|
Sir William Johnson thoroughly gained the good graces
of the Iroquois Indians, and by the part he took against the French at
Crown Point and Lake George, in 1755, added to his reputation at home and
abroad. For his services to the Crown he was made a baronet and voted
£5000 by the British parliament, besides being paid £600 per annum as
Indian agent, which he retained, until his death in 1774.
He also received a grant of one hundred
thousand acres of land north of the Mohawk. In 1743 he built Fort Johnson,
a stone dwelling, on the same side of the river, in what is now Montgomery
county. A few miles farther north, in 1764, he built Johnson Hall, a
wooden structure, and there entertained his Indian bands and white
tenants, with rude magnificence, surrounded by his mistresses, both white
and red. He had dreams of feudal power, and set about to realize it. The
land granted to him by the king, he had previously secured from the
Mohawks, over whom he had gained an influence greater than that ever
possessed heretofore or since by a white man over an Indian tribe. The
tract of land thus gained was long known as "Kingsland," or the "Royal
Grant." The king had bound Sir William to him by a feudal tenure of a
yearly rental of two shillings and six pence for each and every one
hundred acres. In the same manner Sir William bound to himself his tenants
to whom he granted leases. In order to secure the greatest obedience he
deemed it necessary to secure such tenants as differed from the people
near him in manners, language, and religion, and that class trained to
whom the strictest personal dependence was perfectly familiar. In all this
he was highly favored. He turned his eyes to the Highlands of Scotland,
and without trouble, owing to the dissatisfied condition of the people and
their desire to emigrate, he secured as many colonists as he desired, all
of whom were of the Roman Catholic faith. The agents having secured the
requisite number, embarked, during the month of August,
1773,
for America.
A journal of the period states that
"three gentlemen of the name of Macdonell, with their families, and
400 Highlanders from the counties
(1) of Glengarry, Glenmorison,
Urquhart, and Strathglass lately embarked for America, having obtained a
grant of land in Albany." [Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 30, 1773.]
This extract appears to have been
copied from the Courant
of August 28th, which stated they
had "lately embarked for America." This would place their arrival on the
Mohawk some time during the latter part of the following September, or
first of October. The three gentlemen above referred to were Macdonell of
Aberchalder, Leek, and Collachie, and also another, Macdonell of Scotas.
Their fortunes had been shattered in "the 45," and in order to mend them
were willing to settle in America. They made their homes in what was then
Tryon county, about thirty miles from Albany, then called Kingsborough,
where now is the thriving town of Gloversville. To certain families tracts
were allotted varying from one hundred to five hundred acres, all
subjected to the feudal system.
Having reached the places assigned
them the Highlanders first felled the trees and made their rude huts of
logs. Then the forest was cleared and the crops planted amid the stumps.
The country was rough, but the people did not murmur. Their wants were few
and simple. The grain they reaped was carried on horseback along Indian
trails to the landlord’s mills. Their women became accustomed to severe
outdoor employment, but they possessed an indomitable spirit, and bore
their hardships bravely, as became their race. The quiet life of the
people promised to become permanent. They became deeply attached to the
interests of Sir William Johnson, who, by consummate tact soon gained a
mastery over them. He would have them assemble at Johnson Hall that they
might make merry; encourage them in Highland games, and invite them to
Indian councils. Their methods of farming were improved under his
supervision; superior breeds of stock sought for, and fruit trees planted.
But Sir William, in reality, was not with them long; for, in the autumn of
1773, he visited England, returning in the succeeding spring, and dying
suddenly at Johnson Hall on June 24th, following.
Troubles were rising beneath all the
peaceful circumstances enjoyed by the Highlanders, destined to become
severe and oppressive under the attitude of Johnson’s son and son-in-law
who were men of far less ability and tact than their father. The spirit of
democracy penetrated the valley of the Mohawk, and open threats of
opposition began to be heard. The Acts of the Albany Congress of 1774
opened the eyes of the people to the possibilities of strength by united
efforts. Just as the spirit of independence reached bold utterance Sir
William died. He was succeeded in his title, and a part of his estates by
his son John. The dreams of Sir William vanished, and his plans failed in
the hands of his weak, arrogant, degenerate son. Sir John hesitated,
temporized, broke his parole, fled to Canada, returned to ravage the lands
of his countrymen, and ended by being driven across the border.
The death of Sir William made Sir
John commandant of the militia of the Province of New York. Colonel Guy
Johnson became superintendent of Indian affairs, with Colonel Daniel
Claus, Sir William’s son-in-law, for assistant. The notorious
Thayendanegea (Joseph Brant) became secretary to Guy