1829.
OLD BOMBAY AND ITS GOVERNORS.
The Tyre and Alexandria of the Far East—Early History of
Bombay—Cromwell, Charles II., and the East India Company—The first
Governors—A Free City and Asylum for the Oppressed—Jonathan Duncan—Mountstuart
Elphinstone—Sir John Malcolm—Cotton and the Cotton Duties— India and the
Bombay Presidency Statistics in 1829—The Day of Small Things in
Education—First Protestant Missionaries in BombayI—English Society in
Western India—Testimony of James Forbes—John Wilson’s First Impressions
of Bombay.
Bombay, with the
marvellous progress of which, as city and province, Wilson was to be
identified during the next forty-seven years, has a history that finds
its true parallels in the Mediterranean emporia of Tyre and Alexandria.
Like the Phoenician “ Eock ” of Baal, which Hiram enlarged and adorned,
the island of the goddess Mumbai or Mahima, “ the Great Mother,” was
originally one of a series of rocks which the British Government has
connected into a long peninsula, with an area of 18 square miles. Like
the greater port which Alexander created to take the place of Tyre, and
called by his own name, Bombay carries in its ships the commerce of the
Mediterranean, opened to it by the Suez Canal, but it bears that also of
the vaster Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf. Although it can boast of no
river like the Nile, by which alone Alexandria now exists, Bombay
possesses a natural harbour, peerless alike in West and East, such as
all the capital and the engineering of modern science can never create
for the land of Egypt. Instead of the “ low ” sands which gave Canaan
its name, and the muddy flats of the Nile delta, Bombay presents ridge
after ridge intersecting noble bays, and hill upon hill, rising up into
the guardian range of the Western Ghauts. From their giant defiles and
green terraces fed by the periodic rains, the whole tableland of the
Indian peninsula gently slopes eastward to the Bay of Bengal, seamed by
mighty rivers, and covered by countless forts and villages, the homes of
a toiling population of millions. On one fourth, and that the most
fertile fourth, of the two centuries of Bombay’s history, John Wilson,
more than any other single influence, has left his mark for ever.
From the Periplus, and
from Marco Polo, we learn the commercial prosperity and ecclesiastical
activity, in the earliest times, of the kingdoms of Broach, Callian, and
Tanna, on the mainland and around Bombay. But, as an island, Bombay was
too exposed to the pirates who, from Abyssinia, Arabia and India alike,
scoured these Eastern seas, to be other than neglected. Even the
Portuguese despised it, although, as a naval power, they early made a
settlement there, seeing that it lay between their possessions in the
Persian Gulf and their capital of Goa. But they still held it against
the East India Company, whose agents, exposed to all the exactions of a
Mussulman governor in the factory at Surat, coveted a position where
their ships would make them more independent. Twice they made
ineffectual attempts to take the place, and, in 1G5I, when Cromwell had
given England a vigorous foreign policy, the Directors represented to
him the advantage of asking the Portuguese to cede both Bombay and
Bassein. But although the Protector had exacted a heavy indemnity for
all Prince Rupert had done to injure English commerce, he took hard cash
rather than apparently useless jungle. And, although he beheaded the
Portuguese ambassador’s brother for murder on the very day that the
treaty was signed, there is no evidence that he took any more interest
in the distant and infant settlements in India than was involved in his
general project for a Protestant Council or Propaganda all over the
world. It was left to i Charles II., in 1661, to add Bombay to the
British Empire as part of the Infanta Catherina’s dowry; and to present
it to, the East India Company in 1668, when the first governor, Sir
Gervase Lucas, who had guarded his father in the flight from Naseby, had
failed to prove its value to the Crown. For an annual rent of “£10 in
gold” the island was made over to Mr. Soodyer—deputed, with Streynsham
Master and others, by Sir George Oxenden, the President of Surat—“ in
free and common soccage as of the manor of East Greenwich,” along with
all the Crown property upon it, cash to the amount of £4879 : 7 : 6, and
such political powers as were necessary for its defence and government.
