The deistical school which in religion, philosophy and
literature had set the fashion in the eighteenth century, was brought to a
dramatic end by the French Revolution. At first sight there seems no
connection between the calm, frigid, self-centred life which was the ideal
of the eighteenth-century Humanists, and the fierce, tumultuous
self-abandonment which characterized the Revolution, and yet they stand
related as cause and effect. The Revolution on the intellectual side was the
necessary harvest of the seed sown by the Humanist thinkers. Nay, more, the
French Revolution drew its inspiration intellectually largely from English
sources. In the writings of English and Scottish expounders of Deism were
the germs of views of man and society which had only to be passionately
adopted by a people of a logical turn of mind in order to bring about a
social convulsion of the most startling kind. The note of Deism was the
all-sufficiency of man apart from supernatural aid, and consequently denial
of the Calvinistic dogma of the natural depravity of man. For a time these
views were contentedly held in harmony with Toryism and found expression in
Pope's famous phrase, "Whatever is is best." But when Deism, as in the case
of Burns, came into contact with the realities of life, what may be called
Tory Quietism was seen to be absurd. If man was naturally good how was the
misery of the world to be accounted for? Clearly it was owing to bad
institutions. And then we find in the writings of men like Godwin, the
poetic discontent of Burns united to a fierce revolutionary political spirit
spreading to France, where existing political and social institutions were
notoriously out of harmony with the elementary principles of justice. The
revolutionary spirit kindled a world-wide conflagration, and in doing so
created a violent reaction against the fundamental ideas of the Humanist
school. Out of this reaction sprang new conceptions of religion, of man and
society, conceptions which coloured the literature of Scotland and
determined the line of its development in the nineteenth century.
It is worthy of notice that, while Scotland's literature
in the eighteenth century bore the impress of France, in the reaction which
followed the Revolution it bore the impress of Germany. The German mind, as
was seen in the case of Goethe, had a strong antipathy to the dreary
Materialism of the French thinkers. To escape from it, and from the dreary
political and social conditions of the time, the German genius sought refuge
in Romanticism in literature, and Idealism in philosophy. These new
influences came to Scotland through two writers widely different in genius
and temperament— Walter Scott and Thomas Carlyle. Scott began his literary
career by translating Burger's Lenore, a spectre ballad, as it has
been called, of the violent kind. He also translated Burger's The Wild
Huntsman and Gotz von Berlichingen—pieces which fired his blood
and inspired him with the idea of finding in his native land materials for
his romantic genius.
It would be manifestly out of place here to enter into
criticism of Scott's poems and novels in detail. Sufficient for the present
purpose to note that under the inspiration of the Romantic spirit Scott
entirely changed the current of Scotland's literary thought. It was a
protest against the revolutionary conception of man and society. As
Professor Dowden puts it, with thinkers of the Godwin type, man was denuded
of all distinctions. "Man is not conceived as growing out of the past: the
heritage from former generations is a heritage of superstition, tyranny,
unreason; it exists only to be relinquished or destroyed. The year One has
arrived; and the whole world is to be reconstructed, without reference to
inheritance or accumulated tendencies on the principles of Reason." We know
how furiously Burke fought against this theory, and how valiantly he pleaded
for recognition of the truth which to-day finds scientific expression in
evolution, that of the continuity of humanity amid great diversities of
governments, customs and civilizations. The truths to which Burke gave
philosophical expression Scott brought home to the world in a succession of
poems and novels which have long since established themselves in the front
rank of imaginative literature. From those regions traduced by the
revolutionary thinkers as regions of unreason and superstition, Scott by his
magic wand summoned new worlds, and in so doing opened up new intellectual
fountains of delight for a humanity which was sick unto death of
materialistic theories of man and utilitarian theories of society.
Carlyle has made it a complaint against Scott that he was
content with being a mere story-teller, that he had no message to his day
and generation. The criticism is not quite fair. In Scott's day there were
too many writers with messages. There were theological, philosophical and
literary messengers all putting forth their theories of man and his destiny,
too often regardless of the real, living, historical man. It was Scott's
mission to lift men's minds away from theories and abstractions, and bring
them into direct contact with real living men. What Burns did for Nature,
Scott did for humanity. Burns drove from the field of poetry the artificial
sentiments and mythological conceits of classicism; and Scott banished from
the field of history the superficial conceptions of a shallow philosophy and
revealed humanity not as an assemblage of serfs, brutalized by two kindred
despots— the king and the priest—but as members of a social order, rough in
texture it is true, but linked together by feelings not entirely ignoble and
frequently illuminated by the chivalrous and the heroic. On his limitations
it is not necessary to dwell. The aim here is chiefly to trace the influence
which Scott exerted upon the literature of his country. The total impression
of that influence is well summed up in the words of Professor Masson:
"Remembering all that Scott has left us—those imperishable tales and
romances which no subsequent successes in the British literature of fiction
have superseded, and by the genius of which our little 'land of brown heath
and shaggy wood,' formerly of small account in the world, has become a dream
and fascination for all the leisurely of all the nations—need we cease from
thinking him in juxtaposition, or on a level at least, with England's
greatest man, the whole world's greatest man, of the literary order, or
abandon the habit of speaking of Sir Walter Scott as our Scottish
Shakespeare?"
