after, however, he had
joined the Scottish army; and, with some other principal men, felt the
necessity of yielding to the English commander, five weeks before the
battle of Stirling. Wallace resented what he thought pusillanimous, and
made Bruce give surety for his good behavior. When Edward had invaded
Scotland in 1298, he summoned Bruce to attend him; but in vain. Nor did
Bruce join Wallace, whatever might have been his inclination; but he
kept garrison in Ayr Castle while his friends were fighting at Falkirk.
As Mr. Fordun, who flourished under Robert II., and is the most faithful
of the old Scottish historians, has asserted Robert Bruce’s presence
in this battle, and specified several of his actions there, it is
concluded by the writer of that monarch’s life in the Edinburgh
Encyclopaedia, that it was the elder Bruce, who was then alive. Such,
indeed, is possible. |