THE ancient name of Montrose was Celurca. Its modern name,
Montrose, is derived from mom a moss, and ros high, or promontory of the
moss; whether we understand the promontory to mean that bold headland
terminating in Montrose Ness, or that the site of the ancient town had
deserved to be called high, more than it now does, in relation to the
adjoining land and sea. Although we might never suppose, from the appearance
of the soil, that there ever had been a moss here, yet there is as little at
Balnamoon, which means the house of the moss; and many of us remember, that
Borrowfield close by was very boggy and mossy, where we used to go for loch
reeds.
But after all, it matters little to us what was the nature of
the land,—the “local habitation,” as the abode of men, is what creates all
the interest, and awakens our sensibilities as natives of the place.
The finest landscape in the world would be indifferent to us
unassociated with the homes of men; and the wildest country, if only there
we spent our childhood, would be to us the dearest spot on earth. With these
sentiments agree the words of the paraphrase—
"With joy I saw the abodes prepared,
Which men were soon to fill.”
Home recollections are strongest, when we are far away among
strangers. Sir Alexander Burnes spoke of the pleasure he felt when arriving
out at India, he saw “Arbroath” on the sail of a ship in the harbour; and
many a time have I gone to the quayside at Aberdeen when at college, to see
the Montrose ships that came there; and afterwards at Sunderland, if I had
seen “Montrose” oh the stem of a ship, it was like a sight of home—the same
at Port Dundas when at Glasgow—and when I fell in with a Montrose captain,
who could have given me the news, it was a very great treat. Once on a time,
old Mrs Brydon called upon us at Sunderland, and plain and homely as she was
at all times, her truly friendly visit was something to talk and 'tell about
for a long time afterwards.
Friendships formed in youth, too, are awakened with fresh and
glowing interest when the parties happen to meet away from home: as was the
case of a relative of mine, when he met his old chum, the late James
Beattie, Esq. of Hillside in Ayrshire, the one, after spending many happy
hours already with his companion accompanying him home, and the other doing
the same by him—in fact, they convoyed each the other all the night till
morning came. I remember myself walking all the way to Aberdeen from Bervie,
(27 miles), and running at last to see the scenes and the friends of my
youth, in 1844. The Duke of Wellington, too, touched the strongest chord,
when in the thickest of the fight he said, "What will they think of you at
home!”
“The school boy or girl, when holiday time comes, with what
anxiety do they not look forward to the time of the chaise’s arrival, which
is to take them ‘home!’ They both think of the approaching happy meeting
with all their affectionate family,—the encouraging smile of the proud
father,—the overwhelming kisses of the kind mother,—the vociferous welcomes
of the delighted brothers and sisters. Visions of well-merited praise
bestowed on the different exhibitions of the neatly executed copy-book; the
correctly worked sums; the well recited Latin lines; and the horribly hard
translation, pass before Mbmind. She anticipates the admiration that will be
elicited by the display of certain beautiful needlework, which, at the
expense of shape and eyesight, is perhaps brought to such perfection, as
exactly to imitate the finest 4 Brussels.’ ”Ah! happy childhood, thus spent
in fitting the one Tor the 44 busy pursuits of active life,” and the other
for adorning her own happy home, and training her younger sisters to habits
of industry.
The appearance of Montrose from all sides must be familiar to
a native, or to one who has for any length of time been resident in it; but
for the sake of others, a short description may be given.
Montrose, when looked down upon from Rossie Brae, on the
south of the South Esk (forming its southern boundary), at a point at the
side of the road between the house of Inchbrayock and the Barns, from which
the best views are taken, is like the rough shape of a triangle: of which
the base, or greater side, is the river lino, extending about a mile from
the pier of the Suspension Bridge on the west, to the Upper Lighthouse on
the east; the other two sides seeming to meet at a small distance behind the
Steeple of the Parish Church, about which the denser part of the buildings
appears to be grouped together. The side of the town on the right, towards
the east, has along its outline the Upper Lighthouse and the tall chimneys
of the public works—here and there, at irregular intervals, rising up among
the other buildings—this side, having between it and the German Ocean, a
small strip of the Links, bounded by the Bents, stretching from the mouth of
the South to that of the North Esk, between which sandy ridge and the town
lies the whole of the northern and southern Links. Extending the view, the
margin of the sea appears to be a right line, joining the point at the
Lighthouse, and the innermost comer of the Heughs of St. Cyrus, from which
the line of coast runs straight to Johnshaven at the extremity—this line and
the north side of the South Esk river being parallel—the line of the sea
margin bounding the whole level part on the east for about three miles.
