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RE-ELECTION TO UNITED-STATES
SENATE. - HIS VIEW OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. - ADDRESS AT WASHINGTON. - SILVER
WEDDING. -ANTISLAVERY MEASURES IN CONGRESS.
IN February, 1865, Mr.
Wilson was re-elected United States senator for the term of six years.
There was some delay in the election on the part of the conservative
branch of the General Court, instigated, said "The Journal," "by a few
eminently respectable parties who cannot forget that Mr. Wilson was once
a shoemaker. We should like to see them," it continued, "go before the
people on that issue. They would hear such a response as would convince
them that Massachusetts esteems the sterling qualities of a self-made
man, an astute statesman, and an active patriot, over the finest strain
of blood or the most eminent respectability."
In March of this year,
Mr. Wilson, from the Committee of Conference, reported a new bill for
the establishment of a freedman's bureau, whose object was the
supervision and relief of the freedmen and refugees. This important bill
was carried through both Houses against strenuous opposition, and
received, immediately on its passage, the president's approval.
As, by the Constitution,
the appointment of officers by the president must receive the
confirmation of the Senate, it was called to act upon ten thousand eight
hundred and ninety-one military nominations, ranging from second
lieutenants up to Lieut.-Gen. Grant, during the four years of the
Rebellion; and this vast amount of labor fell upon that small Military
Committee of which Mr. Wilson was and still is chairman.
In the crowning of the
Union arms with success by the surrender of Gen. Lee in April, Mr.
Wilson saw with inexpressible gratitude the realization of his hopes and
labors carried on twenty years for the overthrow of the gigantic slave
power in America; and he left Washington to be present at the raising of
the Union flag once more float above Fort Sumter. While on the boat off
Hilton Head, he heard the startling news that the president of the
nation, Abraham Lincoln, had been stricken down by the ruthless hand of
J. Wilkes Booth; and he immediately hastened back to Washington to
assist in the emergency, and to share in the sorrows of the afflicted
people. With Mr. Lincoln his relations had been intimate, and for his
honesty and ability he entertained profound respect. in an address (May
3) before the New England Historic-Genealogical Society, of which he
became a member in 1859, he said of Mr. Lincoln, that "he would pass
into history as the foremost man of his age. He was a genuine product of
our democratic institutions, and had a living faith in their permanency.
His sympathy for the poor and the oppressed was hearty and genuine. Of
his mind, one characteristic was the power of stating an argument
clearly, and of quickly detecting a fallacy. He had also a felicity of
expression. There were many phrases of power and beauty in his letters."
The speech at Gettysburg was instanced as containing some of the noblest
utterances of any age.
He also said of him in
his address in Chicago, September, 1866, "Abraham Lincoln was always
patriotic, always true to liberty, justice, humanity, and Christian
civilization. He was true to his friends, and always considerate. If he
moved slowly, he always moved. His face was always in the right
direction."
Mr. Wilson attended the
colored people's celebration in the presidential grounds at Washington,
July 4, 1865, and said in his address to them, -
"I am not here to find
fault with the government, however; though I fear that the golden moment
to secure justice, and base our peace on the eternal principle of right,
was not taken. I have faith in the motives and purposes of the
administration, and shall keep my faith, unless it shall be broken by
future deeds. I have faith in the motives and purposes of Pres. Johnson,
who told the colored men in the capital of his own Tennessee that he
would be their Moses. Andrew Johnson will, I am sure, be to you what
Abraham Lincoln would have been had he been spared to complete the great
work of emancipation and enfranchisement.
"Pardoned rebels, and
rebels yet unpardoned, flippantly tell us that they hold in their hands,
yet red with loyal blood, the rights of loyal colored men, of the heroes
scarred and maimed beneath the dear old flag. I tell these repentant and
unrepentant but conquered and subdued rebels, that, while they hold the
suffrage of the loyal black men in their hands, we, the loyal men of
America, hold in our hands their lost privilege to hold office in the
civil service, army, or navy. The Congress of the United States has
placed upon the statute-book a law forever prohibiting any one who has
borne arms against the country, or given aid, comfort, and countenance
to the Rebellion, from holding any office of honor, profit, or
emolument, in the civil, military, or naval service of the United
States.