Among the commissioners to whom the management of the infant settlement
fell on Oxenden’s death, is found the name of one Sterling, a Scottish
minister, and thus, in some sense, the only predecessor of John Wilson.
With the succession of Gerald Aungier, as President of Surat and
Governor of the island in 1667, the history of Bombay may be said to
have really begun. It is a happy circumstance that the beginning is
associated -with the names of the few good men who were servants of the
Company, in a generation which was only less licentious than that of the
Stewarts at home, if the temptations of exile be considered. Oxenden,
Aungier, and Streynsham Master ivere the three Governors of high
character and Christian aims, who, at Surat, Bombay and Madras, sought
to purify Anglo-Indian society and to evangelise the natives around.
Bombay, which grew to be a city of 250,000 inhabitants when Wilson
landed in 1829, and contained 650,000 before he passed away, began two
centuries ago with 600 landowners, who were formed into a militia, 100
Brahmans and Hindoos of the trading caste who paid an exemption tax, and
the Company’s first European regiment of 285 men, of whom only 93 were
English. The whole population was little above 5000. A fort was built
and mounted with twenty-one guns, and five small redoubts capped the
principal eminences around. To attract Hindoo weavers and traders of the
Bunya caste, and to mark the new regime as the opposite of the
intolerant zeal of the Portuguese, notice was given all along the coast,
from Diu to Goa, that no one would be compelled to profess Christianity,
and that no Christian or Muhammadan would be allowed to trespass within
the inclosures of the Hindoo traders for the purpose of killing the cow
or any animal, while the Hindoos •would enjoy facilities for burning
their dead and observing their festivals. Forced labour was prohibited,
for no one was to be compelled to carry a burden. Docks were to be made;
manufactures were to be free of tax for a time, and thereafter, when
exported, to pay not more than three and a half per cent. The import
duties were two and a half per cent with a few exceptions. Transit and
market duties of nine per cent, that indirect tax on food and clothing
which the people of India in their simplicity prefer to all other
imposts, supplied the chief revenue for the fortifications and
administration. And it was needed, for “the flats,” which still pollute
Bombay between the two ridges, were the fertile seedbed of cholera and
fever, till in 1864, the first of the many and still continued attempts
at drainage were made. The result of the first twenty years of the
Company’s administration was that Bombay superseded Surat. One half of
all the Company’s shipping loaded at London direct for the island, where
there was, moreover, no Nawab to squeeze half of the profits. The
revenues had increased threefold. The population consisted of 60,000, of
whom a considerable number were Portuguese, and the “Cooly Christians,”
or native fishermen, whom they had baptized as Boman Catholics. In and
around the fort the town stretched for a mile of low thatched houses,
chiefly with the pearl of shells for glass in their windows. The
Portuguese could show the only church. On Malabar/ Hill, where Wilson
was to die, there was a Parsee tomb. The I island of Elephanta was known
not so much for the Cave Temple which he described, as for the carving
of an elephant which gave the place its name, but has long since
disappeared. At Salsette and Bandora the Portuguese held sway yet a
little longer. From Tanna to Bassein their rich Dons revelled in
spacious country seats, fortified and terraced. The Hidalgos of Bassein
reproduced their capital of Lisbon, with Franciscan convents, Jesuit
colleges, and rich libraries, all of which they carefully guarded,
allowing none but Christians to sleep in the town.
The tolerant and liberal policy of the English government of Bombay soon
caused all that, and much more, to be absorbed in their free city, and
to contribute to the growth of the western portion of the new empire. If
to some the toleration promised by Aungier, and amplified by the able
though reckless Sir John Child, seemed to go too far, till it became
virtual intolerance because indifference towards the faith of the ruling
power, the growing public opinion of England corrected that in time. For
the next century the British island became the asylum not only of the
oppressed peoples of the Indian continent, during the anarchy from the
death of Aurungzeb to the triumph of the two brothers Wellesley and
Wellington, but of persecuted communities of western and central Asia,
like the Parsees and Jews, as well as of slave-ridden Abyssinia and
Africa. Made one of the three old Presidencies in 1708, under a later
Oxenden, and subordinated to Calcutta as the seat of the
Governor-General in 1773, Bombay had the good fortune to be governed by
Jonathan Duncan for sixteen years at the beginning of this century.
