THERE has been so much written lately on
eighteenth-century Russia, and no less about the extraordinary
personality of its Empress, that even the most "gentle reader" cannot
fail to be aware of the conditions prevailing in the years 1788-9.
As France under the Louis had been the prey
of favourites, so Russia was despoiled and dominated by the string of
men whom the Empress deigned to notice, and the sums it pleased this
amorous old lady to squander away upon her pleasures ran into an
appalling total in the many years during which she amused herself.
Potemkin, though no longer official first favourite, ruled his mistress
with a rod of iron, making himself indispensable by pandering to her
whims, and insolently domineered over her by sheer force of his
personality whenever occasion offered. It pleased him to be gracious to
Paul Jones on his arrival in Russia, and so good an impression did he
make, that the latter sang his praises—for a time. A letter from Baron
de Simolin to Count Besborodko alluded to the subject of the Chevalier
Jones, "whom," de Simolin says, Potemkin "requested me to induce to
repair to his headquarters as quickly as possible, that he might employ
his talents at the opening of the campaign; and to assure him that in
entering the service he would do all that depended on him to make his
situation pleasant and advantageous, and certainly procure for him
occasions in which he might display his skill and valour." This letter
was found in Jones's papers, with the significant comment—"Has he kept
his word "
Potemkin, the product of an amazing age,
could not have had his being at another epoch. A country where, less
than a hundred years before, the heir to the throne had been knouted to
death by his kingly father, alone might be responsible for the
astonishing character history and memoir present to us. Potemkin's
contemporaries, the Prince de Ligne and the Comte de Ségur, have both
left their impressions of a personality which ruled Russia from the day
of his ascendency to the death of the Empress, who, it is said, married
him secretly shortly before her death. Had he been a man of continuous
purpose, he could have changed the map of Europe, but, as de Ségur so
eloquently says, "Like the rapid passage of those shining meteors which
astonish us by their lustre, but are as empty as air, Potemkin began
everything, completed nothing, disordered the finances, disorganised the
army, depopulated his country and enriched it with other deserts. The
fame of the Empress was increased by his conquests. The admiration they
excited was for her; and the hatred they raised was for her minister.
Posterity, more equitable, will perhaps divide between them both the
glory of the successes and the severity of the reproaches. It will not
bestow on Potemkin the title of great man; but it will mention him as an
extraordinary person; and, to draw his picture with accuracy, he might
be represented as a real emblem, as the living image of the Russian
Empire.
"For, in fact, he was colossal like
Russia. In his mind, as in that country, were cultivated districts and
desert plains. It also partook of the Asiatic, of the European, of the
Tartarian and the Cossack; the rudeness of the eleventh century and the
corruption of the eighteenth; the polish of the arts and the ignorance
of the cloisters; an outside of civilisation and many traces of
barbarism. In a word, if we might hazard so bold a metaphor, even his
two eyes, the one open and the other closed, reminded us of the Euxine,
always open, and the northern ocean, so long shut up by ice."
He was accompanied on his travels by a
select company which his associates tersely style a "harem," the
husbands of the ladies so honoured by the Pasha being ignored as
completely as if non-existent. Prince de Ligne leaves an edifying
picture of Potemkin, "waving one hand to the female that pleases him,
and with the other making the sign of the Cross; embracing the feet of a
statue of the Virgin, or the alabaster neck of his mistress . . . sober,
though seemingly a glutton; gnawing his fingers, or apples or turnips;
engaged in wantonness or prayer . . . bearing himself better than any
man, while he seems to think of nothing but the most voluptuous baths;
not caring for cold, though he appears unable to exist without furs;
always in his shirt without drawers, or in rich regimentals embroidered
on all the seams, barefoot or in slippers embroidered with spangles;
wearing neither hat nor cap; it is thus I saw him once in the midst of a
musket fire." The French ambassador, de Ségur, who had unlimited
opportunities to see Potemkin in all the parts he loved to play, sums
him up—
"Prince Gregory Alexandrovitch Potemkin,
one of the most extraordinary men of his times; but in order to have
played so conspicuous a part, he must have been in Russia, and have
lived in the reign of Catherine II. In any other country, in any other
times, with any other sovereign, he would have been misplaced, and it
was a singular stroke of chance that created this man for the period
that tallied with him and brought together and combined all the
circumstances with which he could tally."