"You, sir, invited Mayor
Wallach to be here to-day; but I don't see him. I have a sort of dim
idea, that, if you held the right of suffrage, Mayor Wallach, and
perhaps the whole city government, would be here. (Cheers.) To insure
the attendance of the Mayor of Washington next year, I would suggest
that you early send your petitions to Congress asking for the ballot.
('We will.') I am a Yankee, and have the right to guess; and I guess you
will get it." (Great applause.)
But from the appointments
of the president for the South, from his sympathy for the men so
recently engaged in the Rebellion, and from his treasonable
declarations, the senator saw that the question of slavery was by no
means settled, and that the great impediment in the way of settlement
was in the executive chair.
His fears were openly
expressed in an eloquent speech at the Academy of Music, Brooklyn, N.Y.,
Oct. 25, wherein he describes the recent rapid growth of insurrectionary
sentiment in the Confederate States under the fostering patronage of the
president.
"Let the late
slave-masters, from the Potomac to the Mexican line, fully understand
that you are amenable to the same laws as themselves; that you are to be
tried for their violation in the same manner, and punished in the same
degree. (Cheers.) Let them know that henceforth you will utter your own
thoughts, make your own bargains, enjoy the fruits of your own labor, go
where you please throughout the bounds of the republic, and none have
the right to molest or make you afraid. (Applause.) If my voice to-day
could penetrate the ear of the colored men of my country, I would say to
them, that the intelligence, character, and wealth of the nation
imperatively demand their freedom, protection, and the recognition of
their rights. I would say to them, 'Prove yourselves, by patience,
endurance, industry, conduct, and character, worthy of all that the
millions of Christian men and women have done and are doing to make for
you that Declaration of Independence, read here to-day - the living
truth of United America.'" (Loud and prolonged cheering.)
On the twenty-fifth
anniversary of their marriage, Oct. 27, 1865, the friends and neighbors
of Mr. and Mrs. Wilson assembled at their house in Natick for the
celebration of their "silver wedding." Although the night was stormy, a
large number of ladies and gentlemen from their own and from the
neighboring towns were present; and with mutual congratulations,
speeches, poetical recitations, instrumental music, and the singing of
songs, a bountiful collation, and the outflow of good will, the festival
was full of life and pleasure. Among those present were Messrs. Hannibal
Hamlin, Charles Sumner, Anson Burlingame, Oakes Ames, William Claflin,
Ginery Twitchell, Charles W. Slack, and Mrs. Julia Ward Howe. Mrs.
Wilson received her guests with her usual unaffected grace and courtesy,
and received a purse of four thousand dollars, presented by the hand of
William Claflin. An address was made by the Rev. C. M. Tyler, Mr.
Wilson's pastor at that time; and a poem by Mrs. Julia Ward Howe was
sung, from which we cite the following stanza:-
"But Wilson from the
lowlier base,
The silver vantage gaining,
Climbs ever towards the golden grace,
With labor uncomplaining."
Another poet, referring
to Mrs. Wilson, wrote:-
"Thus every wish his heart
could frame
In her reality became:
Affection, undiminished still
By clouded brow or wayward will;
And that still lovelier, holier grace
That beams upon a mother's face, -
These round his path have shed a light
Mild as the moon of summer's night."
Many elegant articles of
silver were presented to Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, among which was a very
beautiful silver tea-service from the citizens of Natick. On subscribing
for this, one of them characteristically said, "That is for the MAN, not
for his principles." As a man, Mr. Wilson's townsmen, even those
bitterly opposing his political opinions, have always held him high in
their regard and honor. His son, Lieut.-Col. Henry Hamilton Wilson, was
at this time in command of the Hundred-and-fourth Regiment of
United-States colored troops at Beaufort. S.C. One of his friends on the
occasion truly said or sung, -
'A silver wedding claims a
silvery verse;
And WILSON well deserves a poet's lay:
But I in humbler measure must rehearse
How fairly earned the honors of this day.