What this Forfarshire lad, going out to India at sixteen, like Malcolm
afterwards, had done for the peace and prosperity, the education and
progress of Benares, and the four millions around it, he did for Bombay
at a most critical time. Not less than Lord William Bentinck does he
deserve the marble monument which covers his dust in the Bombay
Cathedral, where the figure of Justice is seen inscribing on his urn
these words, “He was a good man and a just,” while two children support
a scroll, on which is written, “Infanticide abolished in Benares and
Kattywar.” Between the thirty-nine years of his uninterrupted service
for the people of India, which closed in 1811, and the forty-seven years
of John Wilson’s not dissimilar labours in the same cause, which began
in 1829, there occurred the administrations, after Sir Evan Nepean, of
the Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone and Sir John Malcolm, both of the same
great school. Since the negotiations of the Peshwa Baghoba, in 1775,
with the Company, who sought to add Bassein and Salsette to Bombay and
so make it the entrepot of the India and China Seas, the province of
Bombay had grown territorially as the power of the plundering Marathas
waned from internal dissension and the British arms. The first part of
India to become British, the Western Presidency had been the last to
grow into dimensions worthy of a separate government in direct
communication with the home authorities though, in imperial matters
controlled by the Governor-General from Calcutta. Bombay had long been
in a deficit of a million sterling a year or more. But the final
extinction of the Maratha Powers by Lord Hastings in 1822 enabled Bombay
to extend right into Central India and down into the southern Maratha
country, while Poona became the second or inland capital of the
Presidency. The two men who did most to bring this about, and to settle
the condition of India south of the Vindhyas territorially as it now is,
were Mountstuart Elpliinstone and John Malcolm. What they thus made
Bombay Wilson found it, and that it continued to he all through his
life, with the addition of Sindh, to the north, in 1843, and of an
exchange of a county with Madras in the south.
Mountstuart Elpliinstone had no warmer admirer than Wilson, who wrote a
valuable sketch of his life for the local Asiatic Society. A younger son
of the eleventh Lord Elphinstone, and an Edinburgh High School boy, he
went out to India as a “writer” with his cousin John Adam, who was
afterwards interim governor-general. Having miraculous^ escaped the 1799
massacre at Benares, he was made assistant to the British Besident at
Poona, then the Peshwa’s court. He rode b}r the Duke of Wellington’s
side at the victoiy of Assye, as his interpreter, and was told by the
then Colonel Wellesley that he had mistaken his calling, for he was
certainly born a soldier. Subsequent^, after a mission to Cabul, on his
way from Calcutta to Poona to become Resident, he made the friendship of
Henry Martyn. The battle of Kirkee in 1817 punished the Peshwa’s latest
attempt at treachery, and it became Elphinstone’s work to make that
brilliant settlement of the ceded territories which has been the source
of all the happiness of the people since. His report of 1819 stands in
the first rank of Indian state papers, and that is saying much. When,
after that, he discovered the plot of certain Maratha Brahmans to murder
all the English in Poona and Satara, the man who was beloved by the mass
of the natives for his kindl}T genialit}^ saved the public peace by
executing the ringleaders. His prompt firmness astounded Sir Evan
Nepean, whom he afterwards succeeded as governor, into advising him that
he should ask for an act of indemnit}'. The reply was characteristic of
his whole career—“Punish me if I have done wrong; if I have done right I
need no act of indemnity.” The eight years’ administration of this good
man, and great scholar and statesman, were so marked b}T wisdom and
success, following a previous^ brilliant career, that on his retiring to
his native country he had the unique honour of being twice offered the
position of Governor-General. What he did for oriental learning and
education, and how his nephew afterwards governed Bombay, and became
Wilson’s friend in the more trying times of 1857, we shall see.
