Ere this period opens on
Kinnord, many important political changes had taken place in the
history of the country. The different provinces, long petty
independent kingdoms, had, one after another, been incorporated into
a united nation. The invasions of the Danes, though mostly confined
to the coast, had been heard of far inland, and the reports of their
deeds of arms, their savage cruelties and sacrileges, had filled the
native mind with fear and horror, and given rise to fables that
attributed every ruin and trace of devastation to these pirates; and
hence arose, as far as I can conjecture, the elements of the
tradition that, in quite recent times, referred to the Danish wars
the great cairns and ruins to be found on the bleak moors and hill
tops around Loch Kinnord. But the times of the Danes had also passed
away, and other disturbers of the country's peace had put them
almost out of people's memories.
When these events had come and gone, a
great revolution, with which I think Kinnord was associated, swept
over the land. In the year 1039, King Duncan, "the Generous," was
murdered by one of his great lords, or thanes, of the name of
Macbeth. When this Macbeth, who was a descendant of the ancient
Pictish kings, got full possession of the kingdom, he resorted to
the old Pictish practice of having round forts on the hill tops, and
inaccessible strengths in the marshes and lakes. He built a great
round fortress on the top of the hill of Dunsinane, and restored
others in different parts of his dominions, such as at Lumphanan,
Strathbogie, and I think it very likely at Kinnord also, because he
was fond of such strengths, and resided much in this part of his
territories. Macbeth was a sort of Oliver Cromwell in his day, and
was a good king for the country, though very cruel to the late
king's family and followers, all of whom he killed that he could lay
his hands on. However, Malcolm, the eldest son, managed to escape
into England, whence he returned after seventeen years, accompanied
with a great army, gave battle to Macbeth at his great fort of
Dunsinane, beat him, and chased him north over the hills to the
Feel-Bog in Lumphanan. Here the fugitive made another stand; but
Macduff, Malcolm's chief general, overcame him, slew him with his
own hand, and carried his head in triumph to the King, who was
staving at Kincardine O'Neil. This was that Malcolm who was
nicknamed Ceanmore, or the Big Headed because, as I suppose, he had
a large head, perhaps, also, because he was a very shrewd and wise
king. Malcolm Ceanmore, being now crowned king, took possession of
all the strongholds which Macbeth had built or fortified, Kinnord
among the others, and likely enough garrisoned them with his own
soldiers. Notwithstanding all the legends that have got into
circulation regarding this King's residence at Kinnord, the above is
the only account, consistent with history, that I can give of any
supposed connection he had with it. If there was a habitable castle
or fort on the island at this time (1067-93), it was more likely to
have been built, or rebuilt, by Macbeth, in whose veins there was a
great deal of both Pictish and Danish blood, than by Malcolm, whose
big head had got filled with English notions and new fashions, among
which round towers on hill tops and crannogs in lakes had no place.
I shall, therefore, not detain the reader with any traditions about
Malcolm Ceanmore's residence and doings at Kinnord, because I
believe most, if not all, of them to be purely fabulous inventions
of comparatively modern times, and ignorant people. I may just
remark that the reign of Malcolm introduced a new era into our
history; and it became customary, a hundred years ago or so, for
people to refer all relics and legends of unknown antiquity to the
period of his reign.
As a flash of lightning in a dark
night enables the belated wanderer to behold for an instant the
position he occupies, so in the midst of the uncertainties of these
researches, an actual date cut upon a beam, brought up from the
ruins of the old drawbridge, about the year 1782, fixes for us the
year in which this ancient fortress was presumably restored after
its long desolation. The beam, according to the writer of the Old
Statistical Account of the parish, was long preserved by a gentleman
in the neighbourhood, but has now ceased to exist The date it bore
was 1113. This was just twenty years after the death of Malcolm
Ceanmore. The date is important, as being the earliest written or
inscribed item of information we possess regarding the fortress on
Loch Kinnord. If we inquire into the state of the country at that
time, we find that Alexander I., surnamed "The Fierce," son of
Malcolm Ceanmore, was then engaged in restoring the forts and
strongholds in the northern parts of his kingdom to overawe the
turbulent inhabitants of Moray and the Mearns; and it is not
improbable that, among others, he may have rebuilt the castle in
Loch Kinnord. At any rate we are now at the year 1113 a.d.