To the whim of this personage Jones
really owed his Russian experiences. Satiated with honours heaped on him
by the Empress and those decorations from foreign Courts with which he
shone resplendent, Potemkin cherished the ungratified desire of being
decorated with the Order of St. George, the Grand Ribbon of which was
given, only after a victory, to the successful commander. Why the
Empress had not bestowed it on this spoiled child of fortune is one of
the unexplained oddities of her character and the relationship of this
edifying pair. Catherine had long nursed the chimerical hope of
overthrowing or dismembering the Turkish Empire and seizing the throne
of Constantinople, on which she would have placed her grandson, named
Constantine in view of such a contingency. Potemkin, whose soul loved
turmoil which might lead to his betterment, lost no opportunity of
insulting or annoying the Turks, forcing them at last to take the
initiative, and declare war. It was imperative that the Rusian fleet
should be commanded by an able officer, and, sweeping aside with his
customary disdain the discontent of those who considered themselves
superseded, Potemkin set in motion the negotiations which resulted in
Paul Jones entering the Russian service. Knowing the corruption of the
Court, and the jealousy Potemkin had stirred up and ignored, as he was
too powerful to be harmed, it can be understood into what a hot-bed of
conflicting passions Jones stepped, and one which time and circumstance
did not lull. Jealousy and favouritism he had experienced in the United
States and France, but "as sunlight unto moonlight" to what the Russian
vista opened up. For a man of his straightforward, impetuous nature to
have been able to fathom and checkmate the deceit of those by whom he
was surrounded, and understand their methods, would have necessitated
the training of a lifetime. Paul soon relinquished any idea of learning
the language, as Russian was neither used socially or officially, French
being employed everywhere, even for official documents and archives.
In Tooke's Life of Catherine the Great,
published in London 1789, the author asserts that there were a number of
"British naval officers" in St. Petersburg, soliciting the Empress for
employment in her navy. Some of these "naval officers," jealous of the
distinction shown Paul Jones, went in a body to Rear- Admiral Greig
protesting that they would not serve under Jones, offering, such as had
commissions, to resign them, and those who had nothing wished to
withdraw their application for employment. Sir Samuel Greig, a Scotchman
who had been in the Russian navy since 1770, and held the rank of Rear-
Admiral of the Baltic Fleet, commanded by Vice-Admiral Kreuss, listened
unsympathetically to their grievances, and, according to Naraschkin,
told them not to behave like school-boys, as the Empress, if she heard
of this, would dismiss them instantly from her service, and expel them
from Russia as conspirators against her sovereign authority." But some
of them, sure in their own conceit, "disdained Greig's advice, and went,
full of their complaints, to Count Besborodko, who let the matter come
to the ears of the Empress, who was furious at the presumption."
"What!" she exclaimed, "do these men who
are beggars of my bounty presume to question my treatment of a man who
is my invited guest?"
With the utmost difficulty she was
persuaded from summarily dismissing all those "naval officers" who were
in her employ, and peremptorily refused to consider further applications
from the others. One of those she retained, Lieutenant Edwards, spoke
and wrote Russian fluently, and was attached to Jones as aide-de-camp
during the campaign, and spoken highly of for his efficiency. In the
journal we find the observation that "Lieutenant Edwards was led to join
in the futile cabal against me, not by his own inclination, but by the
clamour of the other Englishmen about him." Tooke, the author quoted
above, was an attache of the British Embassy at St. Petersburg; for some
unknown reason he hated Paul Jones, and this undoubtedly biased all he
wrote, and makes his opinions unreliable.
Compensating for other annoyances, and
for the first time since his entrance into public life, Paul found
himself amply furnished with money by his employers, having received the
"emoluments of his rank" dating from the first overtures of Baron de
Simolin. When he left St. Petersburg for Cherson, on May 7th, he had a
purse of two thousand Austrian ducats—about a thousand pounds—for his
expenses extraordinary. He was to travel the distance of eleven hundred
miles in one of the Empress's tarantasses, such as were used by the
officers of state, and fitted with all portable luxuries. But, except at
night, the Rear-Admiral preferred to travel on horseback, accomplishing
the journey in twelve days, which was not a had record for hard
travelling, averaging, as he did, some ninety miles a day. He allowed
only four stops of more than an hour's duration; one to dine with the
Governor of Moscow and go to the Kremlin; then at Tula, visiting the
armouries and buying some weapons; the third for repairs to the
carriage; and the last at Ekaterinoslav—in all less than eighteen hours.
