THE most obvious and important difference between
the railways of Scotland and the railways of England, taking the two
systems as a whole, is suggested by the first glance at the map of them as
given in Bradshaw. Railways in England are many, in Scotland comparatively
few. With three-fifths of the area of the larger country, Scotland has
little more than one-fifth of the railway mileage, and even of this scant
total of some 3000 miles, not much over one-third is double line, while in
England the proportion is the other way. In fact, though the traffic
carried over its railways and its total railway capital are almost three
times as great, in mere length of miles Scotland is but little ahead of
Ireland. A comparison, however, between Scottish and Irish railways would
be evidently unprofitable. In one respect only can the latter claim
pre-eminence; though they have only a third of the traffic, they employ
four times as many boards of directors to look after it.
Another point
may be noticed. Even round London itself the net-work of lines is scarcely
closer woven than it is round Newcastle, or Leeds, or Manchester, and two
or three more provincial towns. In Scotland, with the exception of three
or four main routes, running, roughly speaking, north and south, and by no
means as crowded as they are important, the whole traffic is concentrated
in the belt which stretches across the centre of the country from sea to
sea. Take out Ayrshire, Renfrew, Lanark, and Midlothian from the map of
Scotland, and you withdraw half the population and three-quarters of the
traffic. Prolong the belt north-eastwards through Stirling and Fife to
Forfar and Aberdeenshire; and what remains of Scottish traffic—it consists
for the most part of fish, flesh, and fowl (or at least grouse), for the
good red herring mostly goes by sea—is hardly worth fighting for.
But
Scotch railways deprived of the opportunity of fighting would scarcely
know themselves again. We talk of fierce competition in England, and
compared to the sluggish monopolies of France or Germany competition in
England is doubtless keen enough, but even in Lancashire itself there is
here and there such a thing as non-competitive traffic. In Scotland there
is practically none. Probably the two most important places dependent
entirely on a single company are Ayr and Oban, To Ayr the Caledonian
already has running powers via Muirkirk, which it can exercise when it
pleases, and it is an open secret that it means before long to apply for
leave to construct an independent line along the coast from Glasgow; while
it is equally certain that, if the North British has not a share in the
Oban traffic before many years are out, it will at least not be for want
of trying to get it.
It is then in universal and ubiquitous competition
that the keynote to the Scottish railway system is, I think, to be found.
And fierce as the battle is at this moment, it is likely to wax yet
fiercer in the immediate future. The gap that has hitherto parted
Linlithgow from Fife is now closed up; after seventy years of projects and
projectors the Forth has at length been successfully bridged, and in the
coming summer we shall doubtless see a determined effort made by the North
British and its allies to dislodge the Caledonian Railway from the
pre-eminence it has hitherto held both at Perth and Aberdeen. Nor is this
all. The lust of battle, in the language of Horace, crescit indulgens sibi.
Scotland, as has been said, is wide, and in most parts railways are few
and far between. Last session Parliamentary sanction was given to a
scheme, almost as ambitious as that of the Forth Bridge itself. A new West
Highland line, guaranteed and worked by the North British, is to be
constructed from the Clyde, near Helensburgh, northwards along Loch
Lomond, across the desolate moor of Rannoch, to the banks of the
Caledonian Canal. For the present its terminus is Fort William ; but it is
impossible to think that its promoters will rest satisfied till they
obtain extensions both to Inverness and the Ross-shire coast.
On the
opposite side of the country the Great North of Scotland is pressing
forward Bills for a new line from Elgin to Inverness, and also for a ferry
service across the narrow entrance of the Inverness Firth and the Beauly
Basin, so as to tap the traffic of Cromartie and Ross-shire, before ever
it reaches Inverness at all. And much more important than either of these
schemes is the agreement for amalgamation between the Glasgow and South
Western and the North British. If the amalgamation be sanctioned by
Parliament, we shall see ere long a fight such as this generation has not
known. The united Company—operating, it is true, on exterior lines, but
with the great forces of the Midland, the Great Northern, and the
North-Eastern behind it—will advance simultaneously from the east and the
west to do battle with the Caledonian, strong in its central position and
its intimate alliance with the great North- Western interest, for the
supremacy of Scotland. Nor is this the only amalgamation scheme that is on
the tapis at present. For if with its right hand the Great North is making
a fierce onslaught on the Highland, it is simultaneously holding out its
left hand and inviting that company to a conference to discuss the
possibility of uniting the two concerns. What it all means the future will
show, but if it means peace and friendship between the' Highland and the
Great North, then one will be inclined to think that there must have been
more of the Kilkenny cats left than is commonly understood to have been
the case.
