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IN considering the
position of the opposing parties we find that the Congregation
though strong in numbers were poor in resources. Their good men were
for the most part "country fellows," untrained and undisciplined. It
was the 16th of October before they could join their leaders in
their march on Edinburgh, for the harvest was late that year. In a
few weeks their farms and crofts would again demand their attention,
for they would require to prepare the ground for the harvest of the
following year. Unless immediate action could be taken there was
every prospect of a fresh dispersion. Nor could the Lords of the
Congregation hold out any prospects to them; they had no money. Knox
knew this, and in a letter to Cecil he pleads for financial support:
"For albeit," he says, "that money by the adversary party largely
offered could not corrupt them, yet should extreme poverty compel
them to remain at home; for they are so super-expended already that
they are not able to bear out their train, and the same thing I
write unto you again requiring you to signify the same to such as
tender the furtherance of this cause." The Regent, on the other
hand, had a compact and well-equipped army, protected in Leith by
walls and forts, and duly supplied with all the materials of war.
The struggle indeed on these terms was hopeless, and this the
Congregation very soon found out.
They began with a war
of Proclamations, which came to nothing. The only possible good
these could do was to keep the Lords of the Congregation formally
right. On the 21st of October, only five days after their occupation
of the capital, the Protestants took the extreme step of deposing
the Queen Regent. The course of events necessarily led up to this,
and the Proclamation which was published vindicating their action
was composed with great deliberation and very deftly done. The
remarkable feature about it was its practical omission of any
reference to the Reformation of Religion. The reason put forth was
the unconstitutional government of the Regent, the tyranny of the
French, the robbery of the people and the degradation of the
country. The appeal was not to the religion but to the patriotism of
the people.
Mr. Andrew Lang,
contrasting this Proclamation with its predecessors, traces in it
the hand of Maitland of Lethington. That astute politician had not
as yet thrown in his lot with the Protestant party, although he was
soon to do so. Some think that Knox was put into the background and
that his views were overruled. We do not think so. He was not such a
fanatic as to wreck the Reformation by refusing to take advantage of
any move in the game that would help his cause. rfhe appeal to
religion had already gathered round the revolutionists a very
considerable proportion of the nation, and it was only common
prudence, in this Proclamation, to appeal to other sections of the
nation, even to Catholics who felt indignant at the present
degradation and threatened subversion of their country. Besides, the
Protestants were eagerly soliciting the assistance of Elizabeth, and
they had to consider the ground on which she would be most ready to
give her support. We can well believe that this Manifesto was issued
with Knox's approval, and we have no reason, except the opinion of
inimical historians, to think otherwise.
It may have seemed a
bold thing for the Congregation to depose the Regent, but from
Knox's well-known opinions, already discussed, there will be no
surprise felt at his action in the matter. He and Willock were
consulted, and they gave the proposal their heartiest approval. Knox
would have no scruples whatsoever in supporting the action of his
lay friends. He was, as we have seen, a pupil of John Major, who
declared that a "free people first gives strength to a King whose
power depends upon the whole people," and that "a people can discard
or depose a King and his children for misconduct just as it
appointed him at first." These views had been advocated by Knox, and
when the time came he did not hesitate to put them into force. We do
not think them revolutionary now, though they were far in advance of
the opinions generally held in his day. Upon them every free,
government, our own included, is now based.
There is one
statement in this Proclamation which has caused some surprise. That
is where the Protestant Lords declare that they depose the Queen
Regent by the authority of their lawful sovereigns. This, on the
face of it, was taking a good deal for granted; but the explanation
is found in the fact that these men naturally held that their lawful
sovereigns would govern lawfully, which the Queen Regent was not
doing, and it was at the same time an indication that, whoever the
sovereign or governor might be, they would be quite justified on the
authority of the Constitution to do unto him or her what they had
now done to the Regent. In our judgment this taking the name of
their lawful sovereigns in vain was the most significant feature in
the whole Proclamation, and was prophetic of the vindication of the
rights and liberty of subjects in relation to all rulers whatsoever.
The Protestant party
soon discovered that the subjugation of Leith was no easy task. The
support which they asked from England was not granted, if we except
an instalment of one thousand pounds which Elizabeth sent them.