Sir John Malcolm, too, had his embassage to Persia, and his ; victory in
battle—Mahidpore; while it fell to him to complete that settlement of
Central India in 1818 with Bajee Rao, which the adopted son, Nana
Dhoondopunt, tried vainly to upset in 1857. Malcolm’s generosity on that
occasion has been much questioned, but it had Elphinstone’s approval.
His distinguished services of forty years were rewarded by his being
made Elphinstone’s successor as governor of Bombay in 1827. In the ship
in which he returned to take up the appointment was a young cadet, now
Sir H. C. Rawlinson, whose ability he directed to the study of oriental
literature. He had been Governor for little more than a year when he
first received, at his daily public breakfast at Parell, the young
Scottish missionary from his own loved Tweedside. Even better than his
predecessor, Malcolm knew how to influence the natives, by whom he was
worshipped. He continued the administrative system as he found it,
writing to a friend—“ The only difference between Mountstuart and me is
that I have Mullagatawny at tiffin, which comes of my experience at
Madras.” The Governor was in the thick of that collision with the
Supreme Court, forced on him by Sir John Peter Grant’s attempt to
exercise jurisdiction all over the Presidency—as in Sir Elijah Impey’s
days in Calcutta. He had just returned from one of those tours through
the native States, which the Governor, like Elpliinstone before him and
the missionary after him, considered “of primal importance ” for the
well-being of the people. The decision of the President of the Board of
Control at home, then Lord Ellenborough, was about to result in the
resignation of the impetuous judge. Such was Bombay, politically and
territorially, when, in the closing weeks of the cold season of 1828-9,
John Wilson and his wife landed from the “ Sesostris ” East Indiaman.1
Our readers will find it useful to refer to this list of the Governors
of Bombay just before and during Dr. Wilson’s work there—
Governor. Years.
Jonathan Duncan . . . . . .1795
Sir Evan Nepean, Bart. . . . . . 1812
The Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone . . . 1819
Sir John Malcolm, K.C.B. .... 1827
Earl of Clare......1831
Sir Robert Grant ...... 1835
Economically the year 1829 was marked by the first serious attempt on
the part of the Directors at home, and the Government on the spot, to
extend the cultivation and improve the fibre of the cotton of Western
India, which was to prove so important a factor alike in the prosperity
and the adversity of Bombay in the coming years. In that review of this
three years’ administration to 1st December 1830, which Sir John Malcolm
wrote for his successors, and published to influence the discussions on
the Charter of 1833, under the title of The Government of India, this
significant sentence occurs :—“ A cotton mill has been established in
Bengal with the object of underselling the printed goods and yarns sent
from England; but there are, in my opinion, causes which, for a long
period, must operate against the success of such an establishment.” The
period has not proved to be so long as the conservative experience of
the Governor led him to believe. In this respect Bombay soon shot ahead
of Bengal, which afterwards found a richer trade in jute and tea. But
the withdrawal of' the last restriction on trade was, when Wilson
landed, about to co-operate with a consolidated administration to make
Bombay the seat of an enriching commerce, of which its varied native
communities obtained a larger share than elsewhere. A society composed
of Hindoo, Parsee, Jewish, and even Muhammadan merchant princes, was
being brought to the birth, side by side with the great Scottish houses,
at the head of which was Sir Charles Forbes. And the man had / come to
lift them all to a higher level; to purify them all, in I differing
degrees, by the loftiest ideal.
Sir W. H. Macnaghten was
massacred in 1841 when about to leave Gabul to join his appointment as
Governor of Bombay. The Honourable Messrs. George Brown in 1811; John
Romer in 18-31 ; James Farish in 1838 ; G. W. Anderson in 1841; and L.
R. Reid in 1846, were senior members of council, who acted for a short
time as interim governors.
At this time our Indian Empire was just one third of its present
magnitude, but its native army was 186,000 strong, a fourth more than
since the Mutiny. Including St. Helena, the area was 514,238 square
miles, the population 89J millions, and the gross revenue £21,695,207.