But of all this more anon. Meanwhile we may notice that the
Scotch railway system had already attained its majority before ever
anything had been heard—not of competition only but actually of through
traffic at all. The earliest Scotch lines, more than one of which is
entitled to look down not merely upon the Liverpool and Manchester, but
even upon the Stockton and Darlington itself as a mushroom upstart, were
constructed simply for local traffic, mainly, of course, that in iron and
coal. The nucleus of the Clydesdale Junction, an extension of the original
Polloc and Govan Railway, now itself absorbed into the Caledonian, and
forming the present access from London and the South to the Central
Station in Glasgow, was a tramway, or "waggon-way," as it is called on the
old maps, which, as early at least as 1778, ran from the collieries of
Little Govan to the Clyde at Springfield, a point below the town where now
the docks end, only to give place to the great shipbuilding yards, which
skirt the downward course of the river for miles. The Kilmarnock and Troon
line, the main road to-day between Ayr and the South, obtained its Act of
Parliament in x8o8, and was opened for traffic in 1811. It is thus
described in Aiton's Agricultural Report of Ayrshire for that year, which
was evidently written when the line was on the eve of completion:
The
distance from Troon Harbour to Kilmarnock is somewhat more than 10 miles,
the total rise from Troon to Kilmarnock being 80 or 84 ft. which is 1 in
660. The iron rails are 3 ft. long, 4 inches broad in the flat part,
about, 4 inches in the deepest part of the parapet, weighing each about 40
lbs.; they are 4 ft. apart, and there is nearly 4 ft between the two roads
to allow the wagons to pass freely. The rails are fixed to square blocks
of stone by nails driven into oaken pegs, 6 inches long and 1 1/4 inch in
diameter, fixed into the blocks of stone. The railway crosses the Irvine
by a bridge of 4 arches, one of them on dry land to make up the road, each
of 40 feet span and rising 25 above the surface of the river. Raising,
boring and carriage of the blocks will cost about 6d each, and upwards of
70,000 are to be used in the railway. The same number of rails of cast
iron at 40 lbs. each will weigh 1250 tons, which, with the carriage from
Glenbuck foundry, will at present prices cost, when laid down on the road,
£20,000. It is said that a horse will draw upon the railway when finished
from 10 to 12 tons towards Troon, and from 8 to 10 towards Kilmarnock.
Each wagon when loaded weighs about 1 1/2 ton. A horse at this time,
October 28, 1811 draws two wagons loaded, at the rate of 2 miles an hour."
The construction of the Troon and Kilmarnock line fired the inhabitants of
Dumfries to demand a railway from Dumfries up Nithsdale, in order to
bringdown coal from the Sanquhar collieries. It was proposed that it
should be built so as to be used by trucks carrying 12 to 15 cwt. apiece,
with bodies which could be taken off the wheels and slung, if necessary,
on board canal boats. The Dumfries people got their line, but they had to
wait thirty years for it, and when it came it was rather, to use the
French phrase, as a route ucitionale than merely a chemin d'intéré't
local. But in the interval not a few other local lines were projected and
carried out; for one there was the Edinburgh and Dalkeith, which obtained
in 1826 an Act authorizing the promoters "to make and erect so many
self-moving, commonly called locomotive, engines as they may think
proper," and requiring the owners of wagons using the line in all cases to
put their names outside." Apparently, however, the company did not think
proper to avail themselves of their right to erect self-moving engines,
for down to as late as the year 1845, passengers on the Edinburgh and
Dalkeith were drawn by horses to the foot of an incline, and then the
carriages were attached to the ropes of a stationary. engine. Now-a-days
passengers get to Dalkeith by a branch off the main Waverley line, and the
old road, up which, with its gradient of 1 in 50, some seven or eight
trucks are as much as an engine can take, is closed entirely as far as
passengers are concerned. A somewhat similar thing has happened in the
case of the Dundee and Newtyle, another line which is more than sixty
years old. As originally built, it ran straight up the face of the hill
out of Dundee. Locomotives being, however, less accommodating than
stationary engines in the matter of gradients, the modern line winds round
the side. But though the distance is doubled, probably the time occupied
varies in an inverse ratio.
Much more important, however, than these
latter lines were the railways in the immediate neighbourhood of Glasgow.
It is difficult to realize that Glasgow, spite of its medieval
archbishopric and medieval university, its associations with Queen Mary
and the Covenanters, with Prince Charlie and Rob Roy, who to us are heroes
of romance at least as much as historical characters, is an essentially
modern town. If proof were needed of Glasgow's unimportance even so
recently as a century back, it might perhaps be found in the fact that the
main channel of the Forth and Clyde Canal, which, though begun in 1768,
will only this year celebrate its centenary, avoided the town altogether;
and in the further fact that the undertaking, which was estimated to cost
no more than £150,000, in spite of its association with the great names of
Brindley and Smeaton, dragged on year after year for lack of funds, and
was only finally completed with the aid of a grant from the public purse.
The Forth and Clyde Canal has now passed into the possession of the
Caledonian, so it would have in any case a natural claim to mention in an
account of the Railways of Scotland. But it has a better title than this.
It was in order to get coals down from the Monkland Coalfield to the Canal
for shipment that the first public railway in Scotland, the Monkland and
Kirkintilloch, was constructed. But before we come to this railway let us
go back half a century and see what the Monkland Coalfield was. By doing
so we shall be brought in contact with a name greater even than those of
Brindley and Smeaton, the name of James Watt himself. In the year 1769
"the encreasing price and scarcity of coal" in Glasgow roused its citizens
to consider whether a navigable canal could not be formed from the
Monkland "Coalicrys to the city." Watt was called in to advise. He
prepared a scheme for a canal 16 feet wide at the bottom, sloping to 23
feet width at the top, with a mean depth of 4 1/2 feet of water. The canal
was to be 10 miles in length, and to descend from its starting-point "one
mile above Cotes Bridge" (sic), where it would be 266 feet above' the
level of the Clyde, through a series of twenty locks to the outskirts of
Glasgow. But the cost of this scheme was estimated at £20,000, a charge
which Watt himself felt to be prohibitory. Accordingly he submitted at the
same time a second scheme. By stopping a mile short of Glasgow on the high
ground to the north-east, he found it possible to dispense with the locks,
and so, after allowing £i000 for Parliamentary expenses and contingencies,
to bring down his revised estimate to £9653 los.