The condition of the roads forbade any sleep in the tarantass, and his
only compensation for all this discomfort was the unlimited supply of
post horses, which his mission allowed him to command in the name of the
Empress, and so rush on with the fatiguing journey.
Unquestionably diplomatic though he was,
Jones found himself in a position where all his powers of constraint and
self-control were tested to the utmost. One of the first confidences he
received from the Prince de Nassau was, "that if we gain any advantage
over the Turks, it was necessary to exaggerate it to the utmost; and
that was the counsel the Chevalier de Ribas had given him, "which bit of
information opened a line of novel thought."
The Russian fleet, manned by Greeks,
Genoese and some Crimean fishermen, was as yet an unknown quantity. The
men were not sailors, and not more than a couple of hundred had ever
seen the sea. Whether the pangs of mal-de-mer would have changed the
fate of war one cannot but surmise. The foreign officers, English,
Dutch, and French men, alone understood the science of navigation; the
Russians being literally "at sea" when out of sight of landmarks.
Excepting de Winter, Greve' and Fanshaw, the commanding officers were
Russians. The Rear-Admiral spent but one evening at Cherson, "but even
this short period was enough to show me that I had entered on a delicate
and disagreeable service. Rear-Admiral Mordwinoff, chief of the
Admiralty, did not affect to disguise his displeasure at my arrival; and
though he had orders from the Prince-Marshal to communicate to me all
the details concerning the force in the Liman and to put me in
possession of the flag belonging to my rank as Rear-Admiral, he spared
himself the trouble of compliance.
"We set out early next morning for
Glouboca, the armament of the Liman being at anchor very near that
place, in the roads of Schiroque, between the bar of the Dneiper and the
embouchure of the river Bog. We went on board the U/olodimir before
midday, where we found that Brigadier Alexiano had assembled all the
commanders, to draw them into a cabal against my authority. . . . This
man was a Greek, as ignorant of seamanship as of military affairs, who,
under an exterior and manners the most gross, concealed infinite
cunning. Though a subject of Turkey, it was alleged that he made war
with the Mussulmans by attacking their commerce in the Archipelago on
his own authority, and that he had followed this means of enriching
himself up to the period that Count D'Orloff arrived with the Russian
fleet. . . . Alexiano was a good deal offended in the first instance,
and afterwards made great merit with the Prince-Marshal of the sacrifice
which he affected to make in serving under me. He said that if he
withdrew, all the other officers would follow his example. The Prince-
Marshal sent presents to his wife, and wrote him kindly, persuading him
to remain in the service. All the difficulty he made was nothing more
than a piece of maneuvring to increase his importance; for, from what
followed I know that, had he left the service, it would have been alone,
and that no one would have regretted his absence."
On May 26, 1788, Rear-Admiral Jones
hoisted his flag on the Wolodirnir. He then inspected the fleet of which
he was in command, which, it must be admitted, presented astounding
surprises on closer acquaintance. It consisted, in part, of vessels
built to convey the Empress's carriages when she made her spectacular
progress to the Crimea. These, he was told by those who wished to be
discouraging, were so light that they would sink if guns were put on
board! Nothing daunted, he ordered what repairs could be made with the
materials at hand. Painting, fumigating and provisioning were instantly
commenced, Paul borrowing three thousand soldiers from Suwarrow's army,
as the vessels were insufficiently manned. Unacquainted with the ins and
outs of the higher grades of the Russian service, Jones was astounded to
learn that the sixty gunboats, called the "flotilla," commanded by
Nassau-Siegen, though technically part of his fleet, were in no way
under his orders. The impossibilities of such a situation-- a fleet
being under two commanders who were as temperamentally different as fire
and water—became hourly more apparent. Nassau displayed an unremitting
love for the safety of his well-fed person; Paul scorned danger of any
sort, and appealed to Potemkin. As it pleased the favourite to be
friendly, he tried to temporise, ordering Nassau to hold himself at
Jones's disposal when the Rear-Admiral required his services. This
sounded very well, but if there was the slightest excuse to
inconvenience Jones, his old acquaintance never allowed it to escape.
Nassau-Seigen had no wish to expose his precious self, and cc durst not
advance five versts without being escorted by three frigates."