The whole was administered in 88 counties by 1083 British civil
officers, and defended by 37,428 white troops. Of the three Presidencies
the Western was by far the smallest, but its geographical position gave
it an advantage as the centre of action from Cape Comorin to the head of
the Persian Gulf, and from Central India to Central Africa. Its area was
65,000 square miles, not much more than that of England and Wales. Its
population was 6j millions in ten counties, and its gross annual revenue
2J millions sterling. The whole province was garrisoned by 7728 white
troops and 32,508 sepoys, under its own Commander-in-Chief; and it had a
marine or navy, famous in its day and too rashly abolished long after,
which was manned by 542 Europeans and 618 natives.
Notwithstanding the enlightened action and tolerant encouragement of
Mountstuart Elphinstone and Malcolm, public instruction and Christian
education were still in the day of small things in Bombay, although it
was in some respects more advanced than Bengal, which soon distanced it
for a time. In the Presidency, as in Madras and Calcutta, a charity
school had been, in 1718, forced into existence by the very vices of the
English residents and the conditions of a then unhealthy climate.
Legitimate orphans and illegitimate children, white and coloured, had to
be cared for, and were fairly well trained by public benevolence, for
the Company gave no assistance till 1807. In the Charter of 1813, which
Charles Grant and Wilberforce had partially succeeded in making half as
liberal as that granted by William III. in 1698, Parliament gave India
not only its first Protestant bishop, archdeacons, and Presbyterian
chaplains, but a department of public instruction bound to spend at
least a lakh of rupees a year, or £10,000, on the improvement of
literature, and the promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the
people. In 1815 the Bombay Native Education Society was formed, and
opened schools in Bombay, Tanna, and Broach, with the aid of a
Government grant. Immediately after Mountstuart Elphinstone’s
appointment as Governor it extended its operations to supplying a
vernacular and school-book literature. It recommended the adoption of
the Lancasterian method of teaching, then popular in England, and it
continued its useful -work till 1810, when it became in name, what it
had always been in fact, the public Board of Education. Since it failed
to provide for the Southern Konkan, or coast districts, Colonel Jervis,
R.E., who became an earnest coadjutor of Wilson, established a similar
society for that purpose in 1823, but that was affiliated with the
original body. When Poona became British, Mr. Chaplin, the Commissioner
in the Dekhan, established a Sanskrit college there, which failed from
the vicious Oriental system on which it was conducted, in spite of its
enjoyment of the Dukshina, or charity fund of Rs. 35,000 a year, which
the Peshwas had established for the Brahmans’ education. The Society’s
central school in Bombay was more successful, and is still the principal
Government High School. When Mountstuart Elphinstone left Bombay in
1827, the native gentlemen subscribed, as a memorial of him, £21,600,
from the interest of which professorships were to be established “ to be
held by gentlemen from Great Britain, until the happy period arrived
when natives shall be fully competent to hold them.” But no such
professors landed till 1835, when they held, in the Town Hall, classes
which have since grown into the Elphinstone College. In that year, out
of a population of more than a quarter of a million in the Island of
Bombay only 1026 were at school; in the rest of the province the
scholars numbered 1864 in the Maratha, and 2128 in the Goojaratee
speaking districts, or 5018 in all. In the four years ending 1830, just
before and after Wilson’s arrival, the Bombay Government remarked, “with
alarm,” that although it had fixed its annual grant to public
instruction at £2000 it had spent £20,192 in that period. So apathetic
were the natives that they had subscribed only £471, while the few
Europeans 1 had given £818 for the same purpose. Truly the system of a
vicious Orientalism was breaking down, as opposed to that of which
Wilson was to prove the apostle—the communication of Western truth on
Western methods through the Oriental tongues so as to elevate learned
and native alike. The almost exclusively Orientalising policy of the
Government previous to 1835, left Bombay a tabula rasa on which
Wilson soon learned to engrave characters of light and life that were
never to be obliterated.
Nor had the few missionaries then in Western India anticipated him.
