Edward II. kept up the same claim upon the
kingdom of Scotland which his father had begun; and, after several
unsuccessful attempts to establish it, he resolved to make a great
effort, and, with one blow, entirely to reduce a nation that, by its
turbulence, had given such trouble to his father and himself. Having
borrowed considerable sums from his monasteries, to defray the expenses
of so important an expedition, he assembled, in the spring of 1314, the
most numerous army that had ever crossed the borders, composed of
different nations, and amounting to above 100,000 effective men, besides
a huge multitude of attendants, who came in the hope of sharing in the
plunder. Historians inform us that this vast host was composed not only
of all the crown-vassals in England, Ireland, and Wales, with their
military tenants, who, in consequence of a summons attended their
sovereign; but of great numbers of foreign troops who had been
transported from Flanders, and all the English provinces in France,
besides many Scots who were disaffected to Bruce, and men of broken
fortunes from many a corner, who had joined the army in expectation of
obtaining lands in Scotland. Some make the whole amount to 300,000. Our
northern minstrel in the "Lord of the Isles," has given a
poetical charm even to the muster-roll of Edward’s army.
"And not famed
England’s powers alone,
Renowned in arms, the summons own!
For Neustra’s knights obeyed,
Gascogne hath lent her horsemen good,
And Cambria, but of late subdued,
Sent forth her mountain-multitude,
And Connoght poured from waste and wood
Her hundred tribes, whose sceptre rude
Dark Eth. O’Connor swayed."
Edward marched northward with uncommon
ostentation, and in full confidence of victory; having ordered his fleet
to attend him by sea with provisions, and appointed public prayers to be
offered up in all the churches and monasteries of his dominions. These
preparations did not terrify those against whom they were made.
Robert Bruce, grandson of Baliol’s
competitor, had been crowned King of Scotland by the Countess of Buchan,
in 1306. Though hitherto he had been involved in perpetual war with
England, and the party among the Scots who adhered to Baliol, and his
successes checkered with greater losses, so that he had several times
been reduced to the greatest extremities; still his vigour of mind and
body had enabled him to sustain additional toil and hardship. Timeously
informed of Edward’s formidable preparations, he raised an army of
30,000, an armament which bore a small proportion to that of England. It
was composed, however, of soldiers inured to war, and carrying on the
sword’s point liberty, honour, and everything dear to man. The
Highlanders must have been numerous comparatively, for Bruce had
ingratiated himself with almost all the chiefs. MacGregor had furnished
the relic of St. Fillan, and is said to have fought bravely at
Bannockburn. With this little force, Robert, taking his station near
Stirling, waited for Edward. His first rendezvous was at Torwood, where
he laid the plan of his operations in concert with his general officers,
Edward his brother; Thomas Randolph, Earl of Moray, his nephew; Lord
Walter, High Steward; and Sir James Douglas, who was afterwards employed
to carry the heart of Robert the Bruce to the Holy Land. As he was
killed, however, on the way, and his suite did not choose to proceed,
his remains were brought back, and interred, with those of his
ancestors, at Douglas. Bruce’s heart was deposited neither in
Jerusalem, where he had wished it to be, nor in Dumfermline, whither,
from Cardross, in Dumbartonshire, his corpse had, with suitable pomp,
been conveyed, but in Melrose Abbey.
The two armies first beheld each other in
the month of June; and a fierce and bloody battle was soon after fought,
in which the Scots obtained a victory, the most celebrated of any in the
annals of their country. Although the union of the kingdoms have now
rendered their former mutual contests matter rather of curiosity than
serious concern; still the briefest of particulars of so great an action
so near the door, cannot but be entertaining to the inhabitant of
Stirlingshire. The historians of this singular affair often contradict
each other, and assert local impossibilities. Buchanan, having long
resided at Stirling, when preceptor of James VI., and had frequent
opportunities of viewing the field, has given a distinct account of it.