To quote further from the journal which Rear- Admiral Jones prepared for
the Empress: "On the 29th the squadron drew up opposite the first
village, to the left of the Bog, in an obtuse angle, and thus commanded,
by a cross fire, the only passage of the Liman. This lies between two
sandbanks, through which the Turks must advance with their heavy
vessels. By this position the Rear-Admiral covered Cherson and the
country on both banks of the Liman, made good the free passage of the
Bog to the army of the Prince-Marshal, and held the Turks in check in
any attempt they might make against Kimbourn.
"The Prince of Nassau at this time talked
a great deal of projects of descents, surprises and attacks, but without
any rational plan." There are gleams of unintentional humour in the
descriptions of this war, where "a battery having been raised upon the
Point of Stanislaus, the Prince of Nassau expressed himself delighted
with it, as in case of necessity he might there find shelter." And "the
Rear-Admiral could not have retreated, as several of his vessels were
already within a few inches of getting aground."
General Suwarrow, commander of Kimbourn,
made the Rear-Admiral responsible for the safety of that place, while
Brigadier Alexiano and the Prince of Nassau did all that was possible to
make him distrustful of the means which he possessed for attack or
defence.
There was no one in that fleet so well
able to judge the seaworthiness of these ships as the one to whom they
delighted in supplying these irritating bits of information. Paul says,
"The squadron made a formidable appearance, but had little real
strength. The Wolodimir and the Alexander were but half armed; and both
vessels already within a few inches of touching the bottom, so shallow
is the Liman for vessels of war ......he Rear-Admiral determined to
assemble a council of war, in conformity to the ordinance of Peter the
Great. This council he opened by a speech, the main theme being the
necessity of perfect understanding between the squadron and flotilla,
and that, uniting heart and hand, and forgetting all personal
considerations, they should determine to conquer, as the true duty of a
patriot was to be useful to his country." What sublimely unconscious
satire! A Scotchman urging patriotism on an assembly composed of Poles,
Germans, English, French and Dutch, the few Russians present being
united with the others by ties of that universal self- interest for
which they all strove. Jones then explained the signals of Pavilion,
which had been translated into Russian by his aide, Lieutenant Edwards,
and essayed, with the aid of a blackboard, to give them an idea of his
tactics and plan of battle. The lesson availed little, as the cabals of
his enemies blocked what benefit might have been derived from the
council.
"On the 6th June (old style), at two in
the morning, the Prince of Nassau advanced, as had been previously
agreed on, with the greater part of the flotilla; but in place of
cutting off the retreat of the vessels forming the enemy's advanced
guard, he retired at daybreak before a very inferior force, and without
offering the smallest resistance! The Turks chased him, keeping up a
cannonade, into the midst of the squadron, which, as had been arranged,
advanced to take up a position to support him."
"The Turks were so encouraged by this
cowardly behaviour, that on the night of the 6th June, they advanced
their flotilla within cannon shot of our reserve, which had been posted
on the previous night on the right wing." What grins of contemptuous
amusement would have adorned the face of the Richard's old crew, had
they witnessed the following scene—
"At sunrise the Turks made sail; and
Brigadier Alexiano ran upon the deck of the Wolodimir half naked,
exclaiming like a frantic man in French and Russian that the Turks were
going to attack and board us, and that we would be blown to pieces for
having been so foolish as to leave our former position. He had,
notwithstanding, in the council of war given his voice in favour of the
position we now actually held. Brigadier Ribas, the captain and all the
crew were witnesses of his extravagant and unjustifiable behaviour."
This engagement, albeit something of a
fiasco, figured as a brilliant victory for the Russians, and eventually
brought Jones the decoration of Saint Anne as it was thanks to his
cool-headedness that the Turks did not gain the day. The most
accomplished historian has been unable to make interesting reading out
of this guerrilla-like warfare, which consisted of indefinite skirmishes
and attacks, without important results on either side. Given a couple of
good fighting ships and some of his old crews, Paul could have made more
history in a week than the entire Russian fleet, including the "flotilla
"—which was more of a hindrance than a help—was capable of doing all
through the war. On the 7th there was a skirmish in which the Russian
ships were at one time in danger of being cut off, owing to the
tardiness with which the reserves advanced. The wind failing at the
critical moment, Jones had his vessels towed by ships' boats, "and by an
oblique movement formed in a line of battle, with the intention of
cutting off the retreat of the enemy, and galling him by a cross fire."
The Captain Pasha advanced in a kirlangitch to bring up the second
division of his flotilla.