At the point where this scene is spread out, the high grounds
of St. Cyrus to the north, the Hill of Garvock and the Hill of’ Rosemount to
the north and west, bound, the view, and the latter hill gradually slopes
down to Montrose, which is built chiefly on the western side of the tongue
of land, or peninsula, formed by the German Ocean on the east, the Esk on
the south, and the Basin on/the west. This lagoon, which adds greatly to the
beauty of the surrounding scenery when it is full tide, improves the harbour,
by making deeper water in the river, and clearing away the bar of sand at
the entrance, so that vessels of a large size can come up, and find
accommodation in the Wet Dock, on the north side of the river. The Harbour
Commissioners are very jealous, on these accounts, of any encroachment on
the Basin; as were the conservators of the river Tyne, when it was proposed
to drain Jarrow Slake on the south side of that river, a little way above
South Shields; and what they did at last, was to build a Wet Dock in the
place where the water spread. If the people of Montrose Were to follow their
example, the back sands would hold the largest fleet that ever swept the
seas. It was indeed attempted at one time, about 1670, to drain about 2000
acres of land, said to belong to the estate of Dun; and a dyke, called the
Dronner’s Dyke, was raised, to cut this portion off the back sands.
The laird disposed of it to a company who were ruined by the
project, lor the embankment was no sooner raised, than Meggie Cowie, the
last witch that was burned on the hill, put in her finger, and a storm
arising, down it tumbled. The Btorm had been the witch. The remains of the
dyke are still distinctly visible, a little way behind the Infirmary.
Scotland was in early times much infested by the Danes, who
often entered it with armies, and fought with, and plundered the
inhabitants. The remains of a Danish camp were visible in the Links. We read
of Montrose being twice visited by them. On the first occasion, in 980, they
gathered together a large army, purposing with their fleet, to make a
descent upon the next coast of Albion, where they should happen to arrive;
and being on land to destroy all before them, except where the people should
submit and yield 'themselves unto them. This navy, being once got abroad, in
a short time arrived at that point of land in Angus, which is called Bed
Braes or Bed Head. Here the Danish fleet first casting anchor, their
captains held a consultation what they were best to do. Some of them were of
this opinion, that it was not most expedient for them to land in that place,
but rather to pass from thence into England ; for, from the Scots being
poor, and yet a fierce and hardy nation, there was small good to be got,
being accustomed to give more overthrows than they commonly received. Again,
the soil of that country was but barren, and overgrown with woods (as it was
indeed in those days), with few towns, and small habitations; and these so
poor, that no man knowing the same, would seek to fight for possession of
them: whereas, England was so fruitful of com and cattle—so rich in mines,
and replenished with so many notable cities and towns, inhabited with men of
great wealth and substance, that few were to be found comparable thereto. So
that the matter being well considered, they could not do better than to sail
into Kent, where they might be sure of rich spoil, without any great
resistance. Others held that this expedition was attempted by the counsel of
their superiors, only to revenge such injuries as the Danish nation had
received at the hands of the Scotsmen, and not to attain riches or any
dominion. The Scots also being a cruel people, and ready to fight in defence
of other men’s possessions (as in the wars of Northumberland it well
appeared), would surely be ready to come to the aid of the Englishmen into
Kent, even so soon as it was known that the Danes were on land in those
parts: so that by this means, they should be constrained to have to do both
with the Scotsmen and Englishmen, if they first went into Kent, where, if
they set on land here in Scotland, they should encounter but only with the
Scots. Therefore, the best were according to their first determination, to
land among the Scots, since chance had brought them into those parts;
adding, that when they had somewhat abated the arrogant presumption of their
enemies there, then might they pass more safely into England, after a lucky
beginning of fire and sword, to proceed against their adversaries in those
parts as fortune should lead them. This device was allowed of the greatest
number, being glad to get beside- the water. Whereupon the mariners (upon
commandment given), drew with their ships into the mouth of the river called
Esk, which in those days washed on the walls of a town in Angus, called then
Celurca, but now Montrose. Here the Danes landing, put the inhabitants of
the country thereabouts in great fear, so that with all speed for their
safeguard, they got them into Montrose; but the town being quickly assailed
of the Danes, was taken, put to the sack, and after razed, castle and all to
the bare ground, not one living creature being left alive of all such as
were found within the same.
