The clan Cameron, from whom
were descended the chieftains who took an active part in the Jacobite
cause, had its seat in Lochaber, of which one of their ancestors had
originally received a grant from Robert Bruce. They sprang, according to
some accounts, from the same source as that of the clan Chattan, they
became, nevertheless, in the course of the fourteenth century, an
independent state. In a manuscript history of the clan Cameron, they
have been traced so far back as to the year 404; and their origin in
Scotland ascribed to the arrival of a younger son of the royal family of
Denmark, the progenitors acquiring the name of Cameron from his crooked
nose.
The clan consisted of
three septs; but the family of Lochiel were acknowledged as the chief,
and, according to the singular system of clanship, the Camerons freely
gave up their wills to that of their head. The history of this family,
whilst it shows by what decision of character and intrepidity of conduct
this superiority was maintained, presents little else than a tissue of
successive feuds between the clan and its neighbours, until, during the
seventeenth century, the events of history brought forth qualities of
still greater importance to distinguish the house of Lochiel. From
henceforth the disputes with the clan Chattan, and the long-standing
feuds with the Mackintoshes, merged into obscurity compared with the
more stirring interests into which the chieftains were now, fatally for
their prosperity, intermingled.
The celebrated Sir Ewan
Dhu of Lochiel, one of the finest specimens of the Highland chieftains
on record, had passed a long life in the service of the Stuart family,
for whom, even as a boy, he had manifested a sort of inuitive affection.
This cherished sentiment had repelled the efforts of his kinsman, the
Marquis of Argyle, to mould his youthful mind to the precepts of the
Puritans and Covenanters. Sir Ewan Dhu combined a commanding personal
appearance with a suitable majesty of deportment, and with a shrewd,
dauntless, honourable, generous mind. His very surname had an influence
upon the good will of his superstitious and devoted followers. It
denoted that he was dark, both in hair and complexion; and so many brave
achievements had been performed by chieftains of the clan Cameron, who
were of this complexion, that it had been foretold by gifted seers, that
never should a fair Lochiel prove fortunate. Endowed with this singular
hold upon the confidence of his people, Ewan Dhu eclipsed all his
predecessors in the virtues of his heart and the strength of his
understanding. His vigilance, his energy, and firmness were the
qualities which had distinguished him as a military leader when, in the
close of his days, the hopes and designs of the modern Jacobites began
to engage the attention of the Highland chiefs.
The career of Ewan Dhu
Cameron had been one of singular prosperity. At the age of eighteen, he
had broken loose from the trammels of Argyle's control, and joined the
standard of the Marquis of Montrose. He had contrived to keep his estate
clear, even after the event of that unsuccessful cause, from Cromwell's
troops. ne next repaired to the royal standard raised in the Highlands
by the Earl of Glencairne, and won the applause of Charles the Second,
then in exile at Chantilly, for his courage and success. The middle
period of his life was consumed in efforts, not only to abet the cause
of Charles the Second, hut to restore peace to his impoverished and
harassed country. Yet he long resisted persuasions to submit and swear
allegiance to Cromwell, and at length boldly avowed, that rather than
take the oath for an usurper, he would live as an outlaw. His generous
and humane conduct to the English prisoners whom he had captured during
the various skirmishes hail, however, procured him friends in the
English army. "No oath," wrote General Monk, "shall be required of
Lochiel to Cromwell, but his word to live in peace." His word was given,
and, until after the restoration, Lochiel and his followers, bearing
their arms as before, remained in repose.
At Killicrankie, however,
the warrior appeared again on the field, fighting, under the unfortunate
Viscount Dundee, for James the Second. As the battle began, the enemy in
General Mackay's regiment raised a shout. "Gentlemen," cried the shrewd
Lochiel, addressing the Highlanders, "the day is our own. I am the
oldest commander in the army, and I have always observed that so dull
and heavy a noise as that which you have heard is an evil omen." The
words ran throughout the Highlanders; elated by the prediction, they
rushed on the foe, fighting like furies, and in half an hour the battle
was ended.
Although Sir Ewan Dhu was
thus engaged on the side of James, his second son was a captain in the
Scottish fusileers, and served under Mackay in the tanks of Government.
As General Mackay observed the Highland army drawn up on the face of a
hill, west of the Pass, he. turned to young Cameron and said, "There is
your father and his wild savages; how would you like to be with him?"
"It signifies little," replied the Cameron, "what I would like; but I
would have you be prepared, or perhaps my father and his wild savages
may be nearer to you before night than you may dream of." Upon the death
of Dundee, Sir Ewan Dhu, disgusted by the deficiencies of the commander
who succeeded him, retired to Lochaber, and left the command of his
clansmen to his eldest son, John Cameron, who, with his son Donald, form
the subjects of this memoir.
Sir Ewan Dhu lived until
the year 1719, enjoying the security which his exploits had procured for
him; and maintaining, by his own dignified deportment, the credit of a
family long upheld by a previous succession of able and honourable
chieftains. The state and liberality of the Camerons were not supported,
nevertheless, by a lavish expenditure; their means were limited: "Yet,"
says Mrs. Grant of Laggan in her MS. account of the clan, "perhaps even
our own frugal country did not afford an instance of a family, who lived
in so respectable a manner, and showed such liberal and dignified
hospitality upon so small an income," as that of Lochiel.
The part which Sir Ewan
Dhu had taken in the action at Kllierankie would, it was naturally
supposed, draw down upon him the vengeance of those who visited with
massacre the neighbouring valley of Glencoe. The forbearance of
Government can only be accounted for by the supposition that King
William, with his usual penetration, decrced it safer to conciliate,
than to attempt to crush a clan which was connected by marriage with the
most powerful of the Highland chieftains.
No arts could, however,
win the allegiance of the Camerons from those whom they considered as
their rightful sovereigns. Towards the end of William's reign, the young
chieftain John was sent privately to France, where his early notions of
loyalty were confirmed, and his attachment to the court of James
enhanced, by the influence of the Duke of Berwick, who formed with him a
sincere and durable friendship.
The character of the
chieftain was softened in the young Lochiel. He was intelligent, frank,
and conciliating in his manners, and had associated more generally with
the world than was usually the case with the chieftains of those days.
Among the circles with whom the young Lochiel mingled, Barclay Urie, the
well known apologist of the Quakers, was also accustomed to appear. An
attachment was thenceforth formed between John Cameron and the daughter
of Barclay, and a matrimonial alliance was soon afterwards decided upon
between the daughter of that gentleman and the young chieftain.
The choice was considered
a singular one on the part of the young man. It was the customary plan
to intermarry with some of the neighbouring clans; nor was it permitted
for the chieftain to make a choice without having first ascertained how
far the clan were agreeable to his wishes. This usage proceeded, in
part, from the notion of consanguinity between every member of a clan,
even of the lowest degree, to his chieftain, and the affability and
courtesy with which the head was in the habit of treating those over
whom he ruled. The clans were even known to carry their interference
with the affairs of their chief so far as to disapprove of the choice of
their abodes, or to select a site for a new residence.
The sway which Sir Ewan
Dhu had acquired over his followers was such that he dispensed with the
ordinary practice, and, without the consent of the clans, agreed to
receive the young Quakeress as his daughter. The marriage was completed,
and eventually received the full approbation of the whole clan Cameron.
Meantime, great efforts
had been made on the part of the English Government to detach Sir Ewan
Dhu from his faith to James the Second. But the monarch who could
attempt so hopeless a task as the endeavour to cause a Highlander to
break his oath of fidelity, very faintly comprehended the national
character, then existing in all its strength and all its weakness,—in
its horror of petty crimes and its co-operation of great outrages,— in
its small meannesses and lofty generous traits,— in its abhorrence of a
broken vow or of treachery to a leader. The temptation offered was
indeed considerable. Sir Ewan Dhu was to have a pension of three hundred
a-year, to be perpetuated to his son, whom the Government were
particularly anxious to entice back to Scotland. The old chieftain was
also to be appointed Governor of Fort William. But the emissaries of
William the Third could not have chosen a worse period than that in
which to treat with the brave and wary Cameron. The massacre of Glencoe
was fresh in the remembrance of the people, and the stratagem, the
fiendish snares which had been prepared to betray the unsuspecting
Macdonalds to their destruction, were also recalled with the deep curses
of a wronged and slaughtered people. The. game of cards, the night
before the massacre, between the villain Campbell, and the two sons of
Glencoe,—the proffered and accepted hospitality of the chieftain, whose
hand was grasped in seeming friendliness by the man who had resolved to
exterminate him and his family, were cherished recollections— cherished
by the determined spirit of hate and revenge, which contemplated future
retribution.
Sir Ewan Dhu therefore
rejected these dazzling offers; he neither recalled his son from France,
nor accepted the command offered to him, but busied himself in schemes
which eventually swayed the destinies of the Camerons.
Not many miles from
Aclmacarry, the seat of Lochiel, rose, on the border of Loch Oicli, the
castle of Alaster Dhu, or Dusk Alexander, of Glengarry. The territories
of this chieftain were contiguous to those of Lochiel; and his
character, which was of acknowledged valour, wisdom, and magnanimity,
formed a still stronger bond of union than their relative position.
Glengarry was the head of a very powerful clan, called Macdonnells, in
contradistinction to the Macdonalds of the Isles, whose claim to
superiority they always resisted; declaring, by the. voice of then bards
and family historians, that the house of Antrim, from whom the
Macdonalds of the Isles were descended, owed its origin to the
Macdonnells of Glengarry.
The clan Glengarry was
now at its height of power under the heroic Alaster Dhu, its chieftain,
whose immediate predecessor had risen to be a Lord of Session, at a time
when that office brought no little power and influence to its
possessors: he had gained both wealth and credit in his high seat; and,
upon retiring, had visited Italy, had brought back a taste for
architecture to his native country, and the castle of Invergarrie, part
of the walls of which remain undemolished, rose as a memento of his
architectural taste.
The Lord of Session had
cherished sentiments of loyalty for the exiled family; these were
transmitted to Alaster Dhu. The gallant Lochiel and the chief of
Glengarry were therefore disposed to smother in their feelings of
loyalty the feuds which too often raged between clans nearly
approximate. They therefore formed a compact to promote, in every way,
the interest of the royal exiles; and in this vain attempt at
restoration which ensued, the fate of their clansmen was sealed. That of
the Camerons is yet to be told; a slight digression respecting their
gallant allies may here be excused.
When the feudal system
which subsisted between the Highland chieftains and their clansmen was
dissolved, it became the plan of many of the landholders to rid
themselves of their poor tenantry, and to substitute in their place
labourers and tanners from the south of Scotland. The helpless
population of the glens and hill-sides were thus sent to wander, poor
and ignorant of anything but their own homes, and speaking no language
but their mother tongue, and wholly unskilled in any practical wisdom.
Some emigrated, but many were pressed into service on board the emigrant
ships, although the commanders of those vessels could not, in some
instances, prevail upon themselves to tear the Highlanders away from
their wives and families.
To remedy this melancholy
state of affairs, and to employ the banished mountaineers, it was
proposed, about the year 1794, to embody some of the sufferers, the
Macdonnells of Glengarry in particular, into a Catholic corps, under
their young chieftain, Alexander Macdonnell, and employ them in the
service of the English Government. This scheme, after many difficulties,
was accomplished. At first, it worked well for the relief of the
destitute clan; but, in 1802, in spite of their acknowledged good
conduct, the Glengarry regiment was disbanded.