Another dark age of nearly two
hundred years' duration has to be passed over before we reach the
next feet of history having reference to Kinnord. When it again
emerges to view, it is as the scene of a night encampment of a great
English army, towards the fall of the year 1296. Noise and bustle
there were enough then—pitching of tents, picketing of horses,
hurrying to and fro on the moor of Dinnet of servants and
attendants, for the great English king, Edward I., contemptuously
nicknamed by the Scots, Longshanks, was there at the head of his
army, probably passing the night on the Castle Island. Why he and
his army were there was thus:—He was engaged in subduing poor
Scotland, and for this purpose had made a progress through the
country as far north as Kinloss in Morayshire. On his return journey
he came by Lochindorb, Strathspey, and Kildrummy, then by far the
greatest strength in the province of Mar. From Kildrummy he led his
army southward, encamping the first night at Kinnord, [While here
Edward caused the Peel or Castle of Aboyne to be taken in, and its
charter-chest to be rifled, carrying with him into England every
document that would seem to imply the independence of the Scottish
king or kingdom.— Robertson's Index to Mining Charters, p. xxv.] and
early next morning crossing the Dee at Boat of Dinnet, whence long
files of his soldiers wended their way through Glentanar, and over
the Fir Munth, and so on by Brechin to Dundee.
This was not the last time that the
great King Long-shanks was at Kinnord. In 1303, after Wallace's
brave effort to secure the independence of his country had failed,
Edward made another progress through the country, selecting almost
the same route and encampments as on the previous occasion; but,
being this time in very bad humour with what he called the
rebellious spirit of the Scots, the people about Kinnord were very
glad he did not stay longer amongst them.
At the present day we can hardly
realise the fact of a great English army, with their king at their
head, being twice encamped, within the space of seven years, around
the shores and on the island of Loch Kinnord— the spot seems to us
so very unlikely to be selected for such a purpose; but time works
wondrous changes; then it was the most likely, the most commodious
and convenient between Kildrummy and Brechin.
To make clear to the reader the
circumstances out of which arose the next event in which the Castle
of Kinnord figures, it will be necessary to sketch, however briefly,
some portion of the national history following closely on the period
at which we have now arrived.
John Strathbogie, Lord of that Ilk,
had married Adda, daughter and sole heiress of Henry Hastings, Earl
of Athole, in whose right, on her father's death, he became eighth
Earl of Athole. Taking part with Wallace, he was made prisoner by
the English, and put to death with horrible cruelty. His son, David,
ninth Earl of Athole, and Lord of Strathbogie, wavered in his
allegiance between Bruce and Edward ; but at last marrying Joan
Comyn, daughter and co-heiress of the Red Comyn, whom Bruce had
slain at Dumfries, he went over altogether to the English cause. In
consequence of this he was disinherited by King Robert; and his
lordship of Strathbogie was bestowed upon his former friend, Sir
Adam Gordon. David Strathbogie, who had immense estates in England
as well as in Scotland, made no serious effort to recover the
latter, and died in England, leaving a son of his own name, a bold,
fickle, and inordinately ambitious young man.
He and some other Scottish exiles had
influence enough with the English king to obtain from him a fleet
and army with which they invaded Scotland, with the design of
regaining by force their forfeited estates and honours, and of
dispossessing the present owners. The great Bruce was now dead, and
they proposed expelling his son, as yet a young boy, from the
throne, and setting up in his room David Baliol, the son of a former
king. They thought that if they could do this they would not only
repossess themselves of their forfeited properties, but be secured
in the possession of them in all time coming. They were very nearly
successful; and for two or three years they kept the country in a
state of civil war.
David Strathbogie had, through his
mother, Joan Comyn, inherited the greater part of the fortunes and
territorial influence of her once powerful family, and thinking that
the former vassals of her house would more readily join his standard
if he came among them as the representative of their former lords,
he dropped the surname of Strathbogie, and, assuming that of his
mother when in Scotland, called himself David Comyn, though his real
name, that which he always took when in England, was David
Strathbogie.
Perceiving after a short time, that
the Scots would never have Baliol for their king, Comyn, as we shall
call him, suddenly changed sides in the contest, and made his peace
with the followers of Bruce, receiving hack the earldom of Athole
with the lands belonging to it, and many others besides. He appears
to have adopted this line of conduct in pursuance of a deep laid
plan to make himself King of Scotland; and, indeed, if the family of
Bruce could have been dispossessed and the family of Baliol
rejected, he had the next best claim to the crown. He won over a
great many of the Scottish nobility, rode through the country with a
train almost royal, appointing his own friends to the command of the
castles and forts within his wide domains, but all the while
pretending that he was doing so in the interests of King David
Bruce. The Castle, or Peel of Kinnord he gave to one of his most
staunch supporters, Sir Robert Menzies, who had considerable estates
in Athole and also at Pitfodels, near Aberdeen. He was careful to
keep on good terms with the Regent, the brave and loyal Sir Andrew
Moray, though there was no man in Scotland he in his heart hated or
dreaded more.