After the destruction of Montrose by the Danes above referred
to, we find that on their landing a second time, with a powerful army at the
same place, Red Braes or Rubrum Promontorium, the town remained still in
ruins, for it is said “Camus their General, being once landed, got him to
the next hill, and beholding the ruins of the town of Montrose, which a few
years before had been destroyed by the Danes, he rejoiced not a little.”
The next notice we get of dates is that of the Castle,— that
William the Lion made it an occasional residence, and dated charters from it
between the years 1178 and 1198,— which was built upon the Forthill, near
the Bridge, about a mile above the fall of the South Esk into the sea, and
about where the Infirmary now stands. The hill which stood there always got
the name of the Castlehill, and was latterly Constablehill, a place where
the people in the neighbourhood got sand for their houses. There were at
that time human bones found in it, and some ancient coins. A seaman, with
his companion, when they were boys, found in their play a gold ring, with an
inscription on it, “Get me, guide me,” and lion rampant, which they took to
the house of Dun, and got 5s. for from Miss Erskine. The channel of the Esk,
at one time, had been much narrower than it is now, on the Montrose side,
for in the old statistical account of the town, drawn up by the late Rev.
Alexander Mollison, about 1793, it is said, “The main current of the river
probably flowed in former times on the other side of the island of
Inchbrayock, and it has evidently made considerable encroachments on this
hill. A well was discovered a few years ago on the brink, and when the water
is clear and smooth, another has been seen a good way into the river. Both
of them, in all probability, had been once within the fort.” The
inhabitants, at that time, remember that the river at the Forthill was not
near so deep nor so broad as at present. Tradition says, that in ancient
times persons on the opposite banks could almost shake hands.
“Edward, King of England, in pursuit of King John Baliol,
visited the Castle of Montrose in the summer of 1296, and received his
submission at Brechin, where ‘he did render quietly the realm of Scotland,
as he that had done amiss.’ Returning soon after to Berwick, a Bailie and
twelve burgesses of Montrose went there and took the oaths of allegiance to
Edward for themselves, and the community of the town. Soon after this,
‘Edward passed over into France with a great navy of ships, intending to
make war against that nation, trusting that the Scots would not stir, since
of late they had sustained so many overthrows and sore losses, one after
another, by the last wars.’But‘ the lords of Scotland got them all together
immediately, and assembled in council at Stirling, where, by agreement,
twelve noblemen were chosen to be governors of Scotland, who appointed the
great William Wallace as ruler, under John Baliol, to deliver his country
from bondage of the English nation., After many heroic exploits, and
receiving the army that John Cumin, Earl of Buchan, had led before, he
passed forth with great pursuance against the Englishmen, who held sundry
Castles within Scotland, and with great hardiness and manhood, he won the
Castles of Forfar, Dundee, Breohin, and Montrose, slaying all suoh soldiers
as he found within them.” This happened in 1297, after which time no mention
occurs of the Castle, although King David was frequently at Montrose in the
latter years of his reign—on one of these occasions landing at Craig Davie,
he constituted Bervie a royal burgh, and holding south, met with the Council
in the old Council House, at the back of the Old Kirk.
As already mentioned, Montrose was a town in the tenth
century, when it was destroyed by the Danes; and in the time of Malcolm IV.,
it had both mills and salt-pans. It was one of the principal towns which
were consumed by fire in 1244, as recorded in Dalrymple’s Annals of
Scotland.