"At this time our reserve was very
critically situated. A double chaloupe quitted the station, and four of
our galleys were in danger of being captured. The Prince of Nassau, who
did not relish going himself, sent Brigadier Corascoff, who made these
retreat."
The Prince calmly left the reserve, which
was much disorganised without a leader, and "stationed himself before
the Rear-Admiral, where he could be of no use whatever. The Rear-Admiral
went in the same boat with the Prince of Nassau, and again issued his
orders along the line. Being now within cannon shot of the enemy, he
opened fire, advancing always in an oblique line to cut off the enemy's
retreat. At the same time he despatched Brigadier Alexiano to endeavour
to rally the vessels of the reserve, which the Prince of Nassau had
deserted; but Alexiano contented himself with waving his hat in the air
and shouting behind the lines, 'Fire, my lads, on the kirlangitch of the
Captain Pasha!
The Russians eventually routed the Turks,
burning two of their fifty-seven vessels. "The Rear-Admiral, who had
directed the whole affair, gave the credit of it to the Prince of
Nassau."
On the 16th of June the Turk attacked
again, having brought from the grand fleet without IKimbourn two
thousand men to add to the force under the walls of Oczakow; only the
fact of his running aground frustrated his intention of bearing down on
the Russian flotilla under full sail and sinking the smaller vessels.
Captain Pasha then intended to burn the Russian flotilla "by throwing in
fire balls (grap pins), and setting fire to certain trading vessels
which he had prepared as fire ships." But "the best-laid schemes of mice
and men" cannot be relied upon, and the lack of a few feet of water
frustrated all Captain Pasha's plans; another instance of that "chance"
to which Paul Jones always declared the sailor owed so much.
At midnight the rear-admiral attacked the
Turkish force, which was thrown into such confusion that they hoisted
anchors and cut cables in wild alarm. "Our squadron advanced in line of
battle with a striking and formidable appearance, so that the Turks knew
not how weak it really was. As our flotilla had been very slow in
weighing anchor, the Rear-Admiral was obliged to make the squadron halt
twice to await it. At length, the flotilla being always last, the
squadron opened fire on the enemy, of whom the person second in command,
who had flown about like a fool, quickly ran his ship on a sandbank on
the south of the Liman. There was no longer hope for him; from the
moment he grounded he was ours."
Taking advantage of the confusion the
Turks were in, Jones ordered the Wolodirnir to steer within pistol shot
of the Turkish flagship, which had again run aground. Brigadier Alexiano
who had no wish to endanger himself, under pretence that there was only
fifteen feet of water, gave orders in Russian, and unknown to the
Rear-Admiral, "to let go the Wolodimir's anchor." The Captain Pasha
harassed the Russians by throwing bombs and balls of great size, and
"struck down" the Little Alexander with a bomb. There was no discipline
on the Russian ships, and, instead of pursuing the flying Turks, the
flotilla swarmed round the Turkish ships which were aground like a hive
of bees. Assembling some of the Russian vessels, Jones, with de
Corascoff, chased the Turks under the walls of Oczakow. Nassau hurried
to claim the admiral's flag, which had been on Captain Pasha's ship.
"The Zaporavians drew the flag from the water, and the Prince of Nassau,
a long while afterwards, had the glory (which he turned to good account)
of snatching it from their hands. The Rear-Admiral might have claimed at
least half of this flag, as he had his hands on it; but he regarded it
as a thing of very little consequence."
With wanton recklessness the Russians
destroyed the ships they had captured, amusing themselves by firing into
them with brandcougles, a kind of bombshell, perforated with holes,
filled inside with combustibles and fired from pieces called licorncs.
"How imbecile does the human mind become under the influence of sudden
panic! The Rear-Admiral, an hour after the affair, advanced in his boat
and took soundings all along the Turkish line, opposite the walls of
Oczakow, and within reach of case-shot, and not a single gun was fired
upon him."