The friend of the
unfortunate, who had originally proposed the consolidation of the corps,
was Dr. Mac-donald, who had been afterwards appointed chaplain to the
regiment. He now projected another scheme for the maintenance of the
clan Glengarry; and, after some opposition, his plan was effected. It
was to convey the whole of the Macdonnells, with their wives and
families, to a district in Upper Canada, where the clan, at this moment,
:is permanently established. The place in which they live bears the name
of their native glen, and the farms they possess are called by the loved
appellations of their former tenements: and, when the American war tried
the fidelity of the emigrants, the clan gave a proof of their loyalty by
enrolling themselves into a corps, under the old name of the Glengarry
Fencibles.
In the battle of
Killicrankie, Glengarry had led his forces to fight for James the
Second; and after that engagement, in which Glengarry had had a brother
killed, he had become very obnoxious to the Government, and had found it
necessary to retire for some time, whilst his more favoured friend
Lochiel tranquilly occupied his own house of Achnacarrie, a place wholly
undefended. The retreat in which Glengarry hid himself was a small
wooded island in Lochacaig; and in this seclusion a manoeuvre was
planned, highly characteristic of the subtlety, and yet daring of the
Highland chieftains who were engaged in it. It shows, also, the state of
the national feeling towards the English Government, at a time when
comparative quiet appeared to be established in the Highlands.
Attached to certain
regiments which were then lying at Fort William, there were a number of
young volunteers, men of good family, who had a soldier's pay, if they
wished it, and were considered as pupils in the art of war, "at liberty
to retire if they chose, and eligible, being often persons of family, to
fill the vacancies which war or disease occasioned among the
subalterns." This regiment was now about to occupy the garrisons, and on
their way to the Tyendrum or Black Mount, the officers engaged in
conversation, little dreading an assault in a country inhabited only by
a few herdsmen, and considered by them as wholly subdued. But they were
deceived in their sense of safety. Among the heath and bushes in a
narrow pass, circumscribed, on the one side, by a steep mountain, and on
the other by a small lake, which skirted the path, for road there was
not, lay in ambush two hundred well-armed and light-footed Highlanders.
The youths, or volunteers, were the rear of the regiment; as they
marched fearlessly through the deep solitude of this wild district, the
Highlanders sprang forwards from their ambuscade; and before the young
soldiers could recover their surprise or have recourse to their arms,
eight or ten young men of family were seized on and hurried away. With
these were mingled others, among these volunteers of less importance,
who were carried away in the confusion by mistake. A few shots were
fired by the soldiery, but without any effect, for the Highlanders had
disappeared. This sudden attack excited the utmost consternation among
the officers of the regiment, nor could they discover the object of this
aggression; nor did they know either how to pursue the assailants, or in
what terms to report to Government so ignominious a loss. They marched,
therefore, silently to Dumbarton without attempting to pursue an enemy
whose aim it might be to lure them into some fastness, there to
encounter a foe too powerful, from the nature of the country, to he
resisted. On arriving at Dumbarton the mystery was explained. There the
commander of the corps found a letter, stating that "certain chiefs of
clans had no objection to King William's ruling in England, considering
that nation as at liberty to choose its own rulers; but that they never
could, consistently with what they had sworn on their arms, take an oath
to any other sovereign while the family of St. Geimains remained in
existence. They were," the writers continued, "unwilling either to
perjure themselves, or to hold their lands in daily fear, and subject to
the petty instruments of power. They were willing to live peaceably
under the present rule, but were resolved neither to violate the
dictates of conscience, nor to have their possessions disturbed. In the
meantime, to prevent encroachments upon their lands, and to prevent the
necessity of rushing into hostilities with the Government, they had
taken hostages to ensure their safety, and with these they would never
part until Sir Ewan Dhu and Alaster Dhu had obtained assurances that
they should never be disturbed for their principles whilst they lived
peaceably on their estates."
This declaration was
accompanied by a powerful remonstrance upon the folly and danger of
exasperating clans powerful from their union, and from the
inaccessibility of the country which they inhabited. The tenderness of
conscience, the fidelity to an exiled monarch, were made, the writers
urged, a plea for every species of oppression and petty tyranny. The
late massacre of Glencoe justified, they said, the measures of
precaution they were taking; and, finally, they threatened, should their
petition he refused, to take refuge in France, carrying with them their
young hostages, there to proclaim the impolicy and injustice of the
English Government. This address was dispatched, not to the Privy
Council, but to the relations and friends of the young prisoners, who
were interested in procuring a favourable reception for its negotiation;
and the chiefs who subscribed to this address reasonably expected that
the fear of their power, exaggerated in the sister kingdom, where a
total ignorance of the manners and character of the Scottish
mountaineers existed, would prevail to lend force to their arguments.
This negotiation was never made public; it proved, however, effectual,
as far as the comfort of some of the parties engaged in it were
concerned.
By the influence of the
rising party, who, espousing the interests of the Princess Anne, were
gaining ground in the country during the decline of William, Sir Ewan
Dhu and Glengarry, who were jointly considered as the promoters of this
affair, remained unpunished for a manoeuvre on which public opinion in
England was not inclined to pass a very severe judgment, after the
recent massacre of Glencoe. "Some of the credit of this feat,"' writes
Mrs. Grant, "rests merely on the country tradition: and the silence
concerning it, in the publications and secret negotiations placed
everything on a secure footing; and, during the reign of Queen Anne; the
two chieftains lived in tranquillity, their mutual regard continuing
undiminished during their lives, and becoming the subject, after their
deaths, of the lays composed in their honour by their native bards.
During his latter days,
Sir Ewan Dhu had the consolation of seeing his son happy in the choice
of a wife. Beautiful and good, the young Quakeress soon established
herself in the good opinions of all those who were acquainted with her;
and there seems every reason to conclude that she inherited the virtues,
without the peculiarities of her father, Robert Barclay of Urey. That
eminent man was descended from a Norman family which traced its ancestry
to Thomas de Berkley, whose descendants established themselves in
Scotland. By his mother's side, Barclay was allied to the house of
Huntley; and by his connection with the heiress of the mother's family,
a considerable estate in Aberdeenshire was added to the honours of
antiquity. Unhappily for the lovers of the old Norman appellations, the
name of de Berkley was changed, in the fifteenth century, into that of
Barclay. One of Robert Barclay's sons, who became a mercer in Cheapsille,
had the rare fortune of entertaining three successive monarchs when they
visited the City on the Lord Mayor's Day,—George the First, George the
Second, and George the, Third; whose heart, as it is well known, was
touched by the beauty of one of the fair descendants of Robert Barclay.
Previously to the
marriage between Lochiel and the young Quakeress, the family into which
he entered had been impoverished, and the estate of Mathers, from which
the Barclays derived their name, sold to defray debt.
The career of Robert
Barclay was singular. He was first converted to Popery during his
residence in Paris, when he was fifteen; and he changed that faith for
the simple persuasion of the Quakers when he had attained his nineteenth
year. He adopted the tenets of the Friends at a period when it required
much courage to adhere to a sect who were vilified and ridiculed, not
only in England but in Scotland. It was to refute these attacks against
the Quakers that Barclay wrote the book entitled, "Truth cleared of
Calumnies." His ability and sincerity have never been doubted; but some
distrust of his reason may be forgiven, when we find the Quaker, a grave
and happily-married man, walking through the streets of Aberdeen,
clothed in sackcloth and ashes, under the notion that he was commanded
by the Lord to call the people unto repentance; he appealed to witnesses
to prove the "agony of his spirit," and how he "had besought the Lord
with tears, that this cup might pass away from him."
This singular act of
humiliation was contrasted by frequent visits to the Court of Charles
the Second, and to Elizabeth of Bohemia. To the house of Stuart, Barclay
was ever fondly attached. His father had suffered in the civil wars; and
the doctrines of non-resistance and passive obedience, avowed by the
Quakers, were favourable to the Stuart dynasty. The last visit which
Barclay paid to London was rendered memorable by the abdication of James
the Second. As he was standing beside that monarch, near a window, the
King looked out, and remarked that "the wind was fair for the Prince of
Orange to come over." "It is hard," replied Barclay, "that no expedient
can be found to satisfy the people." James answered, that "he would do
anything becoming a gentleman, except parting with liberty of
conscience, which he would never do while he lived." Barclay only
survived that eventful period two years. His children, singular as it
may seem, were all living fifty years after their father's death.
To the daughter of this
inflexible and courageous man was Cameron of Lochiel united. During the
first years of their marriage, even before the death of Sir Ewan Dhu,
they lived peacefully in the home of their ancestors; and whilst Anne
reigned, that happy tranquillity was undisturbed. The name of Anne was
long cherished in the Highlands on account of the rare intervals of
peace and plenty which her rule, and as it was thought, her pious
prayers, afforded to a ravaged and oppressed country. Seven years'
famine, during the reign of William, were charged upon the monarch's
head: Plenteous crops and peaceful abundance were ascribed to the merits
of Queen Anne. Meantime, the gentle and happy Lady of Lochiel won all
hearts: she was distinguished, as tradition reports, for prudence,
activity, and affability. "One great defect," adds Mrs Grant, "she had,
however, which was more felt as such in the Highlands than it would have
been in any other place. She did not, as a certain resolute countrywoman
of hers was advised to do, bring forth men-children only on the
contrary, daughters in succession, a thing scarce pardonable in one who
was looked up to and valued in a great measure as being the supposed
mother of a future chief. In old times women could only exist while they
were defended by the warriour and supported by the hunter. When this
dire necessity in some measure ceased, the mode of thinking to which it
gave rise continued. And after the period of youth and beauty were past,
woman was only considered as having given birth to man. John Locheil's
mind was above this Illiberal prejudice: he loudly welcomed his
daughters and caress'd their mother on their appearrance as much as if
every one of them had been a young hero in embryo. His friends and
neighbours used on these occassions to ask in a sneering manner, "What
has the lady got?" To which he invariably answered, "A lady indeed:"
this answer had a more pointed significance there than with us. For in
the Highlands no one is call'd a lady but a person named to the
proprietors of an estate. All others, however rich or high-born, are
only gentlewomen. How the prediction intentionally included in the
chief's answer was fulfili'd, will hereafter appear.
"Besides the family
title, every Highland chieftain, has a patronymic deriv'd from the most
eminent of their ancestors, probably the founder of the family, and
certainly the first who confer'd distinction on it. Thus Argyle is the
son of Colin, Breadalbane the son of Archibald, &c.; and the chief of
the Camerons was always stil'd son of Donald Dhu, Black Donald, whatever
his name or complexion may be, as well as the appellation deriv'd from
it, because it would appear hereditary in the family, and at length it
became a tradition or prophesy among the clan that a fair Lochiel should
never prosper."
At length, after the
birth of twelve daughters, a son and heir made his appearance. But the
satisfaction of the clans was dashed by hearing that the ill-starred
little laird was fair, like his sisters. The prophecy that a fair
Lochiel should never prosper, was recalled with dismay; and, unhappily,
the fears of superstition were too mournfully realized by fact. The
young Cameron was named Donald: his birth was followed by the appearance
of two other boys, —Archibald, afterwards the ill-fated Dr. Cameron, and
John, who was called Fassefern, from an estate. "The proud prediction of
their father," continues Mrs. Grant, "was soon amply fulfilled with
regard to the daughters of this extraordinary family.'
"Their history," she ads,
"unites the extravagance of romance with the sober reality of truth."