For the mile from the
terminus of the canal into the city, the carriage of the coal was to be
effected by a "wagon way" down a steep slope, and the calculations as to
the use to bc made of this convenience are so curious as to be worth
recording. It is estimated, says Watt, that the Glasgow consumption of
coal amounts annually to 70,000 tons. Of this the Monkland district is
said to be capable of supplying 20,000. Assuming the cost at the pit's
mouth to be 10d. per cart of 7 cwt. —it gives one an idea of the state of
the roads and the power of the Clydesdale horses of the time to read that
the normal cart-load was 7 cwt.—the coal should be delivered to the
consumer in Glasgow at 20d. per cart, or 5s. per ton. He added that,
supposing the consumption to increase and the canal to become inadequate
for its traffic, the right way to obtain relief would be to deepen it, and
so permit the use of larger barges than the 30-inch draught vessels which
he proposed to employ in the first instance. The advantage of fords for
communication of lands will indeed be lost, but these can be supplied by
bridges."
Two years after Watt's survey an Act was obtained "for making
and maintaining a navigable cut or canal and wagon-way from the coalleries
in the parishes of Old and New Monkland to the city of Glasgow." Watt was
appointed to superintend the construction. His salary was £200 a year, and
for this sum he had, with the assistance of a single clerk, to perform the
various functions of surveyor, engineer, superintendent of works, and
treasurer. According to a letter of his quoted by Mr. Smiles, he had 100
men employed under him who, as a result of twelve months' working, "made a
confounded gash in a hill." The hill referred to is unquestionably
Blackhill, some three miles out of Glasgow, where the gash may still be
seen. For the scheme as actually carried out appears to have been of the
nature of a compromise between Watt's two proposals, and at Blackhill the
canal descends towards Glasgow down a steep slope through a series of four
deep locks in close succession. But the activity, of Watt and his hundred
men did not last long. A commercial panic in 1772 put a stop to the works,
and Watt lost his place. Ten years later the bankrupt and unfinished
concern was bought by the great' Glasgow firm of William Stirling & Sons,
who not only completed the canal, but by a new undertaking, known as "the
Cut of Junction," carried it on through the outskirts of Glasgow to Port
Dundas, where it united with the Glasgow branch of the Forth and Clyde
Canal. Thus in the year 1790 the Morikland Collieries first obtained their
access to the sea.
Like the main undertaking, of which it forms a
feeder, the Monkland Canal has long been the property of the Caledonian
Railway. Though its traffic has now shrunk to but small dimensions, at one
time it must have been very considerable. Not only was it found necessary
to duplicate the series of locks at Blackhill, but also a supplementary
route was provided in a most ingenious fashion for the return of the empty
barges. On the face of the hill alongside the locks, a wide road has been
constructed, sloping downwards at an angle of some 300 from the canal at
the top to the canal below. On this road is laid a double line of broad-
gauge rails. Two iron tanks or caissons, propped up at the lower end so as
to keep the water within at a level, and large enough to contain a barge
afloat, ran up and down these rails on ordinary railway trucks. A caisson
coming up with an empty barge was balanced against a caisson going down
filled only with water, the deficiency in lifting power being made good by
the help of a stationary engine. Within the last two or three years,
however not only has the use of this incline been abandoned, but one of
the two series of locks has been closed, as it is found that a single set
(with four lockmen where formally a dozen were employed) is sufficient to
accommodate the rapidly diminishing traffic. It is often said that railway
companies should not be permitted to own canals, and that, when they do
possess them, they use their powers to suppress competition, so it may be
added that, if any person or persons wish to obtain possession of the
Monkland Canal in order to reduce the coal rates into Glasgow, there would
probably be little reason to apprehend any factious opposition on the part
of the Caledonian Company.
But we must get back from canals, which after
all are but a very small item in the vast mass of miscellaneous
property—docks, hotels, steamboats, and so forth—which has come into the
possession of modern railway companies, and devote our attention to
railways proper. As already mentioned, the first Scotch railway was the
Monkland and Kirkintilloch. It obtained its Act of Parliament in 1824, and
was opened for traffic in October 1826, one year later than the Stockton
and Darlington. In one respect it is evident that its promoters had
profited by Northumbrian experience. Readers of Mr. Smiles's 'Life of
Stephcnson,'—and who has not read it ?—will remember that the original
Stockton and Darlington Act of 1821 contained no power to use locomotives,
or to carry passengers, and that these defects were only remedied by an
Amending Act in 1823. The original Monkland and Kirkintilloch Act
contained this clause: "And be it further enacted that it shall and may be
lawful to and for the said Company of Proprietors, or any Person or
Persons authorised or permitted by them, from and after the passing of
this Act, to make and erect such and so many locomotive or moveable
Engines as the said Company of Proprietors shall from Time to Time think
proper and expedient, and to use and employ the same in and upon the said
Railway, for the purpose of facilitating the Transport, Conveyanee, and
Carriage of Goods, Merchandize, and other Articles and Things upon and
along the same, and for the Conveyance of Passengers upon and along the
same." This Act authorized the expenditure of £32,000; but in the preamble
of an Amending Act passed nine years later it is stated that "the said
Railway has been made and executed at an Expense considerably exceeding
the Amount originally estimated for completing the same."
As opened for
traffic in October 1826, the railroad was io miles in length. It was a
single line, with passing-places at intervals. Within ten years, however,
the growth of the traffic compelled the directors to double it throughout.