The Burgh of Montrose is of high antiquity. David II., by a
charter dated 1st May, in the 40th year of his reign, of new grants the
Burgh of Montrose to the burgesses and community thereof “ cum territoriis
et communi pastura dicti burgi sibi adjacentibus, cum piscariis infra aquas
de North Esk, et South Esk, in crovis, yaris, et retibus antiquis, et
consuetis et pertinentibus ad dictum burgum, cum molandinis, sive ad ventum
sive ad aquam, et eonim multuris, cum tolloneo, parva custuma, curiis, et
earum exitibus habendis et tenendis in locis dicti burgi debitis et
consuetis, cum moris, maresiis, semitis atque viis, necnon cum omnibus, .aliis
et singulis libertatibus, commoditatibus, aisiamentis, et justis pertinentus
quibuscumque, tarn infra dictum burgum quam extra, tarn sub terra quam
superterram, ad praedictum, burgum spectantibus, sen quoque modo juste
spectare val-entibus, in futurum adeo libere, et quiete, plenarie, integre
et honorifice, bene, et in pace, sicut aliquis burgorum nos-trorum Scocie *conceditur.”—In
virtue of this charter, the petty customs, multures, weigh-house,
flesh-market dues, &c., have been levied. About 58 years ago, the meal and
malt mills were disused,’ and since then no multures have been exacted. By
a- charter of King James IV., dated 20th September, 1493,.that.monarch.gave
and granted to “our lovittes, the aldirmen, balzies, consale, and communitie
of our burgh 6f Montrose, and their successoris perpetuallie sifc like
privilege, freedoun, charges and ankerages, to be raist and taken at the
pere, port, and havin of our said burgh, of all schippis, crearis, and botis,
pertening to oure leigis, and strangaris, as is grantit and given be our
maist nobill progenitors to the ports of Leyth and Dundee, or any otheris
within our realme.” In virtue of this charter, the magistrates levy
shore-dues, anchorage, and plankage at the harbour, by which they uphold
piers, buoys, and moorings within the harbour. The property of the burgh
consists of lands, houses, feu-duties, the harbour, shares in Marykirk
Bridge, seats in the churches, money lent to the trustees of the Forfar
road, and money in the bank: it amounted in 1832 in gross value to £54,442
16s. 7£d. In 1833, the revenue was £3184 3s. 8Jd.; the expenditure was £4700
17s. 10d.,— extraordinary expenses having been incurred by important local
improvements. The corporation revenue in 1839-40 was £3007. The assessments
by authority of Parliament are that for the second ministers stipend, the
cess or land tax, and twopence on the pint of ale and beer for supplying the
town With water; by authority of charter, the shore and harbour dues, the
petty-customs, the weigh-house dues, and the flesh-market dues. The Burgh
having several years ago adopted the Police Act, the money required for
water, lighting, and watching, &c., is levied by virtue thereof on the
rental; and the town is supplied with abundance of water both from
Glenskenno and Kinnaber.
From all accounts, we learn that the inhabitants of Montrose
suffered much at different times from* the lairds of Dun, who should rather
have been their protectors. The causes of these raids were various. “ In
1491-2, the younger Erskine, as tutor for his relative, Henry Graham of
Morphie, took possession of certain cruives and fishings in the North Esk,
against, the will of the magistrates, who carried the affair t6 a Court of
Law, and upon the case going to proof, Erskine was declared to have done i na
wrang,* and so kept possession of the property.”* The power which they
possessed in the neighbourhood of their estate, was like that of the other
barons, extensive and almost arbitrary. The safety of the people lay in
having the gates of the town well secured against such marauders: for they
took away their cattle, so that they had to be penned up in a part of the
High Street every night, when the gates of the Port were shut, which had
watch-towers on either side of two storeys for a look-out, but in other
respects resembling sentry-boxes; and the Captain of the Port was the
officer who managed these matters, and was also at the head of the
town-guard. The town of Montrose was particularly under the jurisdiction of
the laird of Dun, who, on that account, was the virtual, as he was also made
the official, governor of the town. This manner of choosing a Provost for
the burgh, was more a matter of necessity than of choice with the citizens.
The barons reigned with a kind of petty sovereignty. Those noblemen whose
lands lay contiguous to burghs, were generally invested by the prince with
the power of constableship, and the government of the forts or castles which
protected the towns. In such cases, it was prudent for the citizens to throw
themselves under the defence of such powerful men; and therefore the
burgesses bestowed upon the barons the highest honour which lay at their
disposal. Indeed, without this precaution* the citizens were not safe ; nor
were they altogether free from violence, notwithstanding their subserviency
to this barbarous system. Both town and country lay open to marauders of
every description, whose vigilanoe eluded the feeble arm of the law,—the
execution of which was too often entrusted with those very barons, who were
sometimes themselves the cause of the citizens’ disquietude. An instance of
this kind occurred between the town of Montrose and the family of Dun, about
forty years previous to the period of which we are now treating.