The twelve daughters of
Lochiel were admirably educated, and the fame of their modest virtues
soon extended through the Highlands. The great point in matrimonial
alliances in those rude regions was to obtain a wife well born, and well
allied; and little fortune was ever expected with the daughter of a
chief. Ancestry was the great point with a Highlander, for he believed
that defects of mind, as well as of person, were hereditary. All,
therefore, sought the daughters of Lochiel, as coming of an untainted
race. The elder ones were married early, and seemed, as Mrs. Grant
expresses it, by the solicitude to obtain them, as ever to increase,
like the Sibyl's leaves, in value, as they lessened in number. Of the
daughters, one, the youngest and the fairest, was actually married to
Cameron of Glendinning, in the twelfth year of her age. She became a
widow, and afterwards married Maclean of Kingasleet, so that she was
successively the wife of two heads of houses. Another, Jean Cameron, who
was the least comely of her family, but possessed of a commanding figure
and powerful understanding, was married to Clunie, the Chief of the Clan
Macpherson. She is said to have been celebrated in the pathetic poem,
entitled "Lochaber No More," the poet, who laments his departure from
Lochaber, and his farewell to his Jean, having been an officer in one of
the regiments stationed at Fort William.
By the marriage of his
twelve daughters with the heads of houses, the political importance of
Lochiel was considerably enhanced, and a confederacy, containing many
noted families who were bound together by opinion and kindred, formed a
strong opposition to the reigning Government. The sons-in-law of Lochiel
were the following chiefs: Cameron of Dungallan, Barclay of Urie, Grant
of Glenmoriston, Macpherson of Clunie, Campbell of Barcaldine, Campbell
of Auchalader, Campbell of Auchlyne, Maclean of Lochbuy, Macgregor of
Bohowdie, Wright of Loss, Maclean of Ardgour, and Cameron of
Glendinning. All the daughters became the mothers of families; "and
these numerous descendants, still," observes Mrs. Grant, "cherish the
bonds of affinity, now so widely diffused, and still boast their descent
from these female worthies."
Among most of the
influential chieftains who espoused the daughters of Lochiel, was the
celebrated Macpherson of Clunie, who afterwards took a very important
part in the Rebellions of 1715 and 1745. The career of Clunie affords a
melancholy, but rare, instance of indecision, if not of double dealing,
in the Jacobites. Before the battle of Culloden, anxious to retrieve his
affairs and to ensure his safety, he took the oaths to the English
Government, and was appointed to a company in Lord Loudon's Highlanders.
His clan, nevertheless, were eager to join Charles Edward, and urged him
to lead them to his standard.
Clunie hesitated between
the obligation to his oath, and his secret devotion to the Stuarts. His
defection irritated the British Government: he became one of those whose
life was forfeited to the laws. After the battle of Culloden he secreted
himself, and lived for nine years in a cave, at a short distance from
the site of his own house, which had been burned by the King's troops.
The cave was in front of a woody precipice, the trees, &c., completely
concealing the entrance. It was dug out by his own people, who worked at
night, or when time had slackened the rigour of the search. Upwards of
one hundred persons knew of this retreat, and one thousand pounds were
offered as a reward to any who would discover it. Eighty men were
stationed there to intimidate the tenantry into a disclosure, but it was
all in vain; none could be found so base as to betray their chief.
For two years Sir Hector
Monro in vain remained in Badenoch, for the purpose of discovering
Clunie's retreat. The Macphersons remained true to their chieftain. At
times he emerged from his dark recess, to mingle for awhile in the hours
of night with his friends, when he was protected by the vigilance and
affection of his clansmen, unwearied in their work of duty. At last,
broken-spirited, and despairing of that mercy which was accorded by the
English Government to so few of the insurgents, Clunie escaped to
France, and there died, ten years after the fatal events of 1745. The
estate of this unfortunate chieftain was restored to his family, who
claim to he the ancient representatives of the clan Chattan; with what
justice it would be dangerous to declare, since no risk could be more
rashly encountered than that which is incurred in discussing Highland
prerogative.
Surrounded by his
powerful relatives and fair daughters, Lochiel hailed with no very
sanguine spirit the coming troubles which quickly followed the.
accession of the house of Hanover. Already was the Jacobite association
busily at work in the south of Scotland; and it was impossible, from the
temper of the populace in both nations, not to augur, in a short time,
some serious popular outbreak. In the minds of the Highland chieftains a
hatred of English dominion, and a desire of independence, constituted
even a more potent source of adherence of the Stuarts than any personal
feeling towards that line. Most of these chiefs languished to see a king
of their own nation reign over them. To such a ruler they would, as they
considered, be viewed not as a secondary object. Their interests had
been neglected in the Treaty of Darien,—a settlement which had inspired
the landholders of the Low Country with aversion to William.
Expectations had also
been raised, tending to the belief that Anne, secretly well affected to
her brother, had made such provisions in her will as would ensure the
descent of the Crown in the direct line; and nothing could exceed the
disgust and amazement of the Highlanders when they beheld a foreigner
seated on a throne, from which, they well know, it would be impossible
to dispossess him. "To restore," as Mrs. Grant observes, "their ancient
race of monarchs to the separate Crown of Scotland, was their fondest
wish. This visionary project was never adopted by the Jacobites at
large, who were too well informed to suppose it either practicable or
eligible. But it serv'd as an engine to excite the zeal of bards and
sennachies, who were still numerous in the Highlands, and in whose
poetry strong traces of this airy project may still be found."
Soon after the accession
of George the First, certain of the Highland chieftains dispatched a
letter to the Earl of Mar, desiring that nobleman to assure the
Government of their loyalty and submission. Among the names subscribed
are those of Lochiel, of his friend Glengarry, and of Clunie. The
address is said to have been a stratagem of Mar's to gain time, and to
give him an opportunity of ripening his schemes. But it appears more
probable that there was, at first, a spirit of moderation and a desire
for peace in the chieftains, until they were afterwards stimulated by
the intrigues of the disappointed and baffled Earl of Mar. Lochiel, as
well as many others, had little to gain, but much to lose, in any change
of dynasty or convulsion in the state. Prosperous, beloved, secure, his
fidelity to that which he believed to be the right cause was honourable
to the highest degree to his character. That he was not sanguine in his
hopes, is more than probable. Before he went to the battle of Sherriff
Muir, he arranged his affairs so as to be prepared for the worst result
that might befal his family. The frequent occurrence of feuds and civil
wars in Scotland had taught the higher classes the use of stratagem and
manoeuvre in these domestic disturbances. It was not unusual for a son
and a father often to affect to take opposite sides, in order that the
estate, happen what might, should be preserved to the family; and this
was considered as consulting the general good of the clan. Lochiel,
although he did not pursue this plan, yet left his affairs so arranged
that, in the most fatal results of the Rebellion of 1715, his estate
might be protected. His sons-in-law, powerful and devoted to the same
cause, were well qualified to aid and to protect those members of the
family who were entrusted to their friendly guidance. John Cameron was
still styled "Cameron the younger, of Lochiel,'' for the renowned Sir
Ewan Dhu was living when Mar summoned the chieftains to the
hunting-field of Braemar. The aged chieftain had, at this time, attained
his eighty-seventh year; it had been his glory, in early life, to defend
a pass near Braemar against Cromwell's troops, until the royal army had
retired; and, in fact, to be the instrument of saving Glencairn's
troops, keeping himself clear of those cabals which at that time fatally
harassed the disorganized Royalists. It was now his fate to send forth,
under the guidance of his son, his gallant Camerons, to the number of
eight hundred, to espouse the cause of the Stuarts. No jealousies
disturbed the confidence reposed on the one side, nor alienated
affection on the other. The affection of the Highlanders for their
children was one of the softened features in the national character. It
was usually repaid with a degree of reverence, of filial piety, which,
however other qualities may have declined and died away in the Highland
character, have remained, like verdant plants, amid autumnal decay. The
appalling spectacle of a parent forsaken, or even neglected, by a child,
is a sight never known in the Highlands: nor is the sense of duty
lessened by absence from the mountains where first the sentiment was
felt. The Highland soldier, far from his country, is accompanied by this
holy love, this inexhaustible stimulus to exertion, which induces him to
save with what may be unjustly called a riggard hand his earnings, to
support, in their old age, those who have given him birth. "I have
been," says General Stewart, "a frequent witness of these offerings of
filial bounty, and the channel through which they were communicated; and
I have generally found that a threat of informing their parents of
misconduct, has operated as a sufficient check on young soldiers, who
always received the intimation with a sort of horror."
Blessed, doubtless, with
the approval of his father, Sir Ewan Dhu, Lochiel quitted his home. He
left a wife whom he loved, a parent whom he reverenced, and whose span
of life could not he long extended; he left a numerous and prosperous
family, upon a sense of duty, a principle of loyalty, an adherence, so
fixed and so sure among the Highlanders, to his engagements. The name of
Cameron does not appear among the chieftains who were assembled at
Braemar; but it appears probable that he attended the Earl of Mar's
summons, since he was cited, by the authority of an act passed on the
thirtieth of August, to appear at Edinburgh, as well as a number of
other disaffected chieftains and noblemen, to give bail for his
allegiance to the Government. The summons was not answered by a single
individual, and the preparations for the fatal insurrection continued in
unabated activity.
The details of the
hopeless struggle contain no especial mention of John Cameron of Lochiel;
but, from manuscript sources, we learn that, after the battle of
Sherriff Muir, he continued with the Jacobite army, conducted by General
Gordon, to whom James Stuart had entrusted the command of that remnant
of his gallant and deserted adherents. The Jacobite army having marched
to Aberdeen, were there informed by General Gordon of the flight of the
Chevalier, of that of Lord Mar, and of the other principal leaders. A
letter was then read to them from James, declaring that the
disappointments which he had met with, especially from abroad, had
obliged him to leave the country. He thanked his subjects for their
services, and desired them to advise with General Gordon, and to consult
their own safety, either by keeping in a body, or separating, and
encouraged them to hear from him again in a very short time. A singular
scene ensued. General Gordon and the chief officers of the army, are
said to have pretended surprise at this disclosure, although they were
previously in the secret; hut the indignation of the soldiers was
extreme.
"We arc basely betrayed,"
they cried out; "we are all undone; we have neither King nor General
left!"
Shortly after this
crisis, the Jacobite army dispersed; two hundred of them, amongst whom
were many chieftains, went towards Peterhead, intending to embark, in
vessels which they knew were waiting for them, for France; but the main
body of the army marched westward, to Strathspey and Strathdore to the
Hills of Badenoch, where they separated. The foot-soldiers dispersed
into the mountains, near Lochy, and the horse went to Lochaber, agreeing
to reassemble, such was their undaunted fidelity and courage, on
receiving notice from the Chevalier. But such a summons never came, to
arouse those brave men from the repose of their glens and fortresses.
Lochiel had entrusted the
guidance of his clan to his son, afterwards well known by the name of
"gentle Lochiel," and the faithful promoter of Charles Edward's
ill-starred enterprise. Persuaded that the safety and honour of his
house were safe in the hands of this promising young man, who had been
purposely kept in ignorance of the projected rising, and had taken no
part in it, Lochiel resolved to consult his own safety, and to follow
his royal master to France. After wandering for some time near Braemar,
and in Badenoch, he escaped by means of one of the French frigates which
were cruising near the coast of Scotland.
In 1719 Sir Ewan Dhu
expired, having witnessed the rise and fall of that attempt to restore
the Stuarts, which was only succeeded by a more desperate and melancholy
undertaking. He died to see his son an exile, hut he had the consolation
of reflecting that the honour of his clan, the great desideratum with a
chieftain, was yet unstained either by cowardice or disloyalty.