There was a fall of 127 feet from the starting-point "on the March or
Division between the Lands of Palace Craig and Cairnhill in the Parish of
Old Monk- land "to the terminus at the Kirkintilloch basin on the Canal,
or, in other words, a favourable gradient averaging about I in 400
throughout. At the outset the proprietors do not appear to have availed
themselves of their privilege of using moveable engines, for we read that
"one horse draws four wagons = 12 tons, and returns with the empty wagons,
making three journeys in two days." The whole expense amounts to 1s. 2d.
per ton, made up as follows: haulage, 5d.; railway dues, 7d.;—the
statutory maximum under this head was is. 8d.—wagon hire, 2d. On one
occasion it is reported that the horse "Dragon" drew 14 wagons 50 tons,
from Gargill Colliery to Kirkintilloch, a distance of 6 3/4 miles, in 103
minutes. But even Dragons could not long contend against the
fire-breathing monsters that were overrunning the country, and in 1832 it
is chronicled that most of the work is already done by two locomotives. As
an instance of the consequent reduction of rates of carriage, it is added
that, during the construction of the line, 6s. iid. per ton was asked for
the carriage of rails up from Kirkintilloch to Gargill; it can now be done
for pd. A second result is given in these words:- The coal on one property
previous to the commencement of the railway was offered at a rent of £30 a
year and refused, and now the proprietor is obtaining £200 a year for it,
and even this sum is expected soon to be doubled. The ironstone on another
property was offered previous to the commencement of the railway for £100;
it was afterwards sold for £500, and was thought a cheap bargain." One is
glad to know that the railway company had some share in the prosperity
which their enterprise had created. As early as 1828 they were getting 6
per cent, for their money, and their stock was at a premium of 50 per
cent.
In May, 1826, a month or two before the Monkland and Kirkintilloch
was opened for traffic, a new Act was obtained for the construction of a
subsidiary railway, or, to speak more accurately, of a series of three
branches, with a total length of miles, to act as feeders of the main
line. This new undertaking was known as the Ballochney. The capital was
fixed at the very precise figure of £18,491 19s., the exact amount of the
engineers' estimate; and to the credit of the engineers be it that the
line was opened for traffic with £200 of the capital unexpended. The
Monkland and Kirkintilloch had traversed a tolerably level country; but
the new road, which went up among the different collieries, passed through
a more difficult district, so the tolls authorized were double those of
the parent line, and amounted to 3d. per ton per mile for goods or
minerals, with an additional 6d. per ton for each of the inclined planes
over which they passed, and 4d. per mile for passengers. The method on
which the line was worked is described in a contemporary account as
borrowed from the Mawchunk Railway in America. A horse drew the loaded
trucks along the level till they came to the top of the incline. Down the
incline they would of course run by their own weight,, so the horse was
taken round to the tail of the train, where he became a passenger in a low
wagon specially constructed for his accommodation, and refreshed himself
with hay and water till his services were again called into requisition at
the bottom.
The Ballochney Railway before long was paying 20 per cent.,
so in 1835 the Company obtained powers not only to make a new branch, but
also to contribute half the capital to a more ambitious undertaking known
as the Slamannan Railway, with a capital of no less than £65,769, which
was to continue the railway system north-eastwards from the termination of
the Ballochney, through Slarnannan and Avonbridge to Causeway End, where
it formed a connection with the Edinburgh and Glasgow Union Canal, and so
gave a new and independent outlet to the Monklarid Coalfield. Whatever was
the reason, perhaps because at the outset it was weighted with so enormous
a capital expenditure, the Slarnannan was not like its predecessors a
financial success. But 1835 is bringing us down to comparatively modern
times, and this is not the place for a complete history of Scotch
railways. So we must be content with just noting that in the year 1848 the
three companies above named, the Monidand and Kirkintilloch, the
Ballochney, and the Slamannan, amalgamated into one concern under the
title of the Monkland Railways, that in 1865 the Monkland Railways were
bought up by the Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway, which latter in its turn
was absorbed the same year into the North British. We may notice too that,
though for a mile or so northwards from the world-famous ironworks of
Gartsherrie the Caledonian through trains to the North run over it under
Parliamentary powers, the greater part of the original Monkland and
Kirldntilloch line has long been closed to passenger traffic. It may be
added further that, an outlet to a canal having ceased to be of any
practical value, the old railways have been continued onward, the Monkland
and Kirkintilloch to the shores of Loch Lomond, and the Slamannan to the
port of Bo'ness [i.e., Borrowstoneness] on the Firth of Forth.
The North
British is, after all, but an intruder in this part of Scotland. Its
proper territory lies rather on the East than on the West coast. The
leading Glasgow railway is and has been from the first the Caledonian
Company. And the line next in order of seniority to the Monkland and
Kirkintilloch, the Garnkirk Railway, which obtained its Act in 1826, may
fairly be looked upon as the nucleus of the Caledonian. Chronologically
speaking, the gap between 1824 and 1826 is narrow enough, but the
development of the railway idea in the interval is remarkable. The elder
line was only intended to supplement water-carriage; the younger, which
for practical purposes may be described as following throughout the course
of the Monkland Canal, boldly challenged competition with it. And the
challenge was not delivered without good reason. Glasgow had grown in the
half-century since Watt's survey. The city gasworks alone were using, says
a contemporary account, hard by 16,000 tons of coal per annum. Thirty
thousand more were required by the chemical works at St. Rollox, then and
now "perhaps the most extensive," as their chimney is probably among the
highest, and certainly among the most odoriferous, "in the world." And the
St. Rollox works adjoined the new Garnkirk terminus. Here the railway had
a great advantage over the canal in its complete arrangements for rapid
delivery. The trucks, we are told, ran in on a high level into the depot;
the body was tipped up at one end with the aid of a dum-craft, and the
coal fell through trap-doors in the iron floor into carts which were in
waiting beneath. The railway was opened in 1831, when amidst a scene of
great public rejoicing the first train was drawn along the line by the
"George Stephenson" engine, whose driver was none other than George
Stephenson himself. The cost of the carriage of coal from the Monkland
field to Glasgow fell within a short period from 3s. 6d. to Is. 3d. per
ton.