This, unfortunately, never reached their hands, for it was seized by
the Earl of Bothwell on its way. Fresh misfortunes followed. The
French, making a sortie from Leith, drove the army of the
Congregation down the Canon gate into Edinburgh, and a further
defeat on the 5th of November made them feel that their position was
unsafe and hopeless. "From that day," says Knox, "the courage of
many was dejected, with great difficulty could men be retained in
the town; yea some of the greatest estimation determined with
themselves to leave the enterprise, many fled away secretly, and
those that did abide appeared destitute of counsel and manhood."
The one man who did
not lose heart was Knox himself : his labours at this time were far
beyond his strength. Along with Willock he preached daily in St.
Giles' to crowded congregations, stirring their enthusiasm and
holding together the different members of a party that constantly
seemed on the eve of a final and fatal disruption. His wife, who had
joined him, assisted him in his secretarial work. "The rest of my
wife," he says, "has been so unrestful since her arriving, that
scarcely could she tell upon the morrow what she wrote at night."
His movements were closely watched, and a large sum promised for his
head; but in spite of all he lost "no jot of hope or heart," but in
the darkest hour of his party's fortune encouraged them with his own
optimism.
It was at this time
that he wrote a letter to Sir James Crofts which has been made the
subject of sharp criticism. A recent historian joyfully seizes on it
in proof of his contention that the morality of Knox the preacher
was inferior to that of Crofts the politician, and a biographer of
the Reformer bemoans it as the one blot on his public career. It
does not seem to us so terrible after all. When the Congregation
were in their darkest hour Knox appealed to Crofts for help. Knowing
it was the object of Elizabeth not to offend France, he suggested
that the soldiers whom he sought to be sent across the border might
be regarded by the English as rebels to their realm. Elizabeth, who
was in the habit of making promises which she never intended to
fulfil, and of refusing what she had fully made up her mind to
grant, would regard this counsel as venial in the extreme; and when
we consider the craft that was practised on all hands, by almost
everyone who held important political posts, Knox's suggestion
cannot appear so dreadful.
It was at this time
that Maitland of Lethington joined the Congregation. Knox welcomed
him because of his proved ability and influence, and also for the
relief that he would bring, because Lethington undertook the duties
of secretary for which by nature and training he was better fitted
than Knox. rfhe Lords of the Congregation, against the advice of
Maitland, determined to quit Edinburgh, and they left amidst the
jeers of the populace. "The despiteful tongues of the wicked railed
upon us, calling us traitors and heretics, everyone proyoked other
to cast stones at us, and thus as a sword of dolour passed through
our hearts, so were the cogitations and former determinations of
many hearts then revealed." But it was Knox again who revived their
drooping spirits, for after they arrived at Stirling he preached a
sermon which was long remembered by everyone who heard it, for he
declared, "Whatever shall become of us and our mortal bodies I doubt
not that but this cause (notwithstanding the enmity of Satan) shall
prevail in the realm, for as it is the eternal truth of the Eternal
God, so shall it finally prevail though it be resisted for a season.
It may be that God shall plague some because they do not relish the
truth, though from worldly motives they pretend to favour it, yea
God may take some of His dearest children away before their eyes see
greater calamities, but neither the one nor the other shall so
hinder this cause but that in the end it shall triumph." A council
of the Congregation was held shortly after they came to Stirling:
the journey of Maitland to England to win over Elizabeth to their
cause was its object. It was determined that Maitland should go, and
this decision was the turning-point in the fortunes of the
Congregation.
Shortly after the
despatch of Maitland the Congregation determined to divide
themselves into two companies, one of which should make Glasgow its
centre and the other St. Andrews. To the former city went
Chatelherault, Glencairn, and Argyle, and to the latter the Lord
James, Arran, Lord Ruthven, Kirkcaldy of Grange, and Knox. The
Reformer acted as secretary to his party. He would appear at this
time to have taken less active interest in the revolution than
during its earlier periods. The reason was that the Lords of the
Congregation were now basing their action on the threatened invasion
of France. The Reformation of Religion was put into the background.
It was their desire to draw into their net as large a number as
possible, and for this purpose they made it of different meshes.