The Camerons do not
appear to have had any participation in the abortive attempt in 1718 to
revive the Stuart claim. Considered by the English Government as a
proscribed rebel, and deemed of too much importance to be forgiven,
Lochiel passed henceforth most of his days in the melancholy court of
St. Germains, where he soon perceived how little faith there was to be
placed in the energy and determination of James Stuart. At times his
weary exile was relieved by secret visits to his own home at Achnacarrv,
where he found his son, dutiful and and able, holding his possessions as
in trust for his father. Lochiel was enabled by the power and alliance
of his sons-in-law to remain in safety, as long as he pleased, during
these visits; yet he professed to renounce Scotland until a change of
Government should facilitate his return as a chieftain to his clansmen.
In every district he found kindred ready to protect him, and he derived
much importance from the influence he possessed through his children.
His sons-in-law were mostly the heads of clans, and they all looked up
to Lochiel with affectionate reverence. Had Lochiel been a remorseless
partisan of James, instead of a true lover of his country, he might
easily have stimulated his kindred, and set into motion the whole of
that powerful connection of which he was the centre. But he perceived
too plainly the risk of such a proceeding, and wisely declined involving
the peaceful and the prosperous in the dangers of another contest. His
moderate sentiments were continued by the early wisdom of his son,—one
of those bright patterns of human excellence, gifted with every charm
which attends a noble and gallant chieftain.
During the early part of
the Rebellion of 1745, John of Lochiel remained in France; but, when the
battles of Falkiik and of Preston Pans raised the hopes of his party, he
came over to Scotland, and landed on the coasts of Lochaber, a short
time before the fatal blow to the Stuart cause was given at Culloden.
After taking a last look at his house, and visiting, with what feelings
can well be conceived, the scenes of his childhood, the haunts of his
ancestry,—the house of Achnacarry, which was soon, as he well might
conjecture, to be the object of vengeance to a foe more ruthless and
brutal than ever party spirit had infuriated in this country before,—Lochiel,
embarking in the vessel which had brought kin to Scotland, elate with
hope, returned to France. His exile was cheered by the friendship of the
Duke of Berwick, but his heart seems ever to have been in Scotland. A
few years afterwards he came over again privately to Edinburgh, and
there his eventful life was closed. His estates were included, after the
year 1745, in the numerous forfeitures which followed the Rebellion; but
they were eventually restored, and they have remained in possession of
the family. Intrepid and amiable as John of Lochiel appears to have
been, and perilous as was his career, his character bears no comparison
in interest with that of one who was one of the brightest ornaments of
his party—his gallant unfortunate son.
Donald Cameron of Lochiel,
had long exercised the authority of a chieftain, before the Rebellion of
1745 entailed upon him a participation in occupations still more
arduous. He had, in short, arrived at middle age when he was called upon
to support the claims of Charles Edward.
To the virtues and
intentions of this chieftain, even his enemies have borne tribute. He
was accomplished, refined, and courteous; yet brave, firm, and daring.
The warlike tribes around him, unaccustomed to such a combination of
qualities, idolized the gallant and the good Lochiel. His father,
reposing on his honour and prudence, relied with security upon his son's
management of the family estates, and this confidence was never
disturbed by presumption on the one hand, nor by suspicion on the other.
Donald Cameron had
imbibed the principles of his father; and there is little doubt but
that, during the furtive visits of John Lochiel to Scotland, a tacit
understanding had been forrmed between them to support the "good old
cause," as they termed it, whenever circumstances should permit. But
Donald Cameron, although "he loved his King well, loved his country
better;" nor could he be persuaded to endanger the peace of that country
by a rash enterprise, which could never, as he justly thought, prosper
without foreign and, and the hearty co-operation of the English
Jacobites. His own clansmen were, he well knew, prepared for the
contest, come when it might; for the conversation of the small gentry
and of the retainers consisted, to borrow a description from a
contemporary writer, entirely of disquisitions upon "martiall
atchievements, deer huntings, and even valuing themselves upon their
wicked expeditions and incursions upon their innocent low-country
neighbours. They have gott," adds the same author, "a notion and
inviollahle maxim handed down to them from their forefathers, that they,
being the only ancient Scotsmen, that whole nation belongs to them in
property, and look on all the low-country-men as a mixture of Danes,
Saxons, Normans, and English, who have by violence robbed them of the
best part of their country, while they themselves are penned up in the
most mountainous and barren parts thereof to starve; therefore think it
no injustice to commit dayly depredations upon them, making thereby
conscience to interrupt their illegal possession (as they call it) in
case it should prescribe into a right."
It would not have been
difficult to have blown such combustible materials into a flame; but
Donald Cameron adopted a different policy, and endeavoured to allay the
angry passions of the tribe over which he ruled: Nevertheless, his own
conduct was perfectly consistent with his principles; and such was the
notion entertained of his integrity and moderation, that though he never
took the oaths to the reigning family, he was indulged in that
tenderness of conscience and permitted to remain in peace, even though
residing in the immediate neighbourhood of a great military station.
Donald Cameron had indeed
a more valuable stake in the country than houses or lands. He was
married in the year 1723 to the daughter of Sir James Campbell of
Auchinbreck, a lady of whom it is high praise to say, that she was
worthy of being the companion of such a man.
Thus situated, the
nominal holder of an estate which, though long maintained in the family,
is said never to have exceeded in value five hundred pounds a-year, and
less prejudiced against the English and. the ruling powers than his
predecessors, Donald Cameron felt, it is asserted, little desire to
promote a second invasion of the country by the Chevalier. The slightest
intimation of his fathers wish to revive that cause would have bean
sufficient to set the whole family confederacy into motion; but the.
wisdom of the younger Lochiel had been ripened by the cautious and
critical part which he had had to perform in life; and that prudent
disposition, enforced by his father's circumspection, prevented any
precipitate measures.
Of the favour and
confidence of the Chevalier, Donald Cameron was well assured, in 1729,
the following letter was addressed to him, under the. name of Mr.
Johnstone, by James.
"I am glad of this
occasion to let you know how well plessed I am to hear of the care you
take to follow your father's and uncle's example in their loyalty to me;
and I doubt not of your endeavours to maintain the true spirit in the
clan. Allan is now with me, and I am always glad to have some of my
brave Highlanders about me, whom I value as they deserve. You will
deliver the enclosed to its address, and doubt not of my particular
regard for you, which I am persuaded you will always deserve.
(Signed) " James r."
"April 11, 1727."
In addition to these
instructions, Donald Cameron received a letter from his uncle, Allan
Cameron, (in 1729,) who attended the Chevalier during his residence at
Albano; from which it appears that a full commission had been sent to
Lochiel to treat with "such of the King's friends in Scotland," as he
thought were safe to be trusted concerning his affairs. It was also
intimated that James had conceived a high opinion of the good sense and
prudence of Lochiel, from his letters; and encouragement was given to
any future exertions. The uncle then instructed his nephew how to answer
the King's letter in the following explicit manner. These directions are
tolerably minute :*
"I think it proper you
should write to the King by the first post after you receive, his
letter. I need not advise you what to say in answer to such a gracious
letter from your King, only let it not be very long. Declare your duty
and readiness to execute his Majesty's commands on all occasions, and
your sense of the honour he has been pleased to do you in giving you
such a commission. I am not to chuse words for you, because I am sure
you can express yourself in a dutiful and discreet manner without any
help. You are to write, Sir, on a large margin, arid to end, Your most
faithful and obedient subject and servant; and to address to the King
and no more; which inclose to me sealed. I pray send me a copy of it on
a paper inclosed, with any other thing that you do not think fit or
needful the King should see in your letter to me, because I wid shew
your answer to this, wherein you may say that you will be mindful of all
I wrote to you, and what else you think fit."
To these instructions
assurances were added, that the elder Lochiel, who had, it seems, been
in necessitous circumstances after his attainder, and during his exile,
should be relieved at the Chevalier's expense; "so that," adds the
uncle, "your mind may be pretty easy upon that point." Donald had, it
appears, expressed some discontent at the comparative comfort in which
some of the exiled Jacobites lived, and the poverty of his father's
circumstances, which he had observed when in Paris a few years previous
to this correspondence. Allan Cameron further advised his nephew to keep
on good terms with Glengarry and all other neighbours; to let "byganes,
be byganes," as long as such neighbours continue firm to the "King's
interests;" to avoid private animosities, and yet to keep a watch over
their fidelity to the cause. "As to Lovat," adds the uncle, "be on your
guard, but not so as to lose him; on the contrary, you may say that the
King trusts a great deal to the resolution he has taken to serve him.
and expects he will continue in that resolution. But, dear nephew, you
know very well that he must give true and real proof of his sincerity by
performance. before he can be entirely reckoned on, after the part he
has acted. This I say to yourself, and therefore you must deal with him
very dexterously; and I must leave it to your own judgment what lengths
to go with him, since you know he has always been a man whose chief view
was his own interest. It is true, he wishes our family well; and I doubt
not he would wish the King restored, which is his interest, if he has
the grace to have a hand in it, after what he has done. So, upon the
whole, I know not what advice to give you, as to letting him know that
the King wrote you such a letter as you have; but in general, you are to
make the best of him you can, but still be on your guard; for it is not
good to put too much in his power before the time of executing a good
design. The King knows very well how useful he can be if sincere, which
I have represented as fully as was necessary.
"This letter is of such
bulk, that I have inclosed the King's letter under cover with another
letter addressed for your father, as I will not take leave of you till
next post. I add only, that I am entirely yours, (Signed) " A. Cameron."
Eight years afterwards
(in 1736), when inquiries were made by the Chevalier concerning the
temper of the people, and the state of the clans, it was stated that the
most leading men among the clans were Cameron of Lochiel and Sir
Alexander Macdonald. The Cameronians were, it was stated, well armed,
and regularly regimented among themselves, hut "so giddy and inconstant"
that they could not be depended on; only that they were strongly enraged
against the Government. The leading men among the loyalists were
reported much diminished; nor was it easy, from the necessity of
concealing their sentiments, since the last rising, to make any estimate
of the amount of those who would enter into any second scheme."
Considering Cameron of Lochiel as thus empowered to give information of
the first movements of James, the Jacobites in the Highlands were in
continual communication with Cameron; yet, perhaps considering that
those who engaged in the last insurrection, being nearly superannuated,
would rather wish well to the cause than engage again, he still kept the
fervent spirits of that political party whom he thus regarded in an
equable state,—ready to act, yet willing to wait for a favourable
occasion. In 1740 Donald Cameron signed, nevertheless, the association
of seven carried by Drummond of Lochaldy to Rome; but when the Court of
France, after the disaster at Dunkirk, withdrew its aid, he was one of
those who sent over Murray to dissuade Charles from coining to Scotland,
unless accompanied by a body of foreign troops —so true were his
professions of fidelity, and so finely was that fidelity tempered with
prudence. Holding these opinions, which were amply verified by the
result of the Rebellion of 1745, when Donald Cameron received a letter
from Prince Charles, written at Borodale, and desiring to see him
immediately, it was in sorrow and perplexity that he received the
summons. He sent his brother, the unfortunate Dr. Archibald Cameron, to
urge the Prince to return, and to assure him that he should not join in
the undertaking. But the Prince persisted in the resolution he had
formed of persevering in his attempt, and gave to Dr. Cameron the same
reply that he had already given to others, and then, addressing himself
to Macdonald of Scothouse, who had gone to the coast to pay his respects
to the Prince, he asked him if he could go to Lochiel and endeavour to
persuade him to do his duty. Young Scothouse replied, he would comply
with the Prince's wishes, and immediately set out for Achnacany. Such a
message from such a quarter could not be resisted, and Lochiel prepared
to accompany young Scothouse to Borodale. Lochiel's reluctance to assent
was not, however, overcome: his mind misgave him. He knew well the state
of his country, and he took this first step with an ominous foreboding
of the issue. He left his home, determined not to take arms. On his way
to Borodale he called at the house of his brother, John Cameron of
Fassefern, who came out and inquired what had brought him from home at
that early time. Lochiel replied that the Prince had arrived from
France, and had sent to see him. Fassefern inquired what troops the
Prince had brought? what money? what arms? Lochiel answered that the
Prince had brought neither money, nor arms, nor troops, and that he was
therefore resolved not to be concerned in any attempt, and to dissuade
Charles from an insurrection. Fassefern approved of his brother's
decision, but recommended him not to proceed to Borodale, but to
communicate his resolution by letter, "No," rejoined Lochiel; "it is my
duty to go to the Prince, and unfold to him my reasons, which admit of
no reply." "Brother," returned Fassefern, "I know you better than you
know yourself; if the Prince once sets his eyes upon you, he will make
you do whatever he pleases."