But great though the benefit might be which they had conferred on
the citizens of Glasgow, the Garnkirk Company were not over prosperous
themselves. On their 8+ miles of line they had expended the enormous sum,
as it was then considered, of over £12,000 a mile. They found it necessary
therefore to exert their utmost efforts to augment their receipts. In the
report for 1835 the directors, or rather the committee, to call them by
the name in use at the time, confess to a "material increase of
expenditure" in the item of advertising and printing. The amount for the
year was £57 6s. 11d. "The reason is," they say, "that perseverance in
frequently advertising the passenger carriages by newspaper notices and
otherwise is found to promote an increase of trade amply justifying the
expense so incurred." Here is an extract from the diary of the late Mr.
Walter Linn, one of the too many officials of the original railways who
have dropped off within the last few years, showing what we may fairly
take as a specimen of the great results of the Company's lavish
expenditure.
"October 23rd, 1834..—General Fast Day in Glasgow. A great
crowd of people about the depot all day; many passengers went up the
railway.
Everything moved on with the greatest regularity; not the least delay, nor
did any accident take place, and not so much as one wagon went off the
rails. We had about 1250 passengers out, and the whole of that number
returned. Collected £60 1s. 6d." "Collected" is evidently the right word
to use, for it was only in March, 1837, so Mr. Linn records, that after a
consultation with Mr. King, the secretary, he adopted the plan of
supplying passengers with tickets before starting, and opened a
booking-office for the purpose at St. Rollox.
In the same report the
committee strikes out another idea. "It is intended," they say, "with the
co-operation of the Monkland and Kirkintilloch and Ballochney Railway
Companies, to add to the passenger trade the conveyance of goods and
parcels between Glasgow and Airdrie. This branch of business may be
ultimately let, perhaps, but in the first instance the Company will likely
require to start it, or at least provide the necessary carriages and
places for receiving and securing the goods. The shop in Glasford Street,
occupied by the Company this season, was procured chiefly with a view to
this trade; but the delay in proceeding with the requisite accommodation
near Airdrie, for which this Company were dependent on another, has
prevented it being yet applied to that purpose. Keeping open this shop in
town has, however, been found of very considerable advantage to the
passenger trade."
This proposal to let the conveyance of parcels and
goods is worth notice as one instance of the fact—which cannot be too
distinctly grasped by any one who wishes to understand not the ancient
history of our railways merely, but also the bearings of the very modern
question of railway rates—that the original conception of a railway
company was not that of a carrier at all, but simply of a company owning a
road and charging a certain toll for the use of it. To quote one instance
among a thousand. In 1837, several years after haulage by horses had
disappeared from the line, and when therefore it is evident that the
carriage of passengers must have become a monopoly of the Company, who
alone possessed locomotives, the committee enter their passenger receipts
under two heads. £1543 15s. is credited under the head of tolls, while a
further sum of £1017 5s. is set down as received for haulage. The
committee, by the way, were evidently very particular in keeping their
accounts. A brick shed had to be repaired, and of the cost, £6 14s. 51½
was allowed to be charged to capital, but the remaining 6s. was debited to
the current year's revenue. Similarly some improvements in the Gartsherrie
Inn were divided between two accounts, capital, £2 13s. revenue, £1 18s.
3d. On the whole, the Garnkirk proprietors had reasons to be satisfied
with the result of their attention to the passenger traffic. In the five
years after the opening of the line the tonnage of minerals carried had
only risen from 114,000 to 140,000. In the same period a steady and
continuous increase had raised the number of passengers from 62,000 to
145,000.
We have almost forgotten the fact now-a-days, but railways in their
early days had to compete for passenger traffic with something besides
stage coaches. "Railroads, except in very peculiar circumstances, are
behind the age," says in 1831 the author of a pamphlet written to prove
the absurdity of building one between Edinburgh and Glasgow. He adds
that the future is on the side not of cumbrous locomotives with their
long lumbering trains, but of steam road-carriages, "of which a great
many are already required by coach proprietors, carriers of merchandize,
and others for their use on the public roads." This gentleman may be
hardly an impartial witness, but it is at least certain that Mr. Scott
Russell—afterwards the builder of the Great Eastern—established in 1834
"a line of steam coaches between Glasgow and Paisley, as the regular
mode of conveyance. These ran for many months with the greatest
regularity and success, and the trip, a distance of 7 miles, was run in
45 minutes. An accident caused by the breaking of a wheel which happened
to one of the carriages being unfortunately attended with fatal results,
caused the Court of Session to interdict the whole set of carriages from
running. [The accident alluded to was nothing less than the bursting of
the steam-coach boiler. These steam-coaches escaped the payment of
tolls, which were by Act of Parliament authorized to be levied upon all
vehicles "drawn by one or more. horses, mules, &c." They were
consequently the object of the fiercest hostility of the road trustees ;
and when the accident took place, owing to a wheel breaking on a newly-metalled
portion of the road, it was openly asserted that the metal had been laid
down extra thick with the object of disabling the new-fangled coach.