Towards the close of the year they met in Stirling for the purpose
of considering a letter from Maitland, who wished to receive further
instructions regarding his mission to England. The Queen Regent
heard of this gathering, and a force was sent under D'Oysel to
attack it. The Congregation heard of the movement and made their
escape. The French followed up their advantage and pursued them
almost to the very gates of St. Andrews. Their march was stoutly
contested, the Lord James, Arran, and Kirkcaldy particularly
distinguishing themselves. "For twenty and one days," says Knox,
"the first two lay in their clothes, their boots never came off,
they had skirmishing almost every day, yea some days from morn to
eve." The Queen Regent thought that her triumph was at hand, and
exclaimed, "Where is now John Knox, his God! My God is now stronger
than his, yea even in Fife."
Although Knox could
take no part in the actual warfare that was being waged, he was by
no means idle. He had tip to this time, while in St. Andrews,
employed his leisure in the writing of his History, and when the
fortune of his party seemed almost hopeless he again rose to the
occasion, and in Cupar preached a sermon that put fresh heart into
them. Maitland was also busy, and his patient diplomacy was about to
be crowned with success. He was the one man in Scotland fitted for
the task which he was discharging. He was friendly with Cecil, a
favourite with Elizabeth, and a lover of his country. He believed in
a union with England, and he brought all his well-known and
exceptional talents to bear upon its accomplishment. Elizabeth
hesitated, changed her mind, but at last yielded. Hence was it that
the French, while engaged with that section of the Congregation that
occupied Fife, were surprised when crossing the river Leven on the
23rd of January 1560 to see a fleet in the Firth of Forth. They took
it to be the promised fleet expected from France, but their fond
hopes were dispelled on finding that two ships which were being
despatched to them with supplies were seized. They then discovered
that the vessels were English. D'Oysel beat a hasty retreat towards
Stirling. The country rose up behind him, and he was hotly pursued
by those who had suffered so harshly at his hands. He rested not
until he reached Linlithgow, and did not feel. himself safe until he
found shelter behind the fortifications of Leith.
This was only one
result of Maitland's mission, the other was the despatch to Scotland
of an English army. But before this could be finally agreed on it
was necessary that a bond should be entered into between the Lords
of the Congregation and their English allies. For this purpose
Norfolk was sent to the north of England, and it was proposed that a
meeting should take place between him and representatives of the
Congregation. The party under the Duke of Chatelherault arranged to
meet Norfolk at Carlisle, but Knox disapproved of this. He wrote a
strong letter to the Duke, accusing him at the same time of
slackness in the cause. It was accordingly agreed that a meeting
should take place at Berwick-on-Tweed, and on the 27th of February
an Agreement was come to by which England and the Lords of the
Congregation mutually bound themselves against the French. The
forces of the Queen Regent, to the number of over two thousand, made
one supreme effort to overthrow the Congregation. Their attack on
St. Andrews having failed they marched on Glasgow. The Protestant
party in that city fled to Hamilton, and the French after working
their will on Glasgow returned to Leith. The Queen Regent, whose
health was declining, and whose outlook was now becoming almost
hopeless, received permission to leave Leith and take refuge in the
Castle of Edinburgh.
The Protestant
leaders made strenuous efforts to rouse the whole country. With this
object they issued a fresh Proclamation, in which no mention was
made of the Reform of Religion. Their appeal was only partially
successful, and with the forces at their command .they joined the
English who had now arrived at Leith. The joint armies numbered
between nine thousand and ten thousand men. It was a new experience
in the history of both countries to see their armies united in a
common action. Men could hardly believe their eyes on seeing the
Scotch and the English soldiers amicably entertaining each other.
Indeed it was the suspicion in the minds of many Scotsmen that
Elizabeth had some sinister object in view which kept them from
joining the Congregation. They were afraid that the English,
supposing the French were driven out of the country, would take
their place. Even the Congregation had a dread lest they might be
overreached and terms be agreed on by friends and foes alike, which
in the end might prove injurious to them. It was perhaps more for
the purpose of keeping themselves right in the eye of the
Constitution, than from any hope of being successful, that a final
appeal was made to the Regent to dismiss the Frenchmen and govern
according to the laws of the realm. Nothing of course came of this
last effort.