Self-sacrificing to an extent for which, save from their great
successor, they have rarely got credit, they were lost in the jungle of
circumstances. The American missionaries were the first Protestants to
take up the work which, in the early Christian centuries, the Nestorians
had begun at the ancient port of Kalliana, the neighbouring Callian,
which was long the seat of a Persian bishop. In 1813, Dr. Coke sailed
for Bombay with the same Colonel Jervis, RE., who did so much for the
Konkan. His successors, for he died at sea, began that work of primary
importance in every mission, an improved edition of the New Testament in
the vernacular Marathee, for which Mr. Wilson expressed his gratitude
soon after his arrival. But when, at a later period, one of their annual
reports ignorantly represented the Americans as having been the first to
evangelise the Marathas, he felt constrained to publish this statement
of the facts.
The American missionaries first came to Bombay in 1813; but the whole of
the New Testament in Marathee had been published by the Serampore
missionaries in 1811. Dr. Robert Drummond published his grammar and
glossary of the Goojaratee and Marathee languages at the Bombay Courier
press in 1808. Dr. Carey published his Marathee grammar and dictionary
at Serampore in 1810. All these helps were enjoyed by the American
missionaries; and though they are by no means so important as those
which are now accessible to all students and missionaries, we would be
guilty of ingratitude to those who furnished them were we to overlook
them. Suum cuique tribue should ever be our motto. The Romish Church we
know to be very corrupted; but. I have seen works composed by its
missionaries about two hundred years ago, which could ‘ give the
Marathas the least idea of the true character of God as revealed in the
Scripture/ It is too much when the labours of the Romish missionaries
are considered, to affirm that ‘not a tree in this forest had been
felled’ till the American missionaries came to this country. There have
been some pious Roman Catholics in Europe, and why may there not have
been some amongst the eight generations of the 300,000 in the Marathee
country? The Serampore missionaries admitted several Marathas to their
communion before 1813.”
The first American missionaries had their own romance, like all
pioneers. They were driven from Calcutta by the Government in 1812, and
told they might settle in Mauritius. Judson happily was sent to Burma by
Dr. Carey. Messrs. Hall and Nott took ship to Bombay. Thence the good
but weak Sir Evan Nepean, who had been shocked by Elphinstone’s firmness
in the Poona plot, warned them off; but an appeal to his Christian
principle led him to temporise until Charles Grant and the charter of
the next year restrained the Company. In 1815 the London Missionary
Society repeated at Surat, and afterwards in Belgaum, an effort to found
a mission, which in 1807 had failed in the island of Bombay. In 1820,
the Church Missionary Society began in Western India that work which in
time bore good fruit for Africa also. In 1822 the increase of British
territory, caused by the extinction of the Maratha power, led the
Scottish Missionary Society, which since 1796 had been working in West
Africa, to send as its first missionary to Bombay the Kev. Donald /
Mitchell, a son of the manse, who, when a lieutenant of in-1 fantry at
Surat, had been led to enter the Church of Scotland. He was followed by
the Revs. John Cooper; James Mitchell; Alexander Crawford, whose health
soon failed; John Stevenson, who became a chaplain; and, finally, Robert
Nesbit, fellow student of Dr. Duff at St. Andrews University under
Chalmers, and Wilson’s early friend. “Desperately afraid of offending
the Brahmans,” as a high official expressed it, the authorities would
not allow the early Scottish missionaries to settle in Poona, which had
too recently become British, as they desired. Had not a native
distributor of American tracts just before been seized, by order, and
escorted to the low land at the foot of the Ghauts'? So there, on the
fertile strip of jungly coast, in the very heart of the widow-burning,
self-righteous, intellectually able and proud Maratha Brahmans, the
Scottish evangelists began their work, of sheer necessity, for they
considered that Bombay was already cared for by the American and English
missions. The Governors, Elphinstone and Malcolm, however, although they
would not allow the good men to be martyred in Poona, as they supposed,
with all the possible political complications, subscribed liberally to
their funds, a thing which no Governor-General dared do till forty years
after, when John Lawrence ruled from Calcutta. In Hurnee and Bankote,
from sixty to eighty miles down the coast from Bombay, these
missionaries had preached in Marathee and opened or inspected primary
schools, with small results. So terrible was the social sacrifice
involved in the profession and communion of Christianity, that the first
Hindoo convert, in 1823, some weeks after his baptism, rushed from the
Lord’s Table when Mr. Hall was about to break the bread, exclaiming,
“No, I will not break caste yet.” Long before this the good James
Forbes, father of the Countess de Montalembert, had given it as his
experience of Anglo-Indians at all the settlements of Bombay, from
Ahmedabad to Anjengo, and dating from 1766, “ that the character of the
English in India is an honour to the country. In private life they are
generous, kind, and hospitable; in their public situations, when called
forth to arduous enterprise, they conduct themselves with skill and
magnanimity; and, whether presiding at the helm of the political and
commercial department, or spreading the glory of the British arms, with
courage, moderation, and clemency, the annals of Hindostan will transmit
to future ages names dear to fame and deserving the applause of Europe.