When he thought his plans ripe for
execution, he threw off his disguise, mustered his followers in
Athole, numbering 3000 foot with some horse, and seizing the
opportunity when the Regent was engaged on some business on the
eastern border, he hastily marched northward with this force to
capture the Castle of Kildrummy, where the Regent's wife, a sister
of the late King Robert Bruce, and other royal and noble ladies were
then residing. The garrison was brave, but few in numbers ; and it
is almost a wonder that it was able to resist Athole's unexpected
attack If it had surrendered he would have got into his hands almost
every member of the Royal Family then resident within the kingdom;
for the young king was in France, and the youthful Stewart, the heir
apparent, he had already secured.
Christian Bruce, however, found means
to despatch a messenger to her husband, who, as has been said, was
on the Borders, to inform him of the danger that threatened his
family. We may fancy with what consternation and anger the brave Sir
Andrew received the intelligence of Athole's perfidy. But there was
not a moment to be lost in unavailing grief and indignation. Hastily
collecting 800 brave Border horsemen, among whom was Sir Alexander
Gordon, the son and successor of Sir Adam, to whom Bruce had given
Athole's patrimony of Strathbogie, he hurried northward with all
possible speed. Comyn, hearing of his approach, and fearing a
surprise, raised the seige of the Castle, intending either to give
the regent battle at a distance from Kildrummy, where he could not
receive succour from the garrison, or where, if he found it
necessary, he might make good his retreat into Athole.
The subsequent events cannot be
better told than by paraphrasing, for the sake of the modern reader,
the narrative of the ancient chronicler, Wynton, whose account is so
exact and minute that he must have had his information from an
eye-witness.
When Sir Andrew Moray heard how
rudely Earl Davy (Athole) and his men conducted themselves he was
very angry, and prepared to raise the seige forthwith. He therefore
collected all the armed men he could obtain to the south of the
Scottish Sea (Firth of Forth). The Earl Patrick (Dunbar) joined him,
and with him came Ramsay and Preston, and other gentlemen of great
renown. William Douglass was also there with his good men and
worthy, besides other gentlemen, making in all 800 fighting men; for
the flower of that portion of Scotland were then at his Court. So
quick were their movements that they passed the Mounth (Grampians)
without stopping.
The Earl Davy (Athole) now received
full information of their approach, and so took his departure from
the Castle (of Kildrummy). He made straight for Culblean, and there
lodged his great array, right in the highway at the east end; and
right opposite to where they lay, at the Ha' of Logie-Ruthvan, Sir
Andrew had taken up his quarters. That evening there came to him
from Kildrummy 300 " wicht" and hardy men, and this raised the
spirits of his own men greatly, and he himself was very glad of
their coming.
Well, there was in his army one John
of the Craig (John Craig), who had been taken prisoner by Earl Davy,
and who would have to pay his ransom next day. This man said
privately to the (Scottish) Lords, that, if they would take his
advice, he would lead them by a short cut through the wood in which
their foes lay, and bring them close up to them behind before they
would be aware of their approach; and he fulfilled all that he
undertook; for between midnight and daybreak he led them where they
found the short cut which they followed for more than a mile.
Skirting the wood there were two paths; the Earl Davy lay in the
lower of these, while the Scots took the higher way, and then struck
across to the other. Here every man left his horse, and marched
against the foe on foot. These had no knowledge of their approach
till well on in the dawn, when they caught sight of them. And then
with all the haste they could they warned Earl Davy.
He immediately caused the trumpet to
be sounded lo warn his soldiers, who in a very short time assembled
round him in a small path that was there. Eight in the centre of
this path stood Earl Davy, and to a great stone that stood beside
it,
"He sayd, 'Be Goddies
face we twa,
The flight on us sail samen ta.'"
(By thee I stand, and take my oath
The flight together we take both.)
or,
("Come one, come all,
this rock shall fly
From its firm base as soon as I.")
—Scott.
William Douglas, who then led the
vanguard with the stoutest men that were in the company, when he saw
Earl Davy stand so arrayed with his men, took his spear in both
hands, and, holding it across, said—"Stay, my Lords, a moment." They
that were in his company secretly grumbled at this.