On the night of the 17th June Captain
Pasha attempted to get his remaining force out of the Liman, but was
prevented by the raking fire of the block fort, erected some time before
by the Rear-Admiral's advice. When General Suwarrow sent orders for
Jones to seize the Turkish ships lying there aground, Brigadier Alexiano
dissuaded him from sending frigates, saying he would lose them, "as the
current there was like that of a mill dam, and the bottom was so bad
that anchors would not hold." It was accordingly resolved to proceed
with the flotilla; and Alexiano, who had his private reasons, set out
with the Prince of Nassau. The flotilla went pell-mell, and without any
sort of order or plan, upon the nine ships aground, and fired
brandcougles into them without mercy. It was in vain the wretched Turks
made the sign of the Cross, and begged for quarter on their knees! Above
three thousand of them were burnt with their ships. " Neither the Prince
of Nassau nor Alexiano were to be seen at this time. They were together
and at some distance during the frightful carnage, and it was afterwards
asked of them if they had not during this time been at Kimbourn?"
Used to the clean warfare of civilised
nations, Paul was daily infuriated at "the monstrous and wanton
cruelties to which the Turks were subjected by the more barbarous and
brutal Russians," though, had the advantage been on the side of the
"unspeakable Turk," there is small reason to suppose the exchange of
civilities would have been less bitter. Finally, on the 27th, Potemkin's
army having come up, Nassau received orders to capture and destroy the
Turkish flotilla under the walls of Oczakow, Jones being instructed to
render him every assistance. "The Rear- Admiral had sent all the
chaloupes and barcasses belonging to the squadron to haul out the
vessels of the flotilla. The Prince-Marshal had taken the trouble to
arrange the plan of attack himself, but this plan was not followed."
At six the next morning Jones sallied
forth to seize five of the enemy's galleys within shot of Fort Hassan.
These lay between the cross-fire of the Russian ships, Fort Hassan, the
Turkish fleet and Oczakow, making it a dangerous enterprise, and to
protect themselves further the Turks had prepared a small frigate as a
fire-ship, which they set alight and anchored to the north-east of Fort
Hassan.
Jones boarded the galley of the Captain
Pasha, which lay considerably nearer the fort. But from unskilfulness
and excess of zeal, a young officer cut the cable of this galley without
waiting the orders of the Rear-Admiral; and before the boats could be
got in order to haul it out, the wind drifted the galley towards the
shore and still nearer the fort. Instantly Jones ordered the galley to
be lightened by throwing everything possible overboard, and ropes
brought to secure it to the burnt frigate, but none could be found long
enough. "The Rear-Admiral was unwilling to yield to the obstinate
opposition of the Turks, who fired upon him from all their bastions and
from their flotilla, and he despatched Lieutenant Fox to the Wolodimir
to fetch an anchor and cable. This was a certain means of securing his
object; and in waiting the return of the lieutenant he left the galley
with his people, and assisted in the flotilla's advance. Before the
return of Lieutenant Fox he was astounded to see fire break out in the
galley of the Captain Pasha, at first believing that the slaves chained
on board had found means to escape, and had set fire to the vessel;
afterwards he had positive proof that Brigadier Alexiano, being in a
boat at the time with the Prince of Nassau, on the outside of the
flotilla, and aware of the intention of the Rear-Admiral, swore that it
should not succeed, and sent a Greek canoe to set fire to the galley.
The three other Turkish galleys were at once run down and burnt by
brandcougles. There were also a two-masted ship and a large bomb vessel
burnt near Fort Hassan. This includes all that was taken or destroyed by
water, save fifty-two prisoners taken by the Rear-Admiral in the two
galleys. The wretched beings who were chained in the galley of the
Captain Pasha perished there in the flames." It is generally supposed
that a large number were captive Christians, forced to serve their
conquerors. The truth of the burning of the Captain Pasha's galley was
sworn to, and arrested by, a number of Russian and foreign officers in
the fleet.
Again it will be seen at what a great
disadvantage Jones's unfamiliarity with Russian procedure placed him,
for, the instant the action was over, Nassau and Alexiano stampeded to
the Prince-Marshal's headquarters to chant an ode in praise of deeds
performed by themselves. A few minutes after the flotilla began to
retire, the rain fell in torrents, "of which Nassau and Alexiano
received their share before returning to headquarters." The latter died
on July 8th of a malignant fever caught from this chill. "The Prince of
Nassau, who had made use of him in caballing against me, God knows for
what, neither visited him in his sickness, nor assisted at his funeral."
Nor did the Greek compatriots leave the Russian service, as Alexiano had
boastfully asserted they would do, but served peacefully under Jones
until the end of the war.