The allied armies now
attempted to penetrate the fortifications of Leith, but with very
unfortunate results. They were repulsed with considerable loss. Knox
relates some stories that were spread abroad, retailing the conduct
and words of the Queen Regent after one of these repulses. " Now
will I go to the Mass and praise God for that which my eyes have
seen," he reports her to have said; and again, when the French laid
the dead bodies of the Scotch and English along their wall, she is
alleged to have exclaimed: "Yonder is the fairest tapestry that ever
I saw." Some doubt is cast on the truth of these reports by the fact
that Edinburgh Castle was too distant from the walls of Leith to
enable anyone to distinguish very clearly between dead bodies and
living ones, and the poor Queen Regent's health must have been too
low to permit her to view such scenes or to remark upon them with
sarcasm.
Emissaries were
passing to and fro between the French and English camps for the
purpose of breaking up the compact between the English and the
Scotch. The Protestant leaders, afraid lest dissension might be sown
among their own ranks, drew up a new bond of mutual adhesion which
Huntly and Morton among others signed. These two earls were powerful
additions to their ranks, and the fact of their going over to the
Protestant party showed in which direction the tide of success was
beginning to flow. None of the combatants were at all anxious to
prolong the struggle, indeed they were all eager for peace. The
French Government had quite enough on its hands at home. Elizabeth
grudged the expense, and the Congregation were afraid of the
dispersion of their followers. The death of the Regent, which took
place on the 10th of June, brought matters to a crisis, and six days
later Commissioners arrived from England and France for the purpose
of drawing up terms of agreement.
The portrait which
Knox draws of Mary of Guise is by no means flattering. "Unhappy from
the first day she entered into the kingdom unto the day she departed
this life," is his judgment; and he adds, "God for His great mercy's
sake rid us from the rest of the Guisian blood. Amen, amen." From
his point of view the judgment which he thus passes upon her life is
defensible enough. She represented to him that " seed of Anti-Christ
" which he believed it was his commission to uproot and destroy. It
should not be forgotten that this very year, in the month of March
1560, many French Protestants, some of them men of distinction, had
been done to death through the instrumentality of her brother the
Cardinal, and that he, with Francis ii. and his young Queen, Mary
Stuart, looked from their palace windows at the torments of these
poor wretches. Nor could Knox ever forget the cruelty which he had
suffered at the hands of the French, or the degradation of his
country of which they were the cause. He associated the Queen Regent
with all the evils, religious and civil, which Scotland had endured
for the past generation. It was through her mainly that a nation
whose friendship with Scotland was ancient and close had been turned
into an enemy. In her defeat and death he saw the overthrow of all
that his soul hated. It was not an age when men did things by
halves; the struggle in which he was engaged was a deadly one, and
his thorough conviction that he was fighting the battle of the
Almighty justified him in triumphing over the defeat of those who
were opposed to him.
But notwithstanding
all this we cannot help thinking that Mary of Guise was not less
blameworthy than misguided and unfortunate. Her attachment to her
own family was so strong that she governed Scotland in their
interests and in the interests of France. If she had thought less of
her brothers and more of her own daughter she would have guided the
affairs of the nation very differently. She alienated from herself
not only the Protestants, but every rank and section of the people,
by making Scotland an appanage of France. To serve her own ends she
allowed the Congregation to grow in numbers and in influence, and to
serve her own ends again she tried to destroy them. One cannot help
feelings of regret for her, a foreign princess and a widow,
surrounded by a nobility that was governed by strong and
uncontrollable passions. She had tact and diplomacy, and was not
without kindness of heart, but her ideal was false. She herself
suffered for her errors, and left a heritage for her daughter which
that unhappy Queen was quite incapable of managing aright.
The Treaty was signed
at Edinburgh on the
6th of July, and by
it the French were to leave Scotland, the fortifications of Leith
were to be destroyed, a general pardon was to be granted, a
Parliament was to assemble on the 10th of July and all its Acts were
to be as legal as if it were presided over by the Queen herself. It
is not quite clear what part Knox played in the last stage of the
struggle. He was in Edinburgh during the siege of Leith, and from
the account which he gives of it in his History it is evident that
he was an eye-witness of much that took place. His sermons in St.
Giles' and his commanding influence with the Congregation would all
tell on the course of the conflict. He was necessarily debarred from
taking part in the actual warfare and in the negotiations that led
up to the final settlement. During the last stage it was the civil
rather than the religious element that was adduced as the ground of
the revolution, but it was he, and no other, who set the force in
motion which in the end triumphed. |