For friendship here puts on more public guise:
The man we love has been the people's friend:
Not wedded faith more sacred in his eyes
Than Truth to champion, and the poor defend."
Mr. Wilson gave the world
this year a work of great and permanent value, bearing the title of
"History of the Antislavery Measures of the Thirty-seventh and
Thirty—eighth United-States Congresses, 1861-65. By Henry Wilson." It
contains four hundred and twenty-four pages octavo, and most lucidly
exhibits the course of national legislation on the slave question, from
the opening of the Rebellion until the overthrow of the system by the
adoption of the antislavery amendment to the Constitution of the United
States. The work is written with great candor by one who, as we have
seen, took part in the legislation, framing several of the most
important measures, and carrying them, against persistent opposition,
through Congress. The style is dignified and manly; the speakers present
their views in their own language; and the .grounds on which the bills
are framed are very ably and distinctly stated. The abstract of the work
accomplished by the fearless advocates of freedom in the closing pages
gives with clearness the results accomplished, and a just idea of the
burden taken by this legislation from the bondinan and the Union.
"This volume," says "The
Atlantic Monthly," "is a labor-saving machine of great power to all who
desire or need a clear view of the course of Congressional legislation
on measures of emancipation;" and Mrs. Stowe characterizes it as
"exhibiting the magnificent morality, the dauntless courage, the
unwearied faith, hope, and charity, that are the crown jewels of the
republic."-
The closing summary of
the achievements of the friends of freedom given in this work is so well
made, and is such a valuable historical record, that we think it worthy
of transcription.
"The annals of the
nation," says the author, "bear the amplest evidence that the patriots
and statesmen who carried the country through the Revolution from
colonial dependence to national independence, framed the Constitution,
and inaugurated the Federal Government, hoped and believed that slavery
would pass away at no distant period under the influences of the
institutions they had founded. But those illustrious men tasted death
without witnessing the realization of their hopes and anticipations. The
rapid development of the resources of the country under the protection
of a stable government, the opening up of new and rich lands, the
expansion of territory, and perhaps, more than all, the wonderful growth
and importance of the cotton culture, enhanced the value of labor, and
increased many-fold the price of slaves. Under the stimulating
influences of an ever-increasing pecuniary interest, a political power
was speedily developed, which early manifested itself in the National
Government. For nearly two generations, the slaveholding class, into
whose power the government early passed, dictated the policy of the
nation. But the presidential election of 1860 resulted in the defeat of
the slaveholding class, and in the success of men who religiously
believe slavery to be a grievous wrong to the slave, a blight upon the
prosperity, and a stain upon the name, of the country. Defeated in its
aims, broken in its power, humiliated in its pride, the slave- holding
class raised at once the banners of treason. Retiring from the chambers
of Congress, abandoning the seats Of power to men who had persistently
opposed their aggressive policy, they brought to an abrupt close the
record of half a century of SLAVERY MEASURES IN CONGRESS. Then, when
slavery legislation ended, antislavery legislation began....
"When the Rebellion
culminated in active hostilities, it was seen that thousands of slaves
were used for military purposes by the rebel forces. To weaken the
forces of the Rebellion, the Thirty-seventh Congress decreed that such
slaves should be forever free.
"As the Union armies
advanced into the rebel States, slaves, inspired by the hope of personal
freedom, flocked to their encampments, claiming protection against rebel
masters, and offering to work and fight for the flag whose stars for the
first time gleamed upon their vision with the radiance of liberty. Rebel
masters and rebel-sympathizing masters sought the encampments of the
loyal forces, demanding the surrender of the escaped fugitives; and they
were often delivered up by officers of the armies. To weaken the power
of the insurgents, to strengthen the loyal forces, and assert the claims
of humanity, the Thirty- seventh Congress enacted an article of war,
dismissing from the service officers guilty of surrendering these
fugitives.
"Three thousand persons
were held as slaves in the District of Columbia, over which the nation
exercised exclusive jurisdiction: the Thirty-seventh Congress made these
three thousand bondmen freemen, and made slave- holding in the capital
of the nation forevermore impossible.