For his important services in this war
Alexiano received notice the day before his death of his promotion two
grades, and that the Empress had given him a fine estate and serfs in
White Russia. Nassau received a valuable property with three or four
thousand serfs, and the military Order of St. George of the second
class. "Her Majesty likewise gave him liberty to hoist the flag of
Vice-Admiral on the taking of Oczakow, to which event it was apparently
believed he had greatly contributed. I received the Order of St. Anne,
an honour with which I am highly flattered, and with which I could have
been perfectly satisfied had others been recompensed only in the same
proportion, and according to the merits of their services. All the
officers of the flotilla received a step of promotion and gratuity of a
year's pay. The greater part of them also obtained the Order of St.
George of the last class. Only two of these officers had been bred to
the sea; all the others were ignorant of naval affairs. The officers of
the squadron under my command were almost wholly marine officers. They
had done their duty well when opposed to the enemy; but they obtained no
promotion, no mark of distinction, no pecuniary reward. My mortification
was excessive.
"My officers at this time gave me a very
gratifying proof of their attachment. On promising that I would demand
justice for them from the Prince-Marshal at the close of the campaign,
they stifled their vexation and made no complaint"
If Rear-Admiral Jones could have
metamorphosed himself into an assiduous toady where Potemkin was
concerned, there is no doubt his Russian experiences would have been
less trying, but he was "not skilled in playing such a part,"
consequently his path was a rugged one. Between Nassau and himself there
was a bitter hatred, born of years, and yet in the Russian campaign
Nassau was the one man essential to his interests. The Chevalier
Littlepage urged him to keep on friendly terms with the princeling who,
through some remote German connection, claimed cousinship with the
Empress, who was one of the Anhalt-Zerbst family. Littlepage wrote, " I
know that your honour can sacrifice nothing; hut, for heaven's sake, my
dear friend, be prudent, as much for yourself as for your friends.
Prince Potemkin has conceived a high esteem for you, but he loves
Nassau. If ever mutual interest dictated union between two persons, it
is between you and the Prince of Nassau at the present moment. The
reverse will be the prejudice of both. . . . Remember the eyes of all
Europe are fixed upon you. Fear no competition, and be indulgent to
those who have not the same reason to feel above rivalry."
Paul assured the writer that he had, for
the good of the service, and the esteem and attachment he bore Prince
Potemkin, endured more from Nassau than he could have done "from any
other than a madman." All this very good advice ran glibly off
Littlepage's pen, but subsequent events proved it more "honoured in the
breach than in the observance," for, being appointed to a command in the
squadron, Littlepage came face to face with some of the problems with
which his friend had been obliged to grapple. What did the Chevalier
Littlepage do Promptly threw up his command and returned to Warsaw!
On the occasion when Potemkin, with the
General Comte de Brandisky of Poland, the Prince de Repuin, the Prince
de Ligne, General Samoilov and a string of glittering dignitaries, came
aboard the Wolodimir, remaining to dine with the Rear-Admiral, Potemkin,
knowing the strained relations between Jones and Nassau, requested the
Chevalier Littlepage, who was chamberlain to the King of Poland, and
Prince de Ligne to patch up the quarrel. Nassau apologised, and Jones
"accepted with sincere pleasure. We embraced in the presence of this
honourable company, and I believed him as sincere as myself." But this
was a mere cessation of hostilities. The campaign was not sufficiently
exciting to occupy any one to the exclusion of personal grievances, and
is one long recital of misunderstandings, belittling to the actors in
the farce, and kept alive by the spoiled favourite, who was peevish for
more decorations. Trying as most of his experiences had been, Paul was
never driven so near the point of exasperation as at this moment.
Potemkin, at first friendly, became, under the influence of Nassau, less
amenable to reason; Nassau was jealous of Jones, and lost no opportunity
of annoying him, or placing petty obstacles in his way.
One afternoon Jones called on Potemkin to
make a report, and the favourite showed him, through the glass he
carried, "a large piece of artillery on the fore part of the vessel of
the Turkish flotilla that stood farthest out, and which had run aground.
I imagined at the time that there was no other vessel run aground save
the one in the road, at the distance of a verst from the fortress of
Hassan Pasha; so I said the thing was quite easy; for although the Turks
should come up in force to defend the vessel, there would always be time
to spike the piece of cannon.
It was night when I undertook this little
enterprise. As I did not imagine the Prince-Marshal attached so much
importance to it as to wish that I should conduct it in person, I
confided it to Lieutenant Edwards, a brave and an intelligent man, whom
I wished to requite for past services.