. . . With all the milder virtues belonging to their sex, my amiable
countrywomen are entitled to their full share of applause. This is no
fulsome panegyric ; it is a tribute of truth and affection to those
worthy characters with whom I so long associated, and will be confirmed
by all who resided in India.”1 Mr. Forbes finally left India in 1784,
when only thirty-five years of age, but after eighteen years’
experience.
The successive Governors had given an improved tone to Anglo-Indian
society, and the few missionaries and chaplains had drawn around them
some of the officials both in the Council and in the ordinary ranks of
the civil and military services. But the squabbles in the Supreme Court,
and the reminiscences of a Journalist,2 who has published his memoirs
recently, show that here also the new missionary had a field prepared
for him, which it became his special privilege to develop and adorn with
all the purity of a Christian ideal and all the grace of a cultured
gentleman. What in this way he did, unobtrusively and almost
unconsciously, in Bombay * for forty years, will hardly be understood
without a glance at this picture of Bombay in 1830, as drawn by the
editor of the Bombay Courier:—
“The opportunity of leaving Bombay was not to be regretted. ‘ Society’
on that pretty little island had a very good opinion of itself, but it
was in reality a very tame affair. It chiefly consisted of foolish burra
sahibs (great folks) who gave dinners, and chota sahibs (little folk)
who ate them. The dinners were in execrable taste, considering the
climate. . . . But the food for the palate was scarcely so flavourless
as the conversation. Nothing could be more vapid than the talk of the
guests, excepting when some piece of scandal affecting a lady’s
reputation or a gentleman's otticial integrity gave momentary piquancy
to the dialogue. Dancing could hardly be enjoyed with the thermometer
perpetually ranging between S0° to 100° Fahrenheit, and only one
spinster to six married women available for the big-wigs who were yet to
be caged. A quiet tiffin with a barrister or two, or an officer of the
Royal Staff who could converse 011 English affairs, with a game of
billiards at the old hotel or one of the regimental messes, were about
the only resources, next to one’s books, available to men at the
Presidency endowed with a trifling share of scholarship and the thinking
faculty.”
Such was Bombay, the city and the province, when John Wilson thus wrote
to the household at Lauder his first impressions of the
former:—“Everything in the appearance of Bombaj” and the character of
the people differs from what is seen at home. Figure to yourselves a
clear sky, a burning sun, a parched soil, gigantic shrubs, numerous palm
trees, a populous city with inhabitants belonging to every country under
heaven, crowded and dirty streets, thousands of Hindoos, Muhammadans,
Parsees, Buddhists, Jews, and Portuguese; perpetual marriage
processions, barbarous music, etc. etc.; and you will have some idea of
what I observe at present. In Bombay there are many heathen temples,
Muhammadan mosques, and Jewish synagogues, several Roman Catholic
chapels, one Presbyterian Church, one Episcopal Church, and one Mission
Church belonging to the Americans. I preached in the Scotch Church on
the first Sabbath after my arrival, and in the Mission Church on Sabbath
last.” |