"Laws and ordinances
existed in the national capital that pressed with merciless rigor upon
the colored people: the Thirty-seventh Congress enacted that colored
persons should be tried for the same offences in the same manner, and be
subject to the same punishments, as white persons thus abrogating the
'black code.'
"Colored persons in the
capital of this Christian nation were denied the right to testify in the
judicial tribunals; thus placing their property, their liberties, and
their lives, in the power of unjust and wicked men: the Thirty-seventh
Congress enacted that persons should not be excluded as witnesses in the
courts of the District on account of color.
"In the capital of the
nation, colored persons were taxed to support schools from which their
own children were excluded; and no public schools were provided for the
instruction of more than four thousand youth: the Thirty-eighth Congress
provided by law that public schools should be established for colored
children, and that the same rate of appropriations for colored schools
should be made as are made for schools for the education of white
children.
"The railways chartered
by Congress excluded from their cars colored persons, without the
authority of law: Congress enacted that there should be no exclusion
from any car on account of color.
"Into the Territories of
the United States - one-third of the surface of the country - the
slaveholding class claimed the right to take and hold their slaves under
the protection of law: the Thirty-seventh Congress prohibited slavery
forever in all the existing territory, and in all territory which may
hereafter be acquired; thus stamping freedom for all, forever, upon the
public domain.
"As the war progressed,
it became more clearly apparent that the rebels hoped to win the border
slave States that rebel sympathizers in those States hoped to join the
rebel States; and that emancipation in loyal States would bring repose
to them, and weaken the power of the Rebellion: the Thirty-seventh
Congress, on the recommendation of the president, by the passage of a
joint resolution, pledged the faith of the nation to aid loyal States to
emancipate the slaves therein.
"The hoe and spade of the
rebel slave were hardly less potent for the Rebellion than the rifle and
bayonet of the rebel soldier. Slaves sowed and reaped for the rebels,
enabling the rebel leaders to fill the wasting ranks of their armies,
and feed them. To weaken the military forces and the power of the
Rebellion, the Thirty-seventh Congress decreed that all slaves of
persons giving aid and comfort to the Rebellion, escaping from such
persons, and taking refuge within the lines of the army; all slaves
captured from such persons, or deserted by them; all slaves of such
persons, being within any place occupied by rebel forces, and afterwards
occupied by the forces of the United States, - shall be captives of war,
and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as
slaves.
"The provisions of the
Fugitive-slave Act permitted disloyal masters to claim, and they did
claim, the return of their fugitive bondmen: the Thirty-seventh Congress
enacted that no fugitive should be surrendered until the claimant made
oath that he had not given aid and comfort to the Rebellion.
"The progress of the
Rebellion demonstrated its power, and the needs of the imperilled
nation. To strengthen the physical forces of the United States, the
Thirty-seventh Congress authorized the president to receive into the
military service persons of African descent; and every such person
mustered into the service, his mother, his wife and children, owing
service or labor to any person who should give aid and comfort to the
Rebellion, was made forever free.
"The African slave-trade
had been carried on by slave pirates under the protection of the flag of
the United States. To extirpate from the seas that inhuman traffic, and
to vindicate the sullied honor of the nation, the administration early
entered into treaty stipulations with the British Government for the
mutual right of search within certain limits; and the Thirty-seventh
Congress hastened to enact the appropriate legislation to carry the
treaty into effect.
"The slaveholding class,
in the pride of power, persistently refused to recognize the
independence of Hayti and Liberia; thus dealing unjustly towards those
nations, to the detriment of the commercial interests of the country:
the Thirty-seventh Congress recognized the independence of those
republics by authorizing the president to establish diplomatic relations
with them.