"Mr. Edwards returned before daybreak
without having succeeded. He said there were a great many men in the
ship, who fired on him, and that he durst not board her, he was so ill
supported. I was vexed that he had failed, and in my report to the
Prince- Marshal I said that I would conduct the enterprise myself next
night, if that would satisfy him.
"The Prince-Marshal held me at my word;
but it was eleven at night when Mr. Edwards returned with the order. The
wind, which was high, was quite against me, as well as a strong tide;
and I would have deferred the attempt if I had not conceived my honour
pledged. I was led to hope, that after midnight the wind might fall and
the strength of the tide lessen, if it did not change. The night was
very dark, and the rain fell in torrents. I waited till two o'clock,
when the moon rose. I had with me five armed boats, and I calculated on
being followed by four baeaux saporoses, and by one of the armed vessels
I had taken from the Turks; but it was impossible to haul them against
the wind, and I was compelled to go on as best I could with only my five
boats. I had noticed that our flotilla had run down a small Turkish
vessel in the shallows of the fortress of Hassan Pasha, but I did not
perceive till the moment after I had despatched Mr. Edwards to
headquarters, because the vessel lay so near the fortress, where the
water is of little depth, that it had only sunk a foot or fifteen
inches, and consequently appeared as if still afloat. As the
Prince-Marshal had only spoken to me of the farthest out of the Turkish
flotilla, I now believed he meant the one nearest the fortress, in which
idea I was confirmed by Mr. Edwards on his return from headquarters. . .
. I rowed for the vessel nearest the fortress, which carried a large
cannon in her bow; but after having fatigued my rowers, I was vexed to
see daylight appear, whilst I had still more than a verst to go before I
could reach the vessel. I returned on board my own ship, to prevent a
useless alarm, intending to renew my attempt next night.
"Without waiting to receive my report,
the Prince- Marshal sent me orders to abandon the enterprise, for he had
intrusted it to other ships . ."; but the "other ships" did nothing; and
the Turks availed themselves of an open way to bring out all their
flotilla. "Some days afterwards a colonel of Cossacks boarded the vessel
. . and set fire to it, for which he received public thanks."
On July 13th Potemkin ordered Jones to
establish a "permanent blockade." The wording of the letter gave great
offence to the Rear-Admiral, who was told to "hold yourself in readiness
to receive him (Captain Pasha) courageously, and drive him back. I
desire that this be done without loss of time; if not, you will be made
answerable for every neglect." The missive was signed by Prince Potemkin.
With even the slightest knowledge of
Jones's temper it can readily be understood that he answered "with
perhaps rather too much freedom and warmth," for when his blood was up
he had as little care for the all-powerful Prince-Marshal as he had
shown in his earlier days for insubordinate sailors or "political
skippers." Their heated correspondence ended in Jones being replaced in
his command by Admiral Mordwinoff. Nassau, having displeased his
dictatorial friend and crony, was already on the way to Warsaw.
"The Rear-Admiral at the same time
received orders from her Imperial Majesty to go to St. Petersburg with
the understanding that he would be employed in the North Sea." Sweden
having declared war against Russia at the commencement of the campaign,
and Admiral Greig, who had commanded the Russian fleet, being dead, "I
was assured her Majesty had very important views in recalling me. Yet I
could not but feel grieved to be deprived of my command when the
campaign, so far as regarded maritime operations, was so nearly
concluded."
Potemkin, despite his protestations, had
little love for Nassau, and craftily waited until the Prince had gone to
Warsaw before distributing the gold swords which the Empress had sent as
rewards. In the distribution of these, Jones and all his officers were
studiously overlooked, and he afterwards "heard several of the officers
who got them express their astonishment, not being able to guess for
what they had been so highly rewarded."
On November the 9th Jones embarked in a
small open galley for Cherson. He suffered excessively from the intense
cold, and the day after his arrival was taken dangerously ill. Three
days and nights in an open boat in that terrible climate had their
effect on one whose life had been passed chiefly in temperate or
tropical latitudes. His journey from Copenhagen, with its subsequent
illness, made the first serious breach in the iron constitution of this
intrepid man; and, though his recuperative powers were good, Jones
lacked the calm mind which plays so large a share in the recovery of an
invalid. He did not leave Cherson until the 6th of December, for, even
had the river not been frozen, he was too weak to travel; and finally
arrived at St. Petersburg on December 26, 1789. |