Casting our eye upon his history, and the fields which were the stage of
this great transaction, we have, at one glance, the dispositions and
motions of both armies.
The English host, having marched from
Edinburgh to Falkirk in one day, set out next morning towards Stirling.
Robert, being well informed of their motions, dispatched Sir James
Douglas and Sir Robert Keith to reconnoitre them upon their march. These
officers reported privately to the king, that it was the best arrayed,
as well as the most numerous, army that he had ever seen, and pompous
almost beyond expression. Policy led Bruce to conceal this report from
his army. He ordered it, on the other hand, to be given out, that,
though the enemy was numerous, it was not properly marshalled. The
English, meanwhile, came in sight, and encamped on the north of Torwood.
About Upper Bannockburn, and in the moor of Plean, in the neighbourhood
of the ancient Roman causeway, pieces of broken pots, and other vessels,
have been found; and, upon the rocks, near the surface, marks of fire
have been discovered, where, as is supposed, the soldiers had cooked
their provisions. Barbour, too, speaks as if their camp had stretched so
far north, as to occupy part of the carse. So vast a multitude must
doubtless have covered a large tract of country.
The Scottish army had, some days before,
drawn nearer Stirling, and posted themselves in ground previously chose,
behind the small stream of the Bannock, remarkable for its steep and
rugged banks. They occupied several small eminences, and upon the summit
of one of these, now called Brock’s Brae – i.e. badger’s acclivity
– is a stone marking the ground where Bruce planted the royal
standard, and near which his pavilion was erected. The space, or hole
rather, in which the "Bored Stone" rests, is about 3 feet
square, and has been roofed with an iron grating for protection against
the picking propensities of pilgrims. But on the 25th June,
1877, the erection of a neat and substantial flagstaff, by the Dunbarton
and Stirling Rock of Hope Lodge of Oddfellows, was inaugurated here with
great ceremony. A foundation having been built on the solid rock,
half-a-dozen yards west from the Bored Stone, for the necessary
structure to receive the staff, on this had been bolted a malleable iron
mainmast (hollow), rising to a height of 70 feet, and weighing 3 tons.
It has been screwed down at the base with malleable iron plates; while
the whole fixings of the mast have been covered with a solid and elegant
cast-iron covering, decorated with Scotch thistles. The upper mast,
which is of Baltic pine, is 50 feet long. Surmounting the whole, as a
vane, there is a battle axe, with a malleable iron spire, and blade of
block tin. The entire height of the erection is 120 feet. The Times did
rather an undignified thing when it headed its report of this memorial
of a famous historical event, "A snub to England." As well
might it accuse the Greeks of bad taste for erecting a
similarly-spirited work to mark Thermopylae. The prospect from the bald
eminence is exactly what might be looked for. In almost every direction
we have the survey of a fine sweep of country, with many objects
patriotically revered to deepen the interest of the view. Northwards,
Stirling castle, sitting proudly with towers and ramparts, on its
everlasting rock, and the Wallace monument, stand out boldly in the
landscape; while more immediately west is the Gillies’ Hill, capped
with a solitary tree, which, in the undulating distance, has all the
appearance of a huge umbrella. From a situation so commanding, we
naturally get at a glance the whole range of the ground occupied by the
hostile armies. Thus they lay facing each other, at a mile’s distance,
with the streamlet running in a narrow valley between them.
Stirling Castle was still in the hands of
the English. Edward Bruce had, in the preceding spring, besieged it for
several months; but, finding himself unable to reduce it, had abandoned
the enterprise. By a treaty, however, between Edward and Philip Moubray,
the governor, it was agreed that, if the garrison had received no relief
from England before St. John the Baptist’s Day, 24th June,
they should then surrender to the Scots, Robert was much dissatisfied
with his brother; but, to save his honour, at last confirmed the treaty.
Edward was distinguished for vigorous measures. The following anecdote,
as related by Lord Hailes, the distinguished annalist of Scotland,
justifies the line,
"And fiery Edward
routed stout St. John."