Indeed, a very strongly- worded letter from the clerk to the trust,
which had appeared in the newspapers only a few days before, was
believed to point to an intention on the part of the trustees to pursue
some such policy.]
But steam road-carriages were not the only
competitors. The track-boats on the canals must have been an almost
equally speedy, and certainly a considerably safer mode of conveyance than
the early railways. In a prospectus issued in 1836 for a much-planned but
never-executed Garnkirk and Falkirk Junction Railway, it is stated that
the passengers by canal between Falkirk and Glasgow amounted to 300,000
per annum, and though the distance cannot have been much under 30 miles,
it is added that the journey was performed in 3 hours. Even the heavy
barges with a load of 40 tons covered the 56 miles from end to end in 18
hours. On the Ardrossan Canal, says the same authority, one horse drew 60
passengers 8 miles, from Glasgow to Paisley in three-quarters of an hour,
returning to Glasgow in the afternoon at the same pace. From Glasgow to
Johnstone, 4 miles further, the time was an hour and half. From Liverpool
to Sankey, on the road to Manchester—to quote a parallel English
instance—the speed was 10 miles an hour. It is an interesting proof of the
early adoption of the very low fares, which have long been one of the
mosts creditable features of the traffic down the river from Glasgow, to
learn that while the fares to Sankey were 3s. 6d. and 2s. 6d those to
Johnstone only one mile less distance, were 1s. and 9d.
The mention of
the Ardrossan Canal brings us naturally to the third and last of the great
railways of Scotland, the Glasgow and South-Western, of which this
undertaking may be considered to be in some sort the nucleus. Let it be
said, to start with, that the title is a somewhat ridiculous misnomer, for
the Canal never got within 20 miles of Ardrossan. The full style and title
was "The Glasgow, Paisley, and Ardrossan Canal," and its inception dates
from 1804, in which year the then Lord Eglinton formed a company, and
obtained an Act for its construction, with the evident intention of making
Ardrossan, a place with great natural advantages, the outport for the
rapidly growing trade of Glasgow. But fast as the trade grew, the faster
the energy of the citizens worked to improve the navigation of the Clyde;
and the canal which commenced at "Tradestown, near Glasgow," now one of
the busiest manufacturing quarters of the city, never got any further
seawards than Johnstone. Here it stuck for over twenty years, till in
1837—the canal era having now given place to the railway age—its
proprietors obtained leave to complete their route by the construction of
a railway.
The waterway having begun to work downwards from the
interior, it was only in the fitness of things that the railway should
advance inwards from the sea-coast. And so it did; but it, too, stuck
after it had got as far as Kilwinning, a distance of about 5 miles. It is
true that the proprietors atoned for their failure to carry out their Act
by the construction of two small colliery branches, for which they had no
statutory powers whatever. The line was laid in the roughest and most
haphazard fashion, but it served with considerable advantage, not only as
a mineral line to Ardrossan Harbour, but also as a road for a one- horse
omnibus, which ran backwards and forwards for the benefit of the
population of Ardrossan and Kilwinning, as well as of the small towns of
Stevenson and Saltcoats, which lie between them. In 1836 a company, which
also deemed an Act of Parliament a superfluity, was projected with a
capital of £5000 to "form an edge railway from the Dirrans branch of the
Ardrossan and Johnstone railway to the town of Irvine, for the continued
direct conveyance of Coals, Stones, Goods, Passengers, &c." Next year, the
Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway, a company whose title is
self-explanatory, obtained its Act; and in 1840 the 5 mile fragment of the
Ardossan line took powers dissolving the Mezentian union with the moribund
canal, and authorizing a junction with the new railway, in whose
undertaking, now known as the Glasgow and South-Western, it has long ago
been absorbed. It may here be appropriately added that the derelict canal
was bought only a few years back by the South-Western Company, and filled
up and converted into an alternative route to relieve the congestion on
their main line into Glasgow.
It was stated at the beginning of this
chapter that the earliest of the local trains preceded by fully twenty
years the first of the through routes. But in tracing the history of a few
of the more important of the former, we have now reached the point where
the latter begins to appear upon the scene. The first proposal for a
railway connecting England and Scotland was in the year 1832, for a line
which has never been made from that day to this, and which—if railway
prophecies were not proverbially even more fallacious than prophecies in
general—one would be inclined to assert never would be. [The
ink that wrote this statement last July was scarcely dry when news was
published of the proposed amalgamation of the North British and the
Glasgow and South Western. This is not the place to discuss that question,
but it may be pointed out that its natural effect would be to bring the
Caledonian and the North Eastern into closer sympathy, and possibly to
promote the development of a route not very dissimilar from that proposed
in 1832. The Caledonian is already at Peebles in the upper valley of the
Tweed the North Eastern is at Kelso, some forty miles lower down on its
course. The intervening stretch of railway is the property of the North
British. If Parliament were to give running powers over it, either to the
Caledonian, or to the North Eastern, or to both, a new direct route would
be opened between Newcastle and Glasgow, free on the one hand from North
British control through Edinburgh, and on the other avoiding the crowded
traffic of the Newcastle and Carlisle road, the crush through Carlisle
itself, and the formidable gradients of the Beattock "bank."] The
proposed route was from Newcastle, by Otterbourne, Jedburgh, and Melrose.