Lochiel, nevertheless,
proceeded to Borodale. The gallant chief found the Prince surrounded by
those who, like himself, had consented, unwillingly, to join in the
ill-starred enterprise. The personal courage of Charles Edward has been
doubted; but his determination and fearlessness at this critical moment,
afford an ample contradiction of the charge. Whilst on board the ship
which brought him to Scotland, it was represented to him that he must
keep himself very retired, as the garrison at lnverlochie was not far
off, and as the Campbells in the neighbourhood would be ready to take
him. "I have no fear about that at all," was his reply. "If I could get
six stout trusty fellows to join me," he said, on another occasion, "I
would rather skulk about the mountains of Scotland than return to
France."
The Prince was in this
temper of mind when Lochiel reached him. Upon his arrival at Borodale,
the Prince and he immediately retired to a long and private conference.
The conversation began,
upon the part of Charles, by complaints of the treatment which he had
received from the Ministers of France, "who had long," he said, "amused
him with vain hopes, and deceived him with promises:" "their coldness in
his cause," he added, "but ill agreed with the confidence which he had
in his own claims, and with the enthusiasm which the loyalty of his
father's brave and faithful subjects had inspired in him." Lochiel
acknowledged the engagements of the chiefs, but remarked that they were
not binding, since his Highness had come without the stipulated aid;
and, therefore, since there was not the least prospect of success, he
advised the Prince to return to France, and reserve himself and his
faithful friends to some more favourable opportunity.
This counsel was
extremely distasteful to Charles Edward; already had the young and
gallant Prince declared to one of the Macdonalds, who had urged the same
opinion, that he did not choose to owe the restoration of his father's
throne to foreigners, but to his own friends, to whom he was now come to
put it in their power to have the glory of that event. He therefore
refused to follow Lochiel's advice, asserting that there could not be a
more favourable moment than the present, when all the British troops
were abroad, and kept at bay by Marshal Saxe. In Scotland, he added,
there were only a few regiments, newly raised, and unused to service.
These could never stand before the brave Highlanders; and the first
advantage gained would encourage his father's friends to declare
themselves, and would ensure foreign aid. He only wanted "the
Highlanders to begin the war."
"Lochiel," to use the
words of Mr. Home, "still resisted, entreating Charles to be more
temperate, and consent to remain concealed where he was, till he (Lochiel)
and his other friends should meet together and concert what was best to
be done." Charles, whose mind was wound up to the utmost pitch of
impatience, paid no regard to this proposal, but answered, that he was
determined to put all to the hazard. "In a few days," said he, "with the
few friends that I have, I will erect the royal standard, and proclaim
to the people of Britain that Charles Stuart is come over to claim the
crown of his ancestors, to win it, or to perish in the attempt: Lochiel,"
continued he, ''who my father has often told me was our firmest friend,
may stay at home, and learn from the newspapers the fate of his Prince;
and so shall every man over whom nature or fortune hath given me any
power." Such was the singular conversation on the result of which
depended peace or war; for it is a point agreed among the Highlanders,
that if Lochiel had persisted in his refusal to take arms, the other
chiefs would not have joined the standard without him. and the spark of
rebellion must have instantly expired.
To the details of this
interview are added others, which somewhat reflect upon the
disinterestedness of Lochiel. They rest, however, upon hearsay evidence;
and, since conversations repeated rarely bear exactly their original
signification, some caution must be given before they are credited: yet,
even if true, one can scarcely condemn a man who is forced into an
enterprise from which he shrinks, screening himself from all the
consequences of defeat, and striving to preserve an inheritance which he
might justly regard as a trust, rather than a property. It must also be
remembered that Donald Cameron was at this time only nominally the
proprietor of the patrimonial estates. The following is the extract from
Bishop Forbes's diary, from which the information is supplied :—
"Leith, Thursday, April
9, 1732 " Alexander Macdonnell, the younger, of Glengary, did me the
honour to dine with me. In the course of conversation, I told young
Glengary, that I had oftener than once, heard the Viscountess Dowager of
Strathallan tell, that Lochiel, junior, had refused to raise a man, or
to make any appearance, till the Prince should give him security for the
full value of his estate, in the event of the attempt proving abortive.
To this young Glengary answered, that it was fact, and that the Prince
himself (after returning from France) had frankly told him as much,
assigning this as the weighty reason why he (the Prince) had shown so
much zeal in providing young Lochiel (preferably to all others) in a
regiment. 'For,' said the Prince, 'I must do the best I can, in my
present circumstances, to keep my word to Lochiel.' Young Glengary told
me, moreover, that Lochiel, junior, (the above bargain with the Prince
notwithstanding,) insisted upon another condition before he would join
in the attempt, which was, that Glengary, senior, should give it under
his hand to raise his clan and join the Prince. Accordingly Glengary,
senior, when applied to upon the subject, did actually give it under his
hand, that his clan should rise under his own second son as colonel, and
MacDonell, of Lochgary, as lieutenant-colonel. Then, indeed, young
Lochiel was gratified in all his demands, and did instantly raise his
clan.
"Glengary, junior,
likewise assured me that Cluny MacPherson, junior, made the same
agreement with the Prince, before he would join the attempt with his
followers, as young Lochiel had done, viz. to have security from the
Prince for the full value of his estate, lest the expedition should
prove unsuccessful; which the Prince accordingly consented unto, and
gave security to said Cluny MacPherson, junior, for the full value of
his estate. Young Glengary declared that he had this from the young
Cluny Mac Pherson's own mouth, as a weighty reason why he, Cluny, would
not part with the money which the Prince had committed to his care and
keeping."
Lochiel, after these
arrangements with the Prince, returned to Achnacarry, in order to
prepare for the undertaking. A deep sadness pervaded his deportment when
he began thus to fulfil his promise to the Prince; but having once,
embarked in the enterprise, he exerted himself with as much zeal and
perseverance as if he had engaged in it with the fall approbation of his
judgment. We cannot wonder at his dejection, for his assent was the
assent of all the clans. It was a point agreed among the Highlanders,
that had Lochiel not proceeded to take arms, the other chiefs would not
have joined the standard without him; and the "spark of rebellion," thus
writes Mr. Home, "must instantly have expired." "Upon this," says an
eye-witness of the Rebellion, "depended the whole undertaking; for had
Lochiel stood out, the Prince must either have returned to France on
board the same frigate that brought him to Scotland, or remained
privately in the Highlands, waiting for a landing of foreign troops. The
event has shown that he would have waited for a long time."
From henceforth the
career of Lochiel was one of activity and of exertions which it must
have been almost melancholy to witness in one whose heart was sorrowing
and foreboding. He arranged his papers and affairs as a man does before
setting out on a journey from which he was not to return, and he
summoned his followers to give aid to a cause which, as Mrs. Grant
remarks, "a vain waste of blood adorned without strengthening." He sent
messengers throughout Lochaber and the adjacent countries in which the
Camerons lived, requiring his chieftains to prepare and to accompany
their chief to Glenfmnin. Before, however, the day appointed had
arrived, a party of the Camerons and the Maodonalds of Keppoch had begun
the war by attacking Captain John Scott, at High Bridge, eight miles
from Fort William. The chief glory of this short but important action is
due to Macdonald of Keppoch; the affair was over when Lochiel with a
troop of Camerons arrived, took charge of the prisoners, and carried
them to his house at Achnaearrj.
On the nineteenth of
August (old style), Lochiel, followed by seven hundred men, marched to
Glen-finnin, where Charles was anxiously awaiting his approach. When the
Prince landed from one of the lakes in the glen, Lochiel was not to be
seen; and the adventurer, entering one of the hovels, waited there two
hours, until the sound of the bagpipes announced the approach of the
Camerons. These brave men who were thus marching to their destiny
advanced in two lines of three men deep, whilst between the lines were
the prisoners taken at High Bridge, unarmed, trophies of the first
victory of the Jacobites. The Camerons were reputed to be as active and
strong and as well skilled in the use of arms as any of the clans of
Scotland, and as little addicted to pilfering as any Highlanders at that
time could be; for Lochiel had taken infinite pains to make them honest,
and had administered justice among them with no little severity. "He
thought," says a writer of the time, "his authority sufficient to keep
his clan in subjection, and never troubled his head whether they obeyed
him out of love or from fear." Lochiel had not been able to prevail upon
any of his brothers-in-law to accompany him, although they wished well
to the undertaking, and, in some instances, afterwards joined it. One
member of his family made, however, a conspicuous figure in the vale of
Glenfinnin.
This was the celebrated
Jenny Cameron, daughter of Cameron of Glendessery, and a kinswoman of
Lochiel. She is reported to have been a widow, and upwards of forty,
according to one account,,—to an other, of fifty years of age. Her
father, whose estate did not exceed in value one hundred and fifty
pounds a year, had endeavoured to improve it by dealing in cattle, a
business frequently followed even by men of good family in the
Highlands. He had been some time dead, and the estate had devolved upon
his grandson, a youth of weak intellect, to whom Miss Cameron acted as
curatrix or guardian. The young man, although then of age, left all
matters of business entirely to his aunt; and she came, therefore, to
the standard of Prince Charles, as the representative of her nephew.
Her appearance, if we are
to accredit contemporary statements, must have been extremely singular.
Having collected a troop of two hundred and fifty men, she marched at
the head of it to the camp at Glenfinnin. She was dressed in a sea-green
riding-habit, with a scarlet lappet, laced with gold; her hair was tied
behind in loose curls, and surmounted with a velvet cap, and a scarlet
feather. She rode a bay gelding, with green furniture, richly trimmed
with gold; in her hand she carried a naked sword instead of a
riding-whip. Her countenance is described as being agreeable, and her
figure handsome; her eyes were fine, and her hair as black as jet. In
conversation she was full of intelligence and vivaeity. The Prince, it
is said, rode out of the lines to receive, her, and to welcome the
addition to his army, and conducted her to a tent with much ceremony. It
was reported that Mrs. Cameron continued in the camp as the commander of
her troop, and accompanied the Prince into England. Put this account is
contradicted by Bishop Forbes. "She was so far," he says, from
accompanying the Prince's army, that she went off with the rest of the
spectators as soon as the army marched; neither did she ever follow the
camp, nor was ever with the Prince but in public when he had his Court
in Edinburgh."