John de St. John, with 15,000 horse, had
advanced to oppose the inroad of the Scots. By a forced march, he
endeavoured to surprise them, but intelligence of his motion was
timeously received. The courage of Edward Bruce, approaching to
temerity, frequently enabled him to achieve what men of more judicious
valour would never have attempted. He ordered the infantry, and the
meaner sort of his army, to entrench themselves in strong narrow ground.
He himself, with fifty horsemen well harnessed, issued forth under cover
of a thick mist, surprised the English on their march, attacked and
dispersed them. When blamed by Robert for his rash treaty with Moubray,
"Let all England come," exclaimed Edward, "we will fight
them were they more."
The day before the battle, a fine body of
cavalry, to the number of 800, was detached from the English camp, under
the conduct of Lord Clifford, to the relief of the castle. These, having
marched through low grounds, upon the edge of the carse, had passed the
Scottish army on their left before they were observed. The king himself
was the first to perceive them; and, desiring the Earl of Moray, who
commanded the left wing, to turn his eyes towards the quarter where they
were making their appearance, in the crofts of St. Ninians, said to him,
angrily, "Thoughtless man! you have suffered the enemy to
pass." Moray, feeling severely, instantly pursued them with 500
foot; and, coming up with them in the plain, where the village of
Newhouse now stands, commenced a sharp action in sight of both armies,
and of the castle. Randolph’s party, who had been drawn up in a
circular form, with their spears protended, and resting on the ground,
were briskly attacked and surrounded by the enemy. Much valour was
displayed on both sides; and it was some time doubtful who should be
victorious. Robert, attended by several of his general officers,
witnessed this rencounter from Cockshot Hill. Douglas, seeing the
distress of his brave friend, who was greatly inferior to the enemy in
numbers, asked leave to go with a reinforcement to his support. This the
king at first refused; but, upon his afterwards consenting, Douglas put
his soldiers in motion. Perceiving, however, on the way, that Randolph
was on the point of victory, he stopped short, that they who had long
fought so hard might enjoy undivided glory. The English were entirely
defeated, with great slaughter. Among the slain was Sir Gilzame de
Ainecourt, a knight and commander of great renown, who had fallen in the
beginning of the action. The loss of the Scots amounted to one man
slain. Randolph and his company, covered with dust and glory, returned
to the camp, amidst acclamations of joy. To perpetuate the memory of the
victory, two large stones were erected in the field, where they are
still to be seen. The spot was ultimately inclosed for a garden. It is
at the north end of the village of New-house, about a quarter of a mile
from the South Port of Stirling.
This victory gave new spirits to the
army, and raised so great an ardour for a general engagement, that the
night, though one of the shortest, seemed long to them.
"It was a night of
lovely June,
High rode in cloudless blue the moon,
Demyat smiled beneath her ray.
Old Stirling’s towers arose in light,
And, twined in links of silver bright,
Her winding river lay.
Ah, gentle planet! other sight
Shall greet thee next returning night."
Edward, too, exasperated at the defeat of
his detachment, and perceiving the disadvantageous impression it was
likely to make upon his army, was resolved to bring it to a general
action next day. All was early in motion on both sides. Religious
sentiments in the Scots were mingled with military fire. A solemn mass
was pronounced by Maurice, abbot of Inchaffray, afterward the king’s
confessor; who also administered the sacrament to the king, and the
chief officers about him, while inferior priests did the same to the
rest of the army. Then, after a sober repast, they formed in order of
battle, in a tract of ground, now called Nether Touchadam, which lies
along the declivity of a gently rising hill, about a mile due south from
Stirling castle. This situation had been previously chosen on account of
its advantages. Upon the right, they had a range of steep rocks, whither
the baggage-men had retired, and which, from this circumstance, has been
called Gillies’ or Servants’ Hill. In their front, were the steep
banks of the rivulet of Bannock. Upon the left lay a morass, now called
Milton Bog, from its vicinity to a small village of that name. Much of
this bog is still undrained; and part of it is now a mill-pond. As it
was then the middle of summer, it was almost quite dry; but Robert had
recourse to a strategem, to prevent any attack from that quarter. He
had, some time before, ordered pits, about a foot in breadth, and two
feet deep, to be dug in the morass, and fields on the left, and covered
with green turf, supported by stakes, so as to exhibit the appearance of
firm ground. He also had calthorps scattered there; some of which have
been found within the present century. By these means, together with the
natural strength of the ground, the Scottish army stood as within an
entrenchment.