Thence to Edinburgh it followed the present Waverley route by Galashiels,
while a branch diverged up the Tweed and reached Glasgow by way of
Peebles, Biggar, and the Clyde Valley. This route had one great and
conspicuous advantage, it afforded equal accommodation to both Edinburgh
and Glasgow. The East Coast road by Berwick, if it had been adopted as the
only line between England and Scotland, would have placed Glasgow at an
immense disadvantage. The western route by Dumfries and Kilmarnock would
have been equally unsatisfactory to Edinburgh. And, as Mr. Gladstone told
the House of Commons last year, even as late as 1842 "it was firmly
believed to be absolutely impossible, that there should ever be more than
one railway into Scotland."
It is a commonplace of early English railway
history to talk of the senseless opposition—where at least it was not a
cloak for extortion—of the great landowners. Every one knows the story of
the Duke of Cleveland's fox-covers which barred the progress of the
Stockton and Darlington, and of the lords of Knowsley and Toxteth who
turned aside the course of the Liverpool and Manchester. It was largely
owing to the enlightened master of Althorp that Northampton was left for
forty years stranded on one side of the great stream of traffic which
swept through Blisworth. To the credit of the landlords of Scotland be it
said, that the lairds of Dumfriesshire conceived and carried out the
Caledonian Railway.
In 1836 the London and Birmingham, the Grand
Junction, and the North Union were all fast approaching completion, and
their united systems would convey passengers direct from London to Preston
; so Joseph Locke was called in to survey a continuation northwards into
Scotland. As far as the Scotch border, he recommended what is practically
the existing West Coast line. Beyond that point, so he states in his
report, he naturally first turned his attention to the direct mail-coach
road, "laid out, I believe, by the late Mr. Telford." Along that route up
to Beattock Bridge, near Moffat, he found everything tolerably favourable.
But in the ten miles from Beattock Bridge to Beattock Summit there would
need to be a rise of "nearly 700 feet, which, supposing it to be uniform
the whole way, would give an inclination of 1 in 75."
Ten miles of such
a gradient the great engineer felt to be a hopeless impossibility. "Not
wishing," he writes, "to recommend a line having such a plane as this, I
was under the necessity of departing from the straight course." He turned
aside reluctantly and advised a line up the gently sloping Nithsdale and
over the Cumnock hills to Kilmarnock, and then on to Glasgow past Dairy
and Beith and Paisley. The following year, as has been already mentioned,
an Act was obtained for the construction of the portion of this route
between Kilmarnock and Glasgow, and in the Mania year, 1846, leave was
given to construct the remaining portion between Carlisle-or, more
accurately, between Gretna, where it left the Caledonian—and Kilmarnock;
but the promoters were no longer Joseph Locke's clients.
But let us
return to his original report. This document was sent by Mr. Hope
Johnstone, M.P., the largest proprietor in the Moffat district, to his
agent, or factor, to use the Scotch expression, Mr. Charles Stewart. Mr.
Stewart declined to abandon his hopes for an Annandale line. "As for
paying," he writes, "I have no idea that it would do so immediately, but
the country is now making such rapid strides in everything, that one would
not despair of this, ultimately embracing, as it would do, a large share
of the intercourse between England and Scotland." On the other hand he was
entirely sure that "the passing of the railway up Annandale would be of
incalculable importance to its prosperity . . . would perhaps double the
value of its productions in no distant time and he accordingly determined
that it was only after every effort is made that the idea should be
abandoned." He pointed out that, according to Telford's survey, the summit
was 100 feet lower than Mr. Locke had made it; argued that a tunnel such
as Mr. Locke had himself proposed at Shap did not "seem altogether out of
the question;" suggested the use of stationary engines anything rather
than give up the line.
In the result a local committee was formed with
Mr. Hope Johnstone at its head, subscriptions amounting to £150 were
raised, and in the autumn Of 1837 Mr. Locke, having got the Grand Junction
open and off his hands, came down a second time to Scotland and resurveyed
the line. Here is the pith of his observations on the crucial point, "the
plane of the Evan," as he calls the ten miles of line, now-a-days (largely
in consequence of the wonderful performances of Mr. Drummond's superb "No.
123" in the "Race to Edinburgh") known to railway men all over the world
as the "Beattock Bank." "The inclination," he writes, is similar to those
on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, which are worked by assistant
locomotive engines. Of the facilities of drawing up considerable weights
at moderate speeds thcre is no doubt; in short the ascent involves nothing
but more power and more time. In the descent, however, there is more
danger, and this is a question of importance. Perfect machinery and
perfect watchfulness on the part of the attendants leave no room for
apprehension. A train of passengers on an inclined plane of 1 in 93 may be
kept under perfect control by ordinary means. On the other hand a plane
like this ought not to be adopted without sufficient reason.- You cannot
expect it to be so economically worked, nor so certain in its operation as
a line of equal length that is free from such a plane.'
Mr. Locke ended
by giving the scheme a qualified approval, and suggested that, as the
object was one of national importance, the Government should institute a
thorough and minute inquiry into the competing proposals. This the
Government did, and, as all the world knows, the commission reported in
1841 expressing "the preference they felt bound to give to the western
route to Scotland by Lockerbie,. under the supposition that at present one
line of railway, only can be formed from the South to Edinburgh and
Glasgow." Then followed a weary struggle of four more years. The
Clydesdale landowners, who were as much concerned as their ncighbours
south of the watershed, were apathetic ; Glasgow, interested in its
Ayrshire line, was largely hostile Edinburgh was desirous of an East Coast
road all its own ; everybody was waiting in the hope of Government
assistance. Worse than all, a heavy cloud of trade depression overhung the
country. But through it all the Annandale Committee held on. In 1844, by
which time not only had track much improved, but also some unknown genius
had discovered a name suitable for the company which claimed to be the
national line—the Caledonian Railway,—rnattcrs at length got to the point
of issuing a prospectus. The capital asked for was £1,800,000. Next year,
after a battle royal with the promoters of the Dumfries line, with eight
counsel (among them Charles Austin) on the one side, and seven (among them
Cockburn, Wrangham, and Hope Scott) on the other, the Caledonian Bill was
passed through both houses and received the Royal assent on the last day
of July. The Annandale gentry had got their line, and their leader, Hope
Johnstone, deservedly became the first chairman of the company. In the
crash which followed the wild speculation of r$46, not a few of them,
however, had reason to wish that the Evan Water had really been the
impassible barrier which Locke at first had fancied it.