John Erskine, laird of Dun, and grandfather of our reformer,
not contented with the authority which he possessed over .the burgh of
Montrose, resolved to compel the magistrates to submit to his tyranny. They,
however, though willing to concede much in favour of the baron, would not
resign the whole of their power; and, instead of allowing the town to fall
under the vassalage of the family of Dun, they determined to keep fast their
shadow of prerogative. They had, without any appearance of jealousy,
bestowed every mark of respect on the laird, as being the parliamentary
baron and knight of the shire, as well as constable of the castle and
provost of the burgh; and no submission, whether real or ceremonious, short
of absolute servitude, had hitherto been withheld by them from their
powerful superior. But still, the magistrates were so far sensible of their
official dignity, as to be aware, that much of this honour was mere
courtesy, and that in return they had to expect the protection and
patronage, instead of the tyranny, of the authoritative baron. Finding
admonition and threats of no avail with such obstinate supporters of
municipal privilege, the laird had recourse to chastisement and revenge. For
this purpose, in the month of September, 1493, he with his sons, John,
Robert, Walter, and Thomas, and a number of their vassals and dependants,
all mounted on horseback, and armed, some with pikes and spears, and others
with bows and arrows, came, in the dead of night, to the burgh lands, and
first setting on fire the com which grew there, they afterwards proceeded to
the town. Having marched up the High Street, shouting and brandishing their
weapons, they challenged the magistrates to come forth, and try by battle,
the cause which had been left unsettled by argument. The honest rulers,
notwithstanding this call upon their honour, prudently kept their
beds—resolving that, if they must fight for their dignity, they should at
least have the advantage of day light in combating such powerful enemies.
These violent proceedings having been several times repeated,
at length provoked the magistrates of Montrose to apply for redress at the
proper quarter. Having assembled in the town-hall, they drew up a petition
to the Duke of Montrose, praying for protection: but the bearer of the
letter to his Grace having been basely murdered by the retainers of Dun, the
magistrates directed that a “bill of complaint" should forthwith be
transmitted to King James IV. at Stirling, under an escort of armed men. The
King having graciously received the town’s complaint, ordered the Erskines
to find bail to keep the peace, and to appear, on a day appointed, before
the Sheriffs of Forfar and Kincardine, to answer to the charges preferre4
against them.
Further interesting particulars, showing the rude state of
society about the fifteenth century, will be found in the life of John
Erskine, from which the above account is taken.
John Erskine, the superintendent of Angus and Mearos, was
quite a different man from his grandfather—wise and prudent in counsel, and
if his advice had been taken, an alliance would have been formed between
Edward VI. of England and Queen Mary, by which Scotland would have become
sooner Protestant than it did; and the attack made upon Montrose, which
called forth his prowess, as will be seen in what follows, could not have
happened—although some accounts say he was wild and impetuous in his youth,
and even lay to his charge the murder of a priest of Montrose, Sir Thomas
Forster by name, within the campanile or bell-tower; and in consequence, as
was the fashion of the period, Erskine granted a bond of assythment or
blood-money for the offence, to Forster’s father, who was a burgess of the
town. One can scarcely give credit to this account, the whole of his future
life was so different, being prudent and moderate on all occasions.
He was also provost of Montrose as his grandfather had been;
and on one occasion protected the town from an attack of the English in the
time of Edward VI., and drove back the assailants with great loss to their
ships. They had before this made a descent upon the coast of Fife, with as
bad success; and being enraged at their defeat, sailed northward, and,
arriving opposite the mouth of the South Esk, they resolved to attack the
town of Montrose, in order to redeem the honour they lost in the Fife
expedition.
To make sure of surprising the inhabitants, the English
determined to attack Montrose in the dead of night. They therefore kept out
at sea, riding in the bay at such a distance, as not to be discovered on
shore. But this prudence seems to have deserted them after nightfall \ for,
by some unaccountable folly on their part, several lights were suspended
about the vessels, as they approached the mouth of the river. It is
probable, that being unacquainted with the navigation of the South Esk, they
had sent boats on shore, in the twilight, for pilots, who, in order to warn
the citizens of approaching danger, had, upon some pretence, hung up those
lights, which being seen from the fort, had given time for alarm and
preparation against some coming evil.
“Provost Erskine, upon the first intelligence, immediately
sent orders through the burgh, that every person capable of bearing arms,
should forthwith accoutre himself in the best manner possible, and proceed
with all expedition to the links. In the meantime he quickly armed his own
retainers and servants, and, having waited the arrival of his troops (who
were composed of a few soldiers, and a great multitude of merchants,
tradesmen, and apprentices hastely armed), he divided them into three bands,
and gave his prompt directions to each. The first division he dispatched to
a small hill dose by the river, called the Fort or Constablehill, ordering
them to remain concealed behind the ramparts until they should see an
opportunity of engaging the enemy with advantage. The second division, which
consisted of those who' wore light armour, and were provided with bows and
arrows, or with arquebuses (a kind of small hand gun), he himself led
straight down to the river, after having directed the third division to lie
in wait behind another hill, called the Horologehill, a short distance down
the river from the Forthill.