Some historians tell us, that Robert
rendered even the rays of the sun subservient to his advantage, having
drawn up his army in such a position, that the enemy, fighting, would
have their motions embarrassed by dazzled eyes. Be that as it may, the
Scottish line, no doubt, extended in a north-easterly direction from the
brook of Bannock, where their right flank would be covered effectually,
to the village of St. Ninians, probably in the line of the present road
from Stirling to Kilsyth. The military advantages of this position were
obvious, as the English could not pass the Scottish army, and move
towards Stirling, without exposing their flank to be attacked, while in
march. If, on the other hand, the Scottish line had been drawn up east
and west, and facing to the southward, as affirmed by Buchanan, and
adopted by Mr. Nimmo, there appears nothing to have prevented the
English approaching upon the carse, or level ground, from Falkirk,
either from turning the Scottish left flank, or from passing their
position, if they preferred it, without coming to action, and moving on
to the relief of Stirling. The Gillies’ Hill, if this less probable
hypothesis be adopted, would be situated not in the rear, as allowed by
all historians, but upon the right flank of Bruce’s army. And, again:
many English, at the close of the battle, ran to the castle, or the
Forth, which they must have done through the victorious line, had it
been drawn up from east to west.
Barbour, who lived near those times,
mentions a park with trees, through which the English had to pass,
before they could attack the Scots; and says, that Robert chose this
situation, that, besides other advantages, the trees might prove an
impediment to the enemy’s cavalry. The improvements of agriculture and
various works have, in the lapse of five hundred years, much altered the
face of this, as well as other parts of the country. Vestiges, however,
of this park still remain. Many stumps of trees are seen all around the
field where the battle was fought. A farm-house, situated almost in the
middle, goes by the name of "the Park;" and a mill built upon
the south bank of the rivulet, nearly opposite to where the centre of
Robert’s army stood, goes by the name of Parkhill.
The Scottish army was drawn up in three
divisions, and their front extended near a mile in length, along the
bank of the river. The right, which was upon the highest grounds, was
commanded by Edward Bruce, the king’s brother. The left was posted on
the low grounds, near the morass, under the direction of Randolph, and
the king himself took charge of the centre. Mention is also made of a
fourth division, commanded by Walter, Lord High Steward, and Sir James
Douglas, both of whom had been knighted that morning by their sovereign.
The enemy were fast approaching in three
great bodies, led on by the English monarch in person, and by the Earls
of Hereford and Gloucester, who were ranked among the best generals that
England could then produce. Their centre was formed of infantry, and the
wings of cavalry, many of whom were armed cap-a-pee – a capite ad
pedem, from head to foot. Squadrons of archers were also planted upon
the wings, and at certain distances along the front. Edward was attended
by two knights, Sir Giles de Argentine and Sir Aymer de Vallance, who
rode, according to the phrase of those days, at his bridle. That
monarch, who had imagined that the Scots would never face his formidable
host, was much astonished when he beheld their order and determined
resolution to give him battle. As he expressed his surprise, Sir Ingram
Umfraville took the opportunity of suggesting a plan likely to ensure a
cheap and bloodless victory. He counselled him to make a feint of
retreating with the whole army, till they had got behind their tents;
and, as this would tempt the Scots from their ranks for the sake of
plunder, to turn about suddenly, and fall upon them. The counsel was
rejected. Edward thought there was no need of stratagem to defeat so
small a handful.