The English
railway system is the result of fully a generation's growth. But the
Scotch system, in plan, if not always in actual execution, sprang full-
grown from the brain of the projectors of '46. For this difference various
reasons may be assigned. Scotland waited much longer before it began to
construct through routes, and so had a long leeway to make up. Then again
the physical geography of the country fixes the course of railways much
more precisely than is the case in most parts of England. For a third
reason, Scotland is not rich enough to indulge on any large scale in the
luxury of parallel routes such as are found in England. Those who know the
railway geography of Scotland to-day will appreciate from the perusal of
the following list of Acts of Parliament passed in the Session 9 & 10
Victoria, for railways either origin- ally constructed or since acquired
by the Caledonian, how little, as far as this one railway at least is
concerned, the projectors of 1846 left over for their successors.
The
Scottish Midland Junction Railway Branches Act, 1846.
The Arbroath and
Forfar Railway Act, 1846.
The General Terminus and Glasgow Harbour
Railway Act, 1846.
The Dundee and Arbroath Railway (Extension) Act,
1846.
An Act to enable the Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock Railway
Company to make a Branch Railway to the River and Firth of Clyde at or
near Greenock, and a Pier or Wharf in connection therewith, 3rd July,
1846.
The Glasgow, Barrhead, and Neilston Direct Railways (Branches to
Thornliebank and Househill) Act, 1846.
The Scottish Central Railway (Alloa
Branch) Act, 1846.
The Scottish Central Railway (Denny Branch) Act,
1846.
An Act to enable the Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock Railway
Company to make a Branch Railway to the Polloc and Govan Railway, and to
amend the Acts relating to the said Railway, 16th July, 1846.
The
Scottish Central Railway (Perth Termini and Stations) Act, 1846.
The
Scottish Central Railway (Cricif Branch) Act, 1846. The Wishaw and
Coitness Railway (Cleland Extension) Act, 1846. -
The Glasgow Southern
Terminal Railway Act, 1846. The Dundee and Perth Railway Amendment Act,
1846. The Caledonian Railway (Glasgow, Garnkirk, and Coat-
bridge
Branch) Act, 1846.
The Caledonian Railway Carlisle Deviation Act, 1846.
The Caledonian Railway Glasgow Termini and Branches Act, 1846.
The
Caledonian Railway (Glasgow, Garnkirk, and Coat. bridge Railway Purchase)
Act, 1864.
The Glasgow, Garnkirk, and Coatbridge Railway Extension Act,
1846.
The Caledonian, Polloc, and Govan and Clydesdale Junction
Railways Amalgamation Act, 1846.
The Caledonian Railway (Clydesdale
Junction Railway Deviations) Act, 1846.
At the first statutory meeting
of the Caledonian, the chairman placed before the shareholders a summary
of their position. They had got their Act for a line northwards from
Carlisle, with branches to Edinburgh, to Glasgow, and to Castlecary for
the North. Their access to Glasgow was already secured by agreement with
the Garnkirk line. The Clydesdale Junction, which had been sanctioned that
same session, would give them a connection to Paisley, to Greenock, and to
Ayrshire. Northwards from Castlecary, the allied Scottish Central would
carry them on to Perth, where the Scottish Midland, and then the Aberdeen
Line would form the last links in the chain which stretched away to the
metropolis of the North. "Companies with ample subscribed capitals and io
per cent, deposited had been formed for extending the Caledonian system
into every part of Scotland." Next year would see introduced bills for the
following:
1. The The Caledonian Extension, from Lanark westward to Ayr,
eastward to join the North-Eastern line at Kelso.
2. The Caledonian and
Ayrshire Junction, to connect Kilmarnock with Railway No. i, and thereby
form a through route from Kilmarnock to Carlisle.
3. The British and
Irish Union from Dumfries to Portpatrick.
4. The Caledonian and
Dumbarton Junction, joining the Glasgow and Garnkirk line to Dumbarton,
with possibly a further extension to the West Highlands.
5. A line from
Perth to Inverness.
6A. Branches of the Scottish Central to Alloa and
Crieff.
6D. Private lines to Tillicoultry and Dumblane.
A glance at
a railway map will show that almost every one of these lines has now been
carried out. Their course, however, was not always so smooth as Mr. Hope
Johnstone fancied it about to be. They have not all been executed in the
Caledonian interest, nor has their result been to secure to that company
the impregnable position which the sanguine spirits in 1845 imagined
themselves on the eve of securing. But though the hopes of 1845 were
doomed to disappointment, the Scottish people can at least claim that, as
they had been among the first to appreciate the value of railways for
local traffic, so now they were among the first, if not indeed actually
the first, to draw out on a large scale and in bold outline, a
comprehensive scheme of railways in their newer development as the grand
highways of national and international communication. In subsequent
chapters we shall see that the modern performances of the Scottish lines
arc not all unworthy of their early promise.