When Earl Davy saw that they
hesitated, he stepped forward, and cried—"They are already nearly
discomfited; upon them with might and main."
After this they withdrew a little bit
to a ford, which when Douglas saw, he cried—"Now is our time."
Soon after, they couched their spears
and charged in the ford. Robert Brady, a hardy knight, was there
slain. A hand-to-hand encounter then took place; and just at that
moment Sir Andrew Moray with his company came in stoutly on the
flank—so stoutly that they say the bushes bent before them. The
moment he appeared the enemy fled ; not a single soldier remained to
combat.
There by an oak was Earl Davy slain,
and several of his followers; Sir William Comyn was also slain ; and
Sir Thomas Brown was taken prisoner, and afterwards heavily ironed ;
for it seems they bore him no good will. Sir Robert Menzies went to
his Castle of Kinnord, where he had never been till then; but he
escaped there and in the great fort, or Peel, he found good
protection for himself and his men, and then on the following day he
capitulated, and pledged his fidelity to the Scottish cause.
There were not many slain in battle;
for the wood covered them from their pursuers, and they fled so
quickly that the greater part got safely away. The battle took place
on St. Andrews day (30th November, 1335), or as I reckon on the
previous night (and morning).
Wynton gives us to understand that
the battle of Culblean had been the subject of poetry or prophecy,
for he adds:—"Of this battle spake Thomas of Erclydown (Thomas the
Rhymer), when he truly said—'In Culblean they'll meet, stalwart,
stark, and stern.'"
"He said it in his prophecy, But how
he knew it was a fairly."
"Thus perished," says a very exact
historian, "in the 28th year of his age, David de Strathbogie, of
royal descent, nobly allied, and possessing estates above the rank
of a subject. He died, seized of the manors of Gainsborough in
Lincolnshire, Bullindon in Buckinghamshire, Posewyke, West Lexham,
Styvely, and Holkham in Norfolk, Mitford Castle, and other lands in
Northumberland. He married Catherine, daughter of Henry Beaumont,
styled Earl of Buchan; she survived him and was blockaded in the
Castle of Lochindorb, by Sir Andrew Moray, from November 1335
(immediately after the battle of Culblean), to August 1336, when the
siege was raised by Edward III. of England."
Another version of the battle of
Culblean represents that David Comyn, or Strathbogie, fell by the
hand of Sir Alexander Gordon, -who had a heavy account of injury to
revenge; and that when Sir Robert Menzies escaped to the Peel of
Loch Kinnord, he was pursued thither by Sir Alexander, and besieged
in the island fortress. Sir Robert having previously taken care to
have all the boats on the lake secured, in order that if he were
obliged to seek safety in the island, his pursuers might not have
the means of assaulting the Castle, Sir Alexander Gordon quickly set
his men to cut down timber and construct rafts, on which they
transported themselves to the island, stormed the Castle, and put
the whole garrison to the sword.
This may be an exaggerated account of
what took place; but there is probably some truth in it, though
Wynton's narrative is the only one to which entire historical
credibility must be accorded. Where the other is supplementary, it
also may be true; but where contradictory, it must be rejected; and
it is certain that Sir Robert Menzies was not put to death, whatever
was the fate of his followers.
The consequences of the battle of
Culblean were of the most important kind. David, Earl of Athole, was
supposed to be more than a match for the whole Scottish party. In
close alliance with the English king, who aided and abetted him in
his attempt to secure the crown of Scotland, he seemed to want but
the victory at Culblean to secure his object. His slaughter there
quenched for ever the hopes of his followers, and did more to
strengthen the cause of David Bruce than any other action in the
long and disastrous war that arose on the death of the great Bruce.
Had David Comyn been successful, and Sir Andrew Moray defeated and
slain, the House of Stuart would never have ascended the throne; for
Comyn had already made sure of the submission of the young Stuart,
the heir apparent of the line of Bruce ; and we should have had a
Royal House of Comyn, or Strathbogie, with such destiny as
Providence might have allotted to it. The battle of Culblean turned
the apparently unequal contest, and gave us the fortunes which
history records.
What befell the "Peel" or Castle of
Loch Kinnord subsequent to the battle of Culblean can only be
conjectured. It is about 150 years before its name again appears in
any written document that has survived to our day. There is reason,
however, to believe, that the fort was neither demolished nor
disused; and the silence of the chroniclers regarding it may in
great part be accounted for by the fact that for the rest of the
14th century the scene of the events which almost exclusively
claimed their attention was laid on the distant Borders.