Among the other occurrences of this
memorable day, historians mention an incident. As the two armies were on
the point of engaging, the Abbot of Inchaffray posted himself before the
Scots, with a crucifix in his hand; when they all fell down upon their
knees in the act of devotion. The enemy, observing them in so uncommon a
posture, concluded that they were frightened into submission, and that,
by kneeling, when they should have been ready to fight, they meant to
surrender at discretion, and only begged their lives. They were soon
undeceived. They saw them rise, and, with a steady countenance, stand to
arms.
"And when the English
king had sight
Of them kneeling, he said in hie,
Yon folk kneeleth to ask mercy.
Sir Ingram said, Ye say sooth now,
They ask mercy, but none at yow;
For their trespass to God they cry.
I tell thee a thing sickerly,
That yon men will all win or die,
For doubt of dead, they will not flee."
The English began the action, by a
vigorous charge upon the left wing, commanded by Randolph, near the spot
where the bridge is now thrown over the river, at the village of
Chartershall. Its neighbourhood was the only place where the river could
be passed in any sort of order. A large body of cavalry advanced to
attack in front, while another made a circuit to fall upon the flank and
rear. Ere, however, they could come to close engagement, they fell into
the snare that had been laid for them; many of their horses were soon
disabled by the sharp irons rushing into their feet; other tumbled into
the concealed pits, and could not disentangle themselves. Pieces of
harness, with bits of broken spears, and other armour, were even lately
dug up in the bog. Randolph well knew how to improve an accident which
he had expected. Taking immediate advantage of the disorder and surprise
into which it had thrown the enemy, he charged with vigour. The battle
was, meanwhile, spreading along the front, and maintained with much
valour on both sides.
An incident happened at the outset,
which, however small in itself, led to important consequences. King
Robert, according to Barbour, was ill mounted, carrying a battle-axe,
and, on his bassinet-helmet, wearing, for distinction, a crown. Thus
externally distinguished, he rode before the lines, regulating their
order, when an English knight, who was ranked amongst the bravest in
Edward’s army, Sir Henry de Boun, came galloping furiously up to him,
to engage him in single combat, expecting, by this act of chivalry, to
end the contest and gain immortal fame. But the enterprising champion,
having missed his blow, was instantly struck dead by the king, the
handle of whose axe was broken with the violence of the shock. This was
a signal for the charge. The heroic achievement performed by the king
before their eyes had raised the spirits of the Scots to the highest
pitch. They rushed furiously upon the enemy, and met with a warm
reception. The ardour of one of the Scottish divisions had carried them
too far, and occasioned their being sorely galled by a large body of
English archers, who charged them in flank. These, however, were soon
dispersed by Sir Robert Keith Marischal, whom the king had dispatched
with five hundred horse. A strong body of the enemy’s cavalry charged
the right wing, which Edward Bruce commanded, with such irresistible
fury that he had been quite overpowered, had not Randolph, who appears
to have been then unemployed, marched to his assistance. The battle was
now at the hottest, and it was yet uncertain how the day should go. The
English continued to charge with unabated vigour. The Scots received
them with an inflexible intrepidity, each individual fighting as if
victory had depended on his single arm. An occurrence, which some
represent as an accidental sally of patriotic enthusiasm, others as a
premeditated stratagem of Robert’s, suddenly altered the face of
affairs, and contributed greatly to victory. Above fifteen thousand
servants and attendants of the Scottish army had been ordered, before
the battle, to retire with the baggage behind the adjoining hill; but
having during the engagement arranged themselves in a martial form, some
on foot, and others mounted on baggage-horses, they marched to the top,
and displaying, on long poles, white sheets instead of banners,
descended towards the field with hideous shouts. The English, taking
them for a fresh reinforcement of the foe, were seized with so great a
panic that they gave way in great confusion. Buchanan says that the
English king was the first that fled, but contradicts all other
historians, who affirm that Edward was among the last in the field. Nay,
according to some accounts, he would not be persuaded to retire till
Aymer de Vallance, seeing the day lost, took hold of his bridle and led
him off. Sir Giles de Argentine, the other knight who waited on Edward,
would not consent to leave the ground, but putting himself at the head
of a battalion, and making a vigorous effort to retrieve the disastrous
state of affairs, was soon overpowered and slain. He was a champion of
high renown, and having signalized himself in several battles with the
Saracens, was reckoned the third knight of his day. Baston thus
feelingly laments the fall of this noble ancestor of the dukes of Gordon
–
"Nobilis argentem,
pugil inclyte, dulcis Egidi,
Vix Scieram mentem cum te succumbere vidi."