“The landing place of the river being between these two
hills, Mr Erskine led his company there, to attack the English as they came
on shore. Seeing a small number of the inhabitants, irregularly equipped to
oppose their landing, the English; with great confidence and hope of
success, came immediately from their ships, and began to fight their way
through the townsmen. The bowmen at first discharged their arrows and small
shot at the invaders while coming on shore, and afterwards* met them in a
close and tumultuous fight—opposing their irregular weapons to the spears
and swords of the enemy, and substituting, for their want of strength,
desperate courage and resolution. The Provost, fighting at the head of his
men, gradually retired before the enemy; and although the townsmen disputed
every step of ground with the English, yet it appeared evident to them, that
the undisciplined burgesses were yielding with decency and honour before the
more numerous and courageous soldiery who headed the invasion. To flatter
the enemy with this idea was the intention of Mr. Erskine’s gradual retreat
before them; and the effect was equal to his wish, for the English were thus
imperceptibly drawn from their landing place to the ramparts of the Forthill,
when, upon a signal being given, the first division of the townsmen rushed
from behind the ramparts, and joined the second company under the Provost.
For a moment the English paused; but, being encouraged by their leader, they
renewed the conflict with redoubled vigour against the increased power of
the townsmen, who, possessing now the advantage of the rising ground, as
well as an increase of forces, successfully combated and cut down their
enemies.
“Although the townsmen, encouraged by the command and example
of their Provost, not only behaved with great bravery and resolution, but
thinned the ranks of the enemy at every sally, it is probable, that they
would not have been able to keep up the fight much longer against so
numerous and desperate a band of invaders, had not a deception (somewhat
similar to that practised by Robert Bruce at Bannockburn) been made upon the
enemy. The English, though several times repulsed with loss from the brow of
the hill, seemed resolved, if not to conquer, at least to avenge themselves;
and becoming more and more desperate, they continued the fight till
day-light began to appear, when looking toward the east, they beheld from
the Horologehill the third division of the townsmen, Who, with colours
displayed and horns sounding, seemed in ther doubtful twilight, to be a
numerous reinforcement* coming to cut off their retreat to the ships. Afraid
of being surrounded by a company apparently numerous and keen for the fight,
and knowing the military quality of the townsmen from the specimen they had
already seen, the English precipitately fled towards the landing place; and
being hotly pursued, great numbers of them were cut down in the way, and
many more were Slain in the hurry and confusion of embarking. The number of
English who landed upon this expedition has been differently stated—probably
they amounted to eight hundred; for although their loss in the Fife
adventure was great, they had on board at least twelve hundred soldiers,
previous to their descent upon the Scottish coast.
“It is supposed that nearly two-thirds of the invaders fell
during this skirmish and1 retreat. The loss on the side of the townsmen was
inconsiderable. Thus was Montrose at that time delivered, by the prompt
measures of Mr Erskine, out of the hands of the English, whose intention was
to plunder, despoil, and bum it; and this, too, was almost the last blood
shed between Scotland and Jugland as two different kingdoms. The English
soon afterwards withdrew their forces from Scotland altogether. This great
reformer laboured earnestly in the cause of the Reformation to a great age,
being 82 when he died: nor was he less distinguished as a statesman; and
when we consider his high standing in the country, as a baron and proprietor
of a large estate—for the estate of Dun extended from the North Esk to the
hill of Carcary beyond the South Esk, and was bounded on the east by the
burgh property of Montrose—we must give him a high place among the
benefactors of his country.”
The following is the concluding stanza in the address to
Erskine, by Rev. James Anderson, minister of Collace, in the Winter Nighta
Poem:—
“I cannot dite as thou hast done deserue
In kirk and court, countrey, and commonweale,
Carefull the kirk in peace for to preserve:
In court thy counsel! was stout, and true as steele,
Thy poljcie decores the country well,
In planting trees, and building places faire
With costly brigs ouer waters plaine repaire.”
The old bridge over the North Esk, called the Upper North
Water Bridge, was built by a laird of Dun in 1780, who caused the family
arms to be embossed on the parapets. The building of this bridge raised the
price of eggs, which were mixed with lime for cement, as they were so cheap;
for a little before that time, the price at Montrose was one penny a
dozen—14 to the dozen, and a leg of mutton, twopence. |