The Prince remained at
Glenfinnin two days, and was observed to be in high spirits. Here he was
presented by Major Macdonell with the first good horse that he had
mounted in Scotland. Charles Edward then marched his little army to
Lochiel, which is about five miles from Glenfinnin, resting first at
Fassefern, the seat of Lochiel's brother, and then proceeded to a
village called Moidh, belonging to Lochiel.
From this time the fate
of Lochiel was inevitably bound up with that of the Prince. At the siege
of Edinburgh he distinguished himself at the head of his Camerons in the
following manner:—When the deputies who were appointed by the town
council to request a further delay from Charles set out in a hackney
coach for Gray's Mill to prevail upon Lord George Murray to second their
application, as the Netherbow Port was opened to let out their coach,
the Camerons, headed by Lochiel, rushed in and took possession of the
city. The brave chief afterwards obtained from Prince Charles the guard
of the city, as he was more acquainted with Edinburgh than the rest of
the Highland chiefs; and his discipline was so exact that the city guns,
persons, and effects were as secure under his care as in the time of
peace. There was indeed some pilfering in the country, but not more than
was to be expected in the neighbourhood of an army of undisciplined
Highlanders.
Lochiel remained in
Edinburgh while the Prince continued there, and witnessed the brief
splendour of the young Chevalier's Court: it is thus described by an
eye-witness:—"The Prince's Court at Holyrood soon became very brilliant.
There were every day, from morning till night, a vast affluence of
well-dressed people. Besides the gentlemen that had joined or come upon
business, or to pay their court, there were a great number of ladies and
gentlemen that came either out of affection or curiosity, besides the
desire of seeing the Prince. There had not been a Court in Scotland for
a long time, and people came from all quarters to see so many novelties.
One would have thought the Ring was already restored, and in peaceable
possession of all the dominions of his ancestors, and that the Prince
had only made a trip to Scotland to show himself to the people and
receive their homage. Such was the splendour of the Court, and such the
satisfaction that appeared in everybody's countenance."
At the battle of Falkirk,
Lochiel was slightly wounded, as well as his brother Archibald.
Throughout that engagement, as well as during the whole of the unhappy
contest of 1745-6, Lochiel distinguished himself by his clemency,
gallantry, and good faith. An incident which happened after the battle
of Falkirk shows the respect paid to the head of the clan.
"While Charles Edward was
standing at an open window at his house in Falkirk, reading a list of
prisoners just presented by Lord Kilmarnock, a soldier in the uniform of
one of King George's regiments made his appearance in the street below.
He was armed with a musket and bayonet, and wore a black cockade in his
hat, as it appeared, by way of defiance. Upon perceiving this, Charles
directed the attention of Lord Kilmarnock, who was standing near him, to
the soldier. Lord Kilmarnock ran down stairs immediately, went up to the
soldier, struck the hat off his head, and set his foot on the black
cockade. At that instant a Highlander came running across the street,
and laid hands on Lord Kilmarnock, and pushed him back. Lord Kilmarnock
pulled out a pistol and presented it at the Highlander's head: the
Highlander drew out his dirk, and pointed it at Lord Kilmarnock's heart.
After remaining in this position a few seconds they were separated: the
man with the dirk took up the hat and put it on the head of the soldier,
who was marched off in triumph by the Highlanders.
This little scene was
explained to some of the bystanders thus: The man in the King's uniform
was a Cameron, who, after the defeat of the Government army, had joined
his clan. He was received with joy by the Camerons, who permitted him to
wear his uniform until others could be procured. The Highlander who
pointed the dirk at Lord Kilmarnock's breast, was the soldier's brother;
the crowd who surrounded him were his kinsmen of the clan. No one, it
was their opinion, "could take that cockade out of the soldier's cap,
except Lochiel himself." Lochiel accompanied the Prince in his
disastrous expedition to Derby.
At the end of February
1746, he was sent with General Stapleton to besiege Fort William. He
left that enterprise when summuned by Charles Edward to assemble, around
his standard on the field of Culloden. On the eventful fourteenth of
April; the day before the battle, Lochiel joined the Prince's army: that
night, the Highlanders, who never pitched a tent, lay among the furze
and trees of Culloden Wood, whilst their young leader slept beneath the
roof of Culloden House.
The following extract
from the Duke of Cumberland's orderly-book shows how closely that able
general and detestable individual had studied the habits of those whom
it was his lot to conquer; and mark also his contempt for the
"Lowlanders and arrant scum" who sometimes made up the lines behind the
Highlanders.
"Field-officer for the
day: to-morrow-Major "Willson The manner of the Highlander's way of
fighting, which there is nothing so easy to resist, if officers and men
are not prepossessed with the lyes and accounts which are told of them.
They commonly form their front rank of what they call their best men, or
true Highlanders, the number of which being allways but few, when they
form in battallions they commonly form four deep, and these Highlanders
form the front of the four, the rest being Lowlanders and arrant scum;
when these battallions come within a large musket-shott, or three-score
yards, this front rank gives their fire and immediately throw down their
firelocks and come down in a cluster with their swords and targets,
making a noise and endeavouring to pearce the body, or battallions
before them. Becoming twelve or fourteen deep by the time they come up
to the people, they attack. The sure way to demolish them is at three
deep to fire by ranks diagonally to the centre where they come, the rear
rank first, and even that rank not to fire till they are within ten or
twelve paces; but if the fire is given at a distance you probably will
be broke, for you never get time to load a second cartridge; and if you
give way, you may give your foot for dead, for they being without a
firelock, or any load, no man with his arms, accoutrements, &c. can
escape them, and they give no quarters; but if you will but observe the
above directions, the are the most despicable enemy that are."
On the following day when
the army, being drawn up on Drumossie Moor, waited in vain till mid-day
for the approach of the enemy, Charles addressed his generals and
chiefs, and proposed to attack the Duke of Cumberland's camp at Nairn
that evening.
His proposal was,
unfortunately for his brave followers, not seconded by the powerful
voice of Lord George Murray. Lochiel, who was not a man given to much
elocution, recommended delay, and urged that the army would be at least
fifteen hundred stronger on the following day. The return of the army to
Culloden, fatigued and famished, between five and six o'clock on the
following morning, was the result of that ill-advised attempt. At eight
o'clock the alarm was given at Culloden House by one of the clan
Cameron, that the Duke's army was in full march towards them.
When the army was formed
into two lines, Lochiel's regiment was placed on the left, next to the
Athole Brigade. The Camerons, with the Maclachlans and Macleans, the
Mackintoshes, the Stuarts, attacked sword in hand. Most of the chiefs
who commanded these five regiments were killed, and Cameron of Lochiel,
advancing at the head of his regiment, was so near Burrol's regiment5
that he had fired his pistol, and was drawing his sword when he fell
wounded with grape-shot in both ankles. His two brothers, afterwards
more unfortunate even than himself, were on each side of him; they
raised him up, and bore him off the field in their arms. The Camerons,
at the field of Culloden, sustained the greatness of their fame; nor
have the imputations which were cast upon other clans, perhaps had a
just foundation of truth. No reliance can be placed upon the opinions of
the English press at the time.
The blood of Cameron of
Lochiel was sought, as Mrs. Grant expresses it, with the "most venomous
perseverance." His own country, to which he was at first removed,
affording him no shelter, he sheltered himself in the Braes of Bannoch.
He suffered long from his wounds, until in June, his friend Clunie
Macpherson brought from Edinburgh a physician,
Sir Stewart Threiplan,
who gave him the benefit of his aid. Meantime the spirit of Lochiel
remained undaunted; and he who had entered into the insurrection
unwillingly, was almost the last to give up the cause. A resolution was
taken on the eighth of May by the chieftains to raise each a body of
men, for the service of the Prince; and the rendezvous was appointed at
Achnacarry on the fifteenth instant. We find a letter addressed by
Lochiel on May the twenty-fifth to the chiefs, accounting for his not
having met them according to promise, by the risk of a surprise, and
recommending them to keep quiet until a promised succour from France.
The letter speaks the language of hope; but whether that was the real
feeling of the writer, or only intended to keep up exertion, cannot be
ascertained. In the postscript Lochiel states his regret that many had
given up their arms without his knowledge. "I cannot," he adds, "take
upon me to direct in this particular, but to give my opinion, and let
every one judge for himself."
During May, Lochiel
continued at Loch Arkeg, preparing for a summer campaign, and
corresponding with Clunie Macpherson and with the treacherous Murray of
Broughton on the subject. He was, at this time, in want of food and
money. "I have scarcely a sufficiency of meal," he writes, "to serve
myself and the gentlemen who are with me for four days, and can get none
to purchase in this country."
After the breaking up of
the scheme of fresh cooperations in May, and when Lochaber was occupied
by the Government troops, Lochiel became anxious to retire to Badenoch.
This district is one of the wildest parts of the Highlands; though
destitute of wood, it afforded shelter in its rocky dens and in the
sides of its rugged hills. Not only did Lochiel desire repose and
safety, but he longed to be beyond the reach of those heartrending
accounts which were ever brought to him of the sufferings of his people,
and of the dwellers in Lochaber. The severities and cruelties of the
military, licensed by the Duke of Cumberland to every atrocity, to use
the simple language of Mr. Forbes, "bore very hard upon him.'' One day
when accounts were brought to Lochiel, in Badenoch, that the poor people
in Lochaber had been so pillaged and harassed that they had really no
necessaries to keep in their lives, Lochiel took out his purse and gave
all the money he could well spare to be distributed among such in
Lochaber. "And," said a friend who was with him, "I remember nothing
better than that Sir Stewart Threipland at that time took out his purse
and gave five guineas, expressing himself in these words: "I am sure
that I have not so much for myself; but then, if I be spared I know
where to get more whereas these poor people know not where to get the
smallest assistance!"
Meantime the news reached
Lochiel of the total destruction of his house at Achnaearrie. Previously
to the demolition of the house, the family had huried or concealed many
things in the earth. The English soldiers, encamping round the smoking
ruins, are said, on tradition, to have actually boiled their kettles at
the foot of each of a fine avenue of plane-trees. The avenue, remains,
and fissures can still be traced running up the stem of each tree. Not a
memorial of the House of Achnacarrie remained. For this, and other acts
of wanton barbarity, the pretext was that the Camerons, as well as other
tribes, had promised to surrender arms at a certain time, but had broken
their word. "His Royal Highness, the Duke of Cumberland," to borrow from
a contemporary writer, "began with the rebels in a gentle, paternal way,
with soft admonitions, with a promise of protection to all the common
people that would bring in their arms, and submit to mercy." Since,
however, some equivocated, and others broke their word, the Duke was
obliged to lay "the rod on more heavy." Fire and sword were therefore
carried through the country of the Camerons; the cattle were driven
away; even the cotter's hut escaped not: The homes of the poor were in
ashes: their sheep and pigs slaughtered: and the wretched inmates of the
huts, flying to the mountains, were found there, some expiring, some
actually dead of hunger. The houses of the clergy were crowded with the
homeless and starving: whole districts were depopulated: the Sabbath was
outraged by acts of destruction, which wounded, in the nicest point, the
feelings of the religious mountaineer; and the goods of the rebels were
publicly auctioned, without any warrant of a civil court. During all
these proceedings, the "jovial Duke," as he was called, was making merry
at Fort Augustus in a manner which, if possible, casts more odium on his
memory even than his atrocious and unpunished cruelties.