The Scots pursued, and made great havoc
among the enemy, especially in passing the river, where, from the
irregularity of the ground, they could not preserve the smallest order.
A mile from the field of battle, a small bit of ground goes by the name
of Bloody Fold; where, according to tradition, a party of the English
faced about and made a stand, but, after sustaining a dreadful
slaughter, were forced to continue their flight. This account
corresponds to several histories of the Earl of Gloucester. Seeing the
rout of his countrymen, he made an effort to renew the battle, at the
head of his military tenants, and, after having personally done much
execution, was, with most of his party, cut to pieces. The Scots, it is
said, would have spared his life, had they known him; but he had
neglected to wear his surcoat with armorial bearings over his armour,
and thus fell unknown, after his horse had been pierced with spears.
Much valour was displayed on both sides;
and the victory brought the greater honour to the Scots, that it had
been obtained, not over an ill-disciplined multitude, as some represent
the English to have been, but a regular and well-marshalled army, who
had fought both with courage and skill.
Perhaps there is not an instance of a
battle, in which the exact numbers of killed and wounded have been
correctly ascertained. The ordinary method is, for each side to lessen
its own loss, and augment that of the enemy. Though the English writers
do not specify particulars, they acknowledge it to have been very great,
and that their nation never met with such an overthrow. The Scottish
writers make the enemy’s loss, in the battle and pursuit, fifty
thousand, and their own four thousand. Of the latter, Sir William Wepont
and Sir Walter Ross were the only persons of distinction. A proportion
almost incredible! The slain on the English side were all decently
interred by Robert’s order, who, even in the heat of victory could not
refrain from shedding tears over several who had been his intimate
friends. The corpse of the Earl of Gloucester was carried that night to
the church of St. Ninians, where it lay, till, together with that of
Lord Clifford, it was sent to the English monarch. The number of
prisoners also was very great; and amongst them were many of high rank,
who were treated with the utmost civility.
The remains of the vanquished were scattered all over the country. Many
ran to the castle; and not a few, attempting the Forth, were drowned.
The Earl of Hereford, the surviving general, retreated with a large body
towards Bothwell, and threw himself, with a few of the chief officers,
into the castle, which was garrisoned by the English. Being hard
pressed, he surrendered, and was soon exchanged against Robert’s queen
and daughter, and some others of his friends, who had been captive eight
years in England.
King Edward escaped with much difficulty.
Retreating from the battle-field, he rode to the castle, but was told by
the governor, that he could not long enjoy safety there, as it could not
be defended against the victors. Taking a circuit to shun the vigilance
of the Scots, he made the best of his way homeward, accompanied by
fifteen noblemen, and a small body of cavalry. He was closely pursued
above forty miles by Sir James Douglas, who, with a party of light
horse, kept upon his rear, and was often very near him. How hard he was
put to, may be guessed from a vow which he made in his flight, to build
and endow a religious house in Oxford, should it please God to favour
his escape. He was on the point of being made prisoner, when he was
received into the castle of Dunbar by Gospatrick Earl of March, who was
in the English interest. Douglas waited a few days in the neighbourhood,
in expectation of his attempting to go home by land. He escaped,
however, by sea, in a fisherman’s boat. His stay at Dunbar had been
very short. Three days after the battle, he issued a proclamation from
Berwick, announcing the loss of his seal, and forbidding all persons to
obey any order proceeding from it, without some other evidence of that
order being his. Roger de Northburg, keeper of the king’s signet (custos
targiae domini regis), was made prisoner, with his two clerks, Roger de
Wakenfelde, and Thomas de Switon. But the king caused another seal to be
made, and entitled it his "privy seal," to distinguise it from
the one so lost. The targia, or signet, was restored to England, through
the intercession of Ralph de Monthermer, ancestor of the Marquis of
Hastings. Edward’s former confidence of success, and the manner of his
escape, call to mind the ostentatious parade with which Xerxes invaded
Greece, and the sorry plight in which he was compelled to retreat.