Nor must we overlook the great influence of Scott in
European literature. As the author of the History of Comparative
Literature says: "The author of the Waverley Novels was for
France, as well as England, the founder of the modern novel; he was also one
of the reformers of historical writings. Before his time it lacked the
dramatic and the picturesque elements. His influence became European, and
had its effect in different ways on Manzoni in Italy, Foque in Germany, and
in France on Victor Hugo, Alexandre Dumas, De Vigny, Merimee, and Balzac and
his successors."
From Germany came, through Carlyle, another influence
very different from that of Scott's to give a new direction to Scottish
literature. Under the spell of the French Revolution original thinking had
been well-nigh suppressed. The Edinburgh Review held aloft the torch
of literary criticism, but its standards were conventional, and its stimulus
to creative thought was slight. Any deep thoughts about man and his destiny
the Whig writers had they kept to themselves—hence the singular absence in
all their writings of any reference to fundamental questions. Now no great
writing is possible unless men are willing to put into it their deepest
thoughts about the great problems of existence, and thus till the advent of
Carlyle Scottish literature has no distinctive mark. The writers of the
Whigs preserved a judicious silence on all questions bordering on theology
and philosophy. Overawed by the Evangelical party, who, as the result of the
French Revolution, had ousted the Moderates in popular influences, the Whigs
confined their speculations mainly to political, social and literary
questions, and to these they brought no great depth of speculative thought.
Their standards of criticism were, for the most part,
conventional. Everything mystical, transcendental and visionary, had to be
tried at the bar of worldly common sense, and at that bar was contemptuously
dismissed as unworthy of the regard of practical man. In vain the Calvinists
thundered the old soul-stirring doctrine of their creed. The men of letters
passed by on the other side. Their ideal was a social state in which ruled a
well-ordered secularity, in which the deeper passions of the soul and all
broodings on the mysterious side of life were sternly kept under control.
Carlyle differed entirely from the Whigs on this point. A
Covenanter in temperament, he had the Calvinist tendency to lose himself in
contemplation of the Infinite. Man's chief end, in his eyes, did not
consist, as it did with the Whig school, in advancing the cause of social
order and individual freedom, but in reaching some kind of solution of the
great Mystery of Existence which would throw light upon man's relation to
God, the universe, and destiny. In form, Carlyle's answers to the great
question differed entirely from those of the Scottish Evangelicals, but in
spirit he was entirely with them in their protest against the tone and
ideals of the Secular school. Scott lifted the minds of his generation away
from the meagre utilitarianism of his day by his pictures of a past filled
by heroic deeds and soul-stirring episodes. Carlyle tore aside the veil of
prosaic conventionality which the devotees of secularity had woven round the
nature of man, and revealed man to himself as a being whose thoughts and
passions, refusing to be limited by the known, wandered among the Infinite.
Under the spell of the Age of Reason man and his dwelling-place had been
stripped of all mystery. Unable to accept the theories of the Church, the
thinkers and early writers of the early years of the nineteenth century
rested contentedly in a theory of man and Nature in which the supernatural
had no place. With them descriptive analysis of man and Nature was accepted
as explanation, and where science appeared the old religious emotions of
wonder and worship were supposed to flee away.
One has only to open Sartor Resartus to see that
Carlyle brought into Scottish literature an order of thought and emotions
which by their revolutionary nature were calculated to break down the
commonplace creed of the Jeffreys, the Macaulays, who had been nurtured on
the barren philosophy of Secularism. Carlyle is sometimes spoken of as an
importer of German Transcendentalism—a kind of Scottish Coleridge. Had
Carlyle been no more than that, his influence would have been evanescent. In
Carlyle blended two qualities which made his influence on Scottish literary
development far-reaching—the Covenanting spirit and the German philosophic
spirit. It is open to doubt how far Carlyle improved upon the methods and
results of his Covenanting forefathers. He shared with them their soul-torturings,
but he did not seem to have gained, like them, those visions of the Islands
of the Blest where their spirits in times of direst earthly distresses found
rest and peace. Apart from that, Carlyle's methods had a revolutionary
effect on the thought of his time. If we have a profounder conception of
history than that of Macaulay; if our critical standards in literature are
immeasurably higher than those of Jeffrey; if our social ideals strike a
more humanitarian note than those of the old economists; if our philosophy
is more idealistic than that of the systems which were popularized by the
Moderate school; if, in a word, the Scottish thought of to-day has burst its
narrow parochial bonds—to Thomas Carlyle is mainly due the honour of the
great transformation.