Achnacarrie was razed to
the ground. A modern structure, suitable in splendour to the truly noble
family who possess it, has arisen in its place; but no erection can
restore the house of Sir Ewan Dhu, and the home of his "gentle"
grandson, Donald Cameron. As the plunderers ransacked the house, they
found a picture of Lochiel, and one which was accounted a good likeness.
This was given to the soldiers, who were dispatched over Corryarie in
search of the wounded and unfortunate original. On the top of that
mountain the military encountered Macpherson of Urie, who, being of a
fair and pleasing aspect, was mistaken by them for Lochiel.
"Urie," writes Mrs.
Grant, who had the story from himself, "was a Jacobite, and had been
out, as the phrase was then. The soldiers seized him, and assured him he
was a d—d rebel, and that his title was Lochiel. He, in turn, assured
them that he was neither d—d, nor a rebel, nor by any means Lochiel.
When he understood, however, that they were in search of Lochiel, and
going in the very direction where he lay concealed, he gave them reason
finally to suppose he was the person they sought. They returned to Fort
Augustus where the Duke of Cumberland then lay, in great triumph with
their prisoners. Urie, as he expected, from the indulgence of some who
were about the Duke, was very soon set at liberty."
This temporary captivity
of Urie had, however, the effect of allowing Lochiel time to contrive
means of escape from the country. There was one, however, dear to him as
his own life, whose continuance in Scotland ensured that of Lochiel.
This was Prince Charles, who evinced for Lochiel a regard, and displayed
a degree of confidence in his fidelity, which were amply merited by the
tried affection of the chieftain. For nearly three months Lochiel
remained ignorant of the fate of Charles, until the joyful tidings were
brought of his being safe at Loch-Arkeg. Lochiel was at Ben Aulder, a
hill of great circumference in Badenoch, when he received this
intelligence from one of his tenants named Macpherson, who was sent by
Cameron of Clunes to find out Lochiel and Clunie, and to inform them
that their young master was safe.
Upon the return of
Macpherson to Cameron of Clunes, the Prince, being informed where
Lochiel was, sent Lochgarry and Dr. Archibald Cameron with a message to
them. Since it was impossible that Lochiel could go to the Prince on
account of his wounds, it was agreed between Lochiel and these friends,
that Charles should take refuge near Achnacarrie, as the safest place
for him to pass some time; and Dr. Cameron and Lochgarry returned to
Charles to impart the details of this arrangement. The attachment of
Charles to Lochiel was shown in a very forcible manner when he was
informed that the chief was safe and recovering, he expressed the
greatest satisfaction, and fervently returned thanks to God. The
ejaculation of praise and thanksgiving was reiterated three or four
times.
Charles now crossed Loch
Arkeg, and took up his abode in a fir-wood on the west side of the lake,
to await the arrival of Clunie, who had promised to meet him there. The
impatience of the Prince to behold his friends Clunie and Lochiel was so
great, that he set out for Badenoch before Clunie could arrive.
Lochiel had, during the
months of June and July, remained on Ben Auhler, under which name is
comprehended a great chase belonging to Clunie. His dwelling was a
miserable shieling at Mellamir, which contained him and his friend
Macpherson of Breackachie, also his principal servant, Allan Cameron,
and two servants of Clunie. Here Clunie and Lochiel, who were
cousins-german, were chiefly supplied with provisions by Macpherson of
Breackachie, who was married to a sister of Clunie. The secret of their
retreat was known to many persons; but the fidelity of the Highlanders
was such, that though the Earl of Loudon had a military post not many
miles from Ben Aulder, he had not the slightest knowledge of the place
of Lochiel's concealment. The same high principle which guarded Prince
Charles in his wanderings, and resisted the temptation of a large
reward, protected Lochiel in his retirement.
In this he was found by
the Prince, who had missed Clunie, and had gradually made his way
through Badenoch to the Braes of Bannoch, accompanied by five persons.
"When Lochiel from his hut beheld a party approaching, ail armed, he
concluded that a troop of militia were coming to seize him. Lame as he
was, it was in vain to think of retreating: he held a short conference
with his friends, and then resolved to receive the supposed assailants
with a general discharge of fire-arms. He had twelve firelocks and some
small pistols in the botine or hut; these were all made ready, the
pieces levelled, and planted; and Lochiel and his friends trusted to
getting the better of the searchers, whose number did not exceed their
own. Thus Charles Edward, after the unparalleled dangers of his recent
wanderings, ran a risk of being hilled by one of his most devoted
adherents! "But," observes Clunie, in relating this circumstance, "the
auspicious hand of God, and his providence, so apparent at all times in
the preservation of his Royal Highness, prevented those within from
firing at the Prince and his four attendants, for they came at last so
near that they were known by those within."
It was, indeed, no
difficult matter to discern in the person of Charles Edward the handsome
and princely youth who had presided over the Courrt at Holyrood. He had
discarded the old black kilt, philibeg, and waistcoat which he had worn
at Loch Arkeg, for a coarse, brown, short coat: a new article of dress,
such as a pair of shoes and a new shirt, had lately replenished his
wardrobe. He had a long red beard, and wore a pistol and dirk by his
side, carrying always a gun in his hand. Yet "the young Italian," as the
Whigs delighted to call him, had braved the rigours of his fate, and
thriven beneath the severities of the Scottish climate, His spirits were
good; his frame, originally slender, had become robust: he had fared in
the rudest manner, and had acquired the faculty of sleeping soundly,
even with the dread of a surprise ever before him.
Lochiel, on the other
hand, was lame, and had suffered long from his close quarters, and from
anxiety and sorrow. Tradition has brought down to us the accounts of the
chief's personal beauty. Though fair, lie was not effeminate; his
countenance was regular and expressive. But those attributes which
completed the romance of Lochiel's character must have been almost
obliterated during these months of trial, infirm health, and uncured
wounds. His spirit was not yet subdued. Eventually that noble heart was
broken by all that it had endured, but, at that epoch of his eventful
life, it still throbbed with hope.
When Lochiel perceived
that it was Charles Edward who approached, he made the best of his way,
though lame, to receive his Prince. "The joy at this meeting," writes
Clunie, "is much easier to be conceived than described." Lochiel
attempted to kneel. "Oh no, my dear Lochiel!" cried the Prince.; "we do
not know who may be looking from the top of yonder hills: and if they
see any such motions, they will conclude that I am here." Lochiel then
shewed him into his habitation, and gave him the best welcome that he
could: The Prince, followed by his retinue, among whom were the two
outlaws, or " broken men," who had succoured him, and whom he had
retained in his service, entered the hut.* A repast, almost amounting to
a feast in the eyes of these fugitives, was prepared for them, having
been brought by young Breackachie. It consisted of a plentiful supply of
mutton; an anker of whiskey, containing twenty Scots' pints; some good
beef sausages, made the year before; with plenty of butter and cheese,
besides a well-cured ham. The Prince pledged his friends in a hearty
dram; and frequently (perhaps, as the event showed, too frequently)
called for the same inspiring toast again. When some minced collops were
dressed with butter, in a large saucepan always carried about with them,
by Clunie and Lochiel, Charles Edward, partaking heartily of that
incomparable dish, exclaimed, "Now, gentlemen, I live like a prince."
"Have you," he said to Lochiel, "always fine I so well here?" "Yes,
sir," replied the chief; "for three months, since I have been here with
my cousin Clunie, he has provided me so well, that I have had plenty of
such as you see. I thank Heaven your Highness has been spared to take a
part!"
On the arrival of Clunie
two days afterwards, the royal fugitive and his friend Lochiel removed
from Mellamur, and went two miles further into Ben Aulder, until they
reached a shiel called Fiskchiboa, where the hut was peculiarly wretched
and smoky; "yet his Royal Highness," as Clunie related, "put up with
everything." Here they remained for two or three nights, and then went
to a habitation still two miles further into Ben Aulder, fur no less
remote retreat was thought secure. This retreat was prepared by Clunie,
and obtained the name of the Cage. "It was," as he himself relates, "a
great curiosity, and can scarcely be described to perfection." It is
best to give the account of the edifice which he had himself
constructed, in Macpherson's own words. "It was situated in the face of
a very rough, high, and rocky mountain, called Lettemriekk, still a part
of Ben Aulder, full of great stones and crevices, and some scattered
wood interspersed. The habitation called the Cage, in the face of that
mountain, was within a small but thick wood. There were first some rows
of trees laid down, in order to level a floor for the habitation; and,
as the place was steep, this raised the lower side to an equal height
with the other; and these trees, in the way of joists or planks, were
levelled with earth or gravel, There were betwixt the trees, growing
naturally on their own roots, some stakes fixed in the earth, which,
with the trees, were interwoven with ropes, made of heath or
birch-twigs, up to the top of the Cage, it being of a round or rather
oval shape, and the whole thatched and covered over with bog. This whole
fabric hung, as it were, by a large tree, which reclined from the one
end, all along the roof to the other, and which gave it the name of the
Cage; and by chance there happened to be two stones, at a small distance
from one another, in the side next the precipice, resembling the pillars
of a chimney, where the fire was placed. The smoke had its vent out
here, all along the face of the rock, which was so much of the same
colour that one could discover no difference in the clearest day. The
Cage was up larger than to contain six or seven persons, four of whom
were frequently employed playing at cards, one idle looking on, one
baking, and another fixing bread and cooking."
Charles and Lochiel
remained six or seven days in this seclusion, which was one of several
to which Clunie was in the habit of retiring, never even informing his
wife or his most attached friends whither he was going. But the
deliverance of the Prince and Lochiel was now at hand. Several small
vessels had arrived from France, and touched on the west coast,
expressly to carrry away the Prince, but not being able to find him out,
they had returned. By the fidelity of the Highlanders and the connection
between every member of the different clans, the Prince had been able to
keep up a continual communication with persons on the coast, without
discovery. Tins was managed by some of his adherents skulking near the
shore; and though they knew not where Charles was, yet they conveyed the
intelligence to others, who imparted it to persons in the interior, w ho
again told it to those who were acquainted with the obscure place of his
retreat. At last two French vessels, l'Heureux and la Princesse de
Conti, departed under the command of Colonel "Warren, from St. Malo, and
arrived at Loclmarmagh early in September. This event was communicated
to Cameron of Clunes, who, on the other hand, learned where the Prince
was from a poor woman. A messenger was immediately dispatched to the
Cage, and he reached that place on the thirteenth of September. Charles
Edward and Lochiel now prepared to bid Scotland a final adieu. Notices
were sent round by the Prince to different friends who might choose to
avail themselves of this opportunity of escape ; and it was intimated to
them that they might join him if they were, inclined.
The place of embarkation
was Borodale, whence Charles had first summoned Lochiel to support his
cause. The party travelled only by night, and were six days on their
road. They were joined by Glengarry, John Roy Stewart, Dr. Cameron, and
a number of other adherents. On the twentieth of September they left
Lochnarmagh, and had a fair passage to the coast of France. The Prince
had intended to sail direct for Isantes, but he altered his course in
order to escape Admiral Lestoch's squadron; and after being chased by
two men-of-war, he landed at Morlaix, in Lower Bretagne, in a thick fog,
on the twenty-ninth of September.
Lochiel was accompanied
in his flight to France by his wife, the faithful and affectionate
associate of his exile. His eldest son was left in the charge of his
brother Cameron, of Fassefern. In Paris Lochiel found his father, who
was then eighty years of age; and to this aged chief the Prince paid the
well-merited compliment of placing him in the same carriage with himself
and Lord Lewis Gordon, when he first went to the Court of Louis the
Fifteenth in state. The Prince was followed on that occasion by a number
of his friends, both in coaches and on horseback. Lord Ogilvy, Lord
Elcho, and the Prince's secretary Kelly, preceded the royal carriage:
the younger Lochiel and several gentlemen followed on horseback. Amid
this noble train of brave men, the, Prince appeared pre-eminent in the
splendour of his dress. A coat of rose-coloured velvet, lined with
silver tissue, presented a singular contrast to the brown short coat in
winch some of his adherents had formerly seen him. His waistcoat was of
gold brocade with a spangled fringe, set out in scollops, and the white
cockade in his hat was studded with diamonds. The order of St. Andrew
and the George on his breast were adorned with the same jewels: "he
glittered," as an eye-witness observed, "all over like the star which
they tell you appeared at his nativity." But all this display, and the
feigned kindness of his reception, were but the prelude to a heartless
abandonment of his cause on the part of Louis the Fifteenth.
Lochiel was, eventually,
provided fur by the French Monarch. He was made Colonel of a French
regiment, and having a peculiar faculty of attaching others to him, he
soon became beloved by those under his command. The Prince showed him
affectionate respect; and, blessed in the society of his wife, and in a
daughter whom he called Donalda, Lochiel might have passed the rest of
his days in tranquil submission to the course of events: but his heart
yearned for Scotland; he could not give up the hopes of another
expedition, which he desired to undertake with any force that could be
collected. Cherishing this scheme, the coldness of the Court of France,
and the rashness of the Prince, gave great sorrow to his harassed mind.
Soon after his arrival in Paris he opened a correspondence with the
Chevalier St. George, and represented to him that the misfortunes which
had befallen the cause were not irretrievable, and that if ten regiments
only could be landed in Scotland before the depopulating system adopted
by the English Government had taken effect, an insurrection might again
he raised with good grounds for the hope of success.
Still hoping thus to
return to his country, and again to take arms in her service, as he
deemed it, it was long before Lochiel consented to accept the command of
the French regiment, "intending still,'' as he said, "to share the fate
of his people." "I told his Royal Highness," he wrote to the Chevalier
St. George, "that Lord Ogilvy or others might incline to make a figure
in France, but my ambition was to save the crown and serve my country,
or perish with it. His Royal Highness said, he was doing all he could,
but persisted in his resolution to procure me a regiment. If it is
obtained, I shall accept it out of respect to the Prince; but I hope
your Majesty will approve of the resolution I have taken to share in the
fate of the people I have undone, and, if they must be sacrificed, to
fall along with them. This is the only way I can free, myself from the
reproach of their blood, and show the disinterested zeal with which I
have lived, and shall dye.
"Your Majesty's most
humble, most obedient, and most faithful servant."
When Prince Charles,
disheartened at the growing indifference of the French Court to his
interests, contemplated leaving Paris, Lochiel objected to a proposal
which seemed to imply an abandonment of the cause which he had pledged
himself to support. His representations to the Prince were ineffectual,
for a stronger influence had arisen to baffle the endeavours of
Charles's friends; and he was under the sway of one who was, not
inaptly, termed "his Delilah." He left Paris and arrived at Avignon, to
which place Lochiel addressed to him a letter full of the most cogent
reasons why he should not leave Paris. From his arguments it appears
that the English Jacobites had expressed their willingness to rise, had
the Prince either supplied them with arms or brought them troops to
support them.
"For Heaven's sake, sir,"
wrote Lochiel, "be pleased to consider these circumstances with the
attention that their importance deserves; and that your honour, your
essential Interest, the preservation of the royal cause, and the
bleeding state of your suffering friends, require of you. Let me beg of
your Royal Highness, in the most humble and earnest manner, to reflect
that your reputation must suffer in the opinion of all mankind, if there
should be room to suppose that you had slighted or neglected any
possible means of retrieving your affairs."
These remonstrances were
at last so far effectual, that Charles returned to Paris, and was only
again removed from that capital by force.
The spirit of Lochiel was
meantime broken by the mournful tidings which reached him of the death
of friends on the scaffold, the cruelties enacted in Scotland, and, more
than all, of the Act which took effect in August 1747, disarming the
Highlanders and restraining the use of the Highland garb. By this
statute it was made penal to wear the national costume: a first offence
was punished with six months' imprisonment; a second, with
transportation for seven years. Such were the efforts made to break the
union of a fiery but faithful people, and such the attempt to produce a
complete revolution in the national habits!
Many were the projects
which amused the exiled Jacobites into hopes that ended in bitter
disappointment, and many the fleeting visions of a restoration of the
Stuarts. During one of these brief chimeras, Lochiel and Clunie visited
Charles at a retreat on the Upper Rhine, whither he had retired after
the perfidious imprisonment at the Castle of Pncennes. They found the
Prince sunk in the lassitude which succeeds a long course of exciting
events, and of smothered but not subdued misery. The visit yielded to
neither party satisfaction. Charles was deaf to the remonstrances of
Lochiel, and Lochiel beheld his Prince wholly devoted to Miss Walkinshaw
and her daughter, afterwards Countess of Albany, and completely under
the influence of his mistress, who was regarded by Lochiel and Clunie as
a spy of Hanover.
Lochiel left the Prince,
and they never met again. The health of the chief began to decline; his
malady was a mental one, and admitted of no cure but a return to those
vassals who had been so faithful and so much attached to him, and to
friends with whose misfortunes he seems to have blamed himself. Of the
affection of the clansmen he received frequent proofs. "The estates of
Lochiel," says Mrs. Grant, "were forfeited like others, and paid a
moderate rate to the Crown, such as they had formerly given to their,
chief. The domain formerly occupied by the Laird was taken on his behoof
by his brother. The tenants brought each a horse, cow, colt, or heifer,
as a free-will offering, till this ample grazing-farm was as well
stocked as formerly. Not content with this, they sent a yearly tribute
of affection to their beloved chief, independent of the rents they paid
to the commissioners for the forfeited estates. Lochiel's lady and her
daughters once or twice made a sorrowful pilgrimage among their friends
and tenants. These last received them with a tenderness and respect
which seemed augmented by the adversity into which they were plunged."
At last the suffering
spirit was released, Lochiel is conjectured to have died about the year
1760, and is generally thought to have sunk under the pressure of
hopeless sorrow, or, to use the words of one who spoke from tradition.
"of a broken heart." His daughter Donalda, who was about fourteen at the
time of his death, had attached herself so fondly to her father, that
after his decease she pined away, and never recovered. She died soon
after her father, and the mother did not long survive her daughter.
Never, perhaps, did a
brave and unfortunate man sink to rest more honoured by society at
large, more admired and respected by his friends, more revered by his
vassals, than the gentle Lochiel, The beauty of his character showed
itself also in the close ties of domestic life: and in some of these,
more particularly as a brother, his warm and constant affections were
destined to be severely wounded. He felt deeply the banishment of his
brother Cameron of Fassefern; and still more severely the cruel fate of
another brother, Dr. Archibald Cameron. The fate of that young man, who
attended Charles Edward in most of his wanderings, presents, indeed, one
of the saddest episodes of this melancholy period. Dr. Cameron, after
sharing the dangers which the Prince ran, and following him to France,
returned to Scotland in 1749. Charles Edward had left a large sum of
money in the charge of Macpherson of Clunie, upon leaving Scotland; and
Dr. Cameron was privy to the concealment of the money, he visited Clunie,
and obtained from him six thousand louis-d'ors, for which, however,
Clunie took Dr. Cameron's receipt. In 1753, Dr. Cameron made another
visit, which is conjectured to have had a similar object. The money was
concealed near Loch Arkeg, to the amount of twenty-two thousand
louis-d'ors. Some degree of obscurity rests upon this transaction, which
undoubtedly throws a degree of discredit on the memory of Dr. Cameron.
Among the. Stuart papers there is a letter from Mr. Ludovick Cameron to
Prince Charles, alluding to the "misfortune" of his nephew, Dr. Cameron,
in taking away a good round sum of his Highness's money, and clearing
himself from the imputation." This proves that there was no commission,
as it has been suggested, to Dr. Cameron, but that the transaction was
regarded in a disgraceful light, even by the relative of the unfortunate
young man.
A severe retribution
awaited the offender, who intended, it is said, to enter into a
mercantile concern at Glasgow with the money thus procured. He was taken
prisoner in the house of Stewart of Glenbuckie, by a party of soldiers
from the garrison at Inversnaid. He was carried to London, arraigned
upon the Act of Attainder in 1715, in which his name was included, and
sentenced to the death of a traitor. His wife, who then resided at
Lisle, hurried to London to proffer fruitless petitions for mercy.
Whatever may have been Dr. Cameron's errors, his death was worthy of the
name he bore, and he sustained his fate with calmness and resignation.
Seven children were left to deplore his loss. The Chevalier St. George,
kindly passing over his fault, wrote of him in these terms. "I am a
stranger to the motives which carried poor Archibald Cameron into
Scotland; but whatever they may have been, his fate gives me the more
concern, as I own I could not bring myself to believe that the English
Government would carry their rigour so far." The French Government
settled a pension of one thousand five hundred livres upon Mrs. Cameron,
and an annual allowance of two hundred livres to each of her sons, who
were in their service. The unfortunate Dr. Cameron was buried in the
Savoy in London. The family of the man who betrayed him is said, in the
Highlands, to have been visited with a severe retribution, having, ever
since, had one of its members an idiot. Such is the notion of
retributive justice in the Highlands.
The death of this
brother, and still more the stain upon the honour of Dr. Cameron, must
have added greatly to the burden of sorrow which fell so heavily upon
Lochiel. His son was, however, spared for some years, and was cherished
by the Scots as the representative of their ancient chiefs. He was, it
is true, what they called a "landless laird," yet the clansmen paid him
all the honours due to the eldest son of Lochiel. He received a good
education, and was prevented by his friends frrom taking any part in the
various schemes set on foot at certain intervals for the return of
Charles. He married at an early age. Government was at that time engaged
in levying men for the American war, and found it convenient to use the
influence of the clans for that purpose; Lochiel was offered a company
in General Fraser's regiment, the seventy-first, provided he could raise
it among his clan. Poor and broken as they were, the clansmen, true to
their bond of fidelity, mustered around their landless laird; and
Lochiel marched at the head of' his company to Glasgow, in order to
embark for America.
It happened that whilst
here, he was taken ill of the measles, a disorder which prevented his
marching. It was therefore arranged that the first lieutenant should
take his place. When, on the point of marching to Greenock in order to
embark, the clansmen discovered this, they laid down their arms,
declaring that they had not engaged with King George, but with Lochiel;
and they refused to move. The chief hearing of this dilemma, ill as he
was, arose, dressed himself, and went down to his people He harangued
them, and represented that unless they went on board, their conduct
would be imputed to disaffection, and might injure, if not kill his
interests. The men immediately took up their arms, huzzaed their chief,
and began to march. The result is melancholy. Enfeebled by this effort,
Lochiel again took to his bed; the day on which he had made this fatal
exertion was a raw November morning. He never recovered from that
exposure, but died in a few days afterwards.
Most of the company of
Camerons perished in the contest which ensued. There during the American
war was General Fraser's regiment renewed. Such was the devotion of this
gallant race of men to their chief; and such were the services which
those whose fathers had fought at Culloden, devoted to the cause of the
English Monarch.
Late in the eighteenth
century, the estates of Lochiel were restored to the grandson of Lochiel;
and the descendants of that race, in which so much honour, such
disinterested exertion, such kindness and heroism existed, are again the
Lords of Achnacarry.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
Memoirs of Sir
Ewen Cameron of Locheill |