The castle of Stirling was next day surrendered, and the garrison
allowed to pass unmolested to England, in terms of the treaty regarding
it; but Moubray the governor was so won by the civilities of Robert,
that he entered into his service, and ever after continued faithful to
him.
In the morning after the battle, an
English knight, and an old acquaintance of Robert’s, Sir Marmaduke
Twenge, came and surrendered. He was cordially received; and, after
having been treated with great civility, was sent home not only without
ransom, but loaded with presents. In a word, Bruce’s whole behavior
after his victory, revealed a greatness of soul, seldom found in
conquerors. The horrors of war, so long familiar to him, had not
extinguished the gentler affections. He lost no time, however, in
directing the thunders of parliamentary censure against such part of his
subjects as did not return to their natural allegiance after the battle.
A voucher to this effect, dated 6th November, 1314, was
issued from the monastery of Cambuskenneth, to which fifty seals were
appended.
So sanguine was Edward of annihilating
the Scots, by his superior strength numerically, that within the English
camp, full of costly grandeur, sat Andrew Baston, the bard, who had been
brought specially by his king to celebrate the slaughter of Scottish
nationality. But things were not so to be. This Baston was a Carmelite
monk, and, according to Bishop Bale, a laureated poet and public orator
at Oxford. Like Gulielmus Peregrinus, he accompanied the king on his
military expeditions, and took care to commemorate his master’s
exploits in suitable heroics. In this capacity he went with Edward I. to
Scotland, in 1304, and, as the result of what he saw and experienced on
various occasions there, gave to the world – at least to so many as
were able to peruse the same – his "De Strivilniensi Obsidione"
(Seige of Stirling Castle), "De Altero Scotorum," and other
poems, some of which are still to be found in Fordun. Being part of the
retinue that Edward II. took with him to the north, he was taken
prisoner at the battle we have just sketched, and, by way of payment for
his ransom, was ordered by Bruce to compose a poem in praise of the
Scottish victory. This he did, in a monkish rhyme, consisting of
barbarous jingle. Some historical facts, however, are confirmed by it.
He mentions the pits and ditches which had been dug, the stakes that
were fixed in them, and the calthrops. He gives a list, also, of the
most distinguished of the English slain in the battle, and begins his
poem thus: -
"De planetu cudo
metrum cum carmine nudo,
Risum retrudo, dum tali themate ludo;
Rector coelestis, adhebens solamina maestis
Verax est testis,: &c.
A Scottish monk also composed a poem upon
the same subject, in a strain nothing superior, though perhaps slightly
more intelligible. We subjoin part of it, as another specimen of the
uncouth poetry of that age, preserved by Fordun, who has himself written
verses equally poor, and interspersed them in his history.
"M. semel et C. ter,
semel X. J. jungito quarter.
Nato Baptista, nova gratia contigit ista,
Quod Rex Scotorum, peditum cum parte suorum,
Anglos prostravit, equites cum rege fugavit.
Rivulus est super hoc testis, cognomine Bannock,
In quo submersa jacuerunt corpora versa," &c.
A ballad likewise on the battle of
Bannockburn was anciently composed in the Scottish language, and
universally sung by women and children for several ages. The following
fragment of it has been handed down to us.