"By the provisions of
law, white male citizens alone were enrolled in the militia. In the
amendment to the acts for calling out the militia, the Thirty-seventh
Congress provided for the enrolment and drafting of citizens, without
regard to color; and, by the Enrolment Act, colored persons, free or
slave, are enrolled and drafted the same as white men : the
Thirty-eighth Congress enacted that colored soldiers shall have the same
pay, clothing, and rations, and be placed in all respects upon the same
footing, as white soldiers. To encourage enlistments, and to aid
emancipation, the Thirty-eighth Congress decreed that every slave
mustered into the military service shall be free forever; thus enabling
every slave fit for military service to secure personal freedom.
"By the provisions of the
fugitive-slave acts, slave masters could hunt their absconding bondmen,
require the people to aid in their recapture, and have them returned at
the expense of the nation : the Thirty-eighth Congress raised all
fugitive-slave acts from the statutes of the republic.
"The law of 1807
legalized the coastwise slave-trade: the Thirty-eighth Congress repealed
that act, and made the trade illegal.
"The courts of the United
States receive such testimony as is permitted in the States where the
courts are holden; several of the States exclude the testimony of
colored persons: the Thirty-eighth Congress made it legal for colored
persons to testify in all the courts of the United States.
"Different views are
entertained by public men relative to the reconstruction of the
governments of the seceded States and the validity of the president's
proclamation of emancipation: the Thirty-eighth Congress passed a bill
providing for the reconstruction of the governments of the rebel States,
and for the emancipation of the slaves in those States ; but it did not
receive the approval of the president.
"Colored persons were not
permitted to carry the United- States mails: the Thirty-eighth Congress
repealed the pro- hibitory legislation, and made It lawful for-persons
of color to carry the mails.
"Wives and children of
colored persons in the military and naval service of the United States
were often lied as slaves; and, while husbands and fathers were absent
fighting the battles of the country, these wives and children were
sometimes removed and sold, and often treated with cruelty the
Thirty-eighth Congress made free the wives and children of all persons
engaged in the military or naval service of the country.
"The disorganization of
the slave system, and the exigencies of civil war, have thrown thousands
of freedmen upon the charity of the nation: to relieve their immediate
needs, and to aid them through the transition period, the Thirty-eighth
Congress established a bureau of freedmen.
"The prohibition of
slavery in the Territories, its abolition in the District of Columbia,
the freedom of colored soldiers and their wives and children,
emancipation in Maryland, West Virginia, and Missouri, and, by the
reorganized State authorities, of Virginia, Tennessee, and Louisiana,
and the president's Emancipation Proclamation, disorganized the slave
system, and practically left few persons in bondage; but slavery still
continued in Dela- ware and Kentucky, and the slave codes remained
unrepealed in the rebel States. To annihilate the slave system, its
codes and usages; to make slavery impossible, and freedom universal, -
the Thirty-eighth Congress submitted to the people an antislavery
amendment to the Constitution of the United States. The adoption of that
crowning measure assures freedom to all.
"Such are the
'ANTISLAVERY MEASURES' of the Thirty- seventh and Thirty-eighth
Congresses during the past four crowded years. Seldom in the history of
nations is it given to any body of legislators or lawgivers to enact or
institute a series of measures so vast in their scope, so comprehensive
in their character, so patriotic, just, and humane.
"But, while the
Thirty-seventh and Thirty-eighth Congresses were enacting this
antislavery legislation, other agencies were working to the consummation
of the same end, - the complete and final abolition of slavery. The
president proclaims three and a half millions of bondmen in the rebel
States henceforward and forever free. Maryland, Virginia, and Missouri
adopt immediate and unconditional emancipation. The partially
re-organized rebel States of Virginia and Tennessee, Arkansas and
Louisiana, accept and adopt the unrestricted abolition of slavery.
Illinois and other States hasten to blot from their statute- books their
dishonoring 'black codes.' The attorney- general officially pronounces
the negro a citizen of the United States. The negro, who had no status
in the Supreme Court, is admitted by the chief justice to practise as an
attorney before that august tribunal. Christian men and women follow the
loyal armies with the agencies of mental and moral instruction to fit
and prepare the enfranchised freedmen for the duties of the higher
condition of life now opening before them."
In these labors Mr.
Wilson bore a prominent and honorable part; and to no man living are the
colored people of this country under higher obligation for their
liberty. |