"Maydens of England,
sore may ye mourne,
For zour lemons, zou have lost at Bonockborne,
with hevalo.
What weend the King of England,
To have gotten Scotland,
with rummelo."
In the olden times, every king had his
panegyrist, every earl his doting sycophant, and every lord his
laureate. Phenomenal plenty made such literati the puppets of fortune.
In the halls of the great they fed nobly, and held the gayest of revels;
life was Elysium, and death ridiculously remote. Out of favour, they
were penniless paupers, without a crust; sorrow and suicide stood alike
spectres on either hand. Another turn of the wheel, and they vaulted
again into their sumptuous slavery. Feasting and starvation, tapestried
dormitories and the mendicant’s mat, were the ruinous alternations of
those unhappy lives. That was an age of dependence on patrons. But the
last century was the last of that age. No man in literature now, be he
great or small, thinks of a patron. The one patron of the nineteenth
century is the public – a truer, juster, and more munificent patron
than letters ever had before.
This battle of Bannockburn, forming one
of the most remarkable episodes in the history of Scotland, was fought
on Monday the 24th June, 1314. The victory was attended with
the most important consequences. It established Robert firmly upon the
throne, which, hitherto, he had always felt tottering beneath him; and
settled throughout the kingdom a tranquillity formerly unknown. The
extensive possessions in the West of Scotland belonging to Baliol,
together with the estates of his partisans, who appear to have been more
numerous than is commonly imagined, falling under forfeiture, gave the
crown greater power than it formerly had possessed. Robert reserved some
of these estates, and bestowed the rest upon his most trusty friends;
who thus became attached to his government by a new tie. The reward
bestowed upon Sir Robert Keith Mareschal, who, by dispersing with his
cavalry, the enemy’s archers, had so materially contributed to the
success of the day, may be seen from the following passage in Robertson’s
Index of Charters. Charter by Robert I. "to Robert Keith, of the
lands of Merschell, and the office of Merschellship, Keith,"(in the
constabulary of Haddington and shire of Edinburgh), "Symone,
Colbanstoun, Alneden in Buchan, with the new forest of Innerpeffer, four
davache of land of Strathbogie, the forest of Kintoir, conteinand ase
taillie." This charter confirmed by David II. It is not known to
whom Leckie in Stirlingshire had formerly belonged; but, from Robertson’s
printed Index of Charters, it appears that the half of this estate
nearest "Buchaun" was the private property of King Robert, and
that he exchanged it with the Earl of Lennox for Cardross of
Dunbartonshire.
The rich spoils also found in the English
camp, greatly increased the national wealth. That people, sure of
victory, had marched to it with all the parade of luxury; and on their
defeat, money, plate, rich armour, sumptuous furniture, fine equipages,
and all the riches of their camp, fell into the hands of the Scots.
These, together with the large sums paid by prisoners of rank for their
ransom, introduced a more plentiful circulation of money in Scotland
than had ever been known. The effects soon became every where visible.
Several large mansions where there had been none before, were, according
to traditions still current, built after this battle. From that time,
also, the Scots began to study more elegance in their houses and
gardens, and give more attention to agriculture. For, however much they
hated the English, and had been harassed by their unjust claims, they
gradually adopted several of their customs, and found an advantage in
cultivating various arts borrowed from them – resembling those nations
whom the Romans had invaded; and who came gradually to imitate that
people, and practise arts and customs, the first knowledge of which they
had received from their enemies and oppressors.
But while this battle was emphatically
the great achievement of Bruce’s life, it must also be regarded as a
victory which had really world-wide influence – thoroughly upsetting
the sordid schemes of the English monarchs for the capture of France and
Scotland, and affecting for the highest good the grander destinies of
Europe. What could Knox have done for the fundamental fabric of the
Reformation, without his kingly forerunners, Wallace and Bruce, yet
unapproached for military prowess and disinterested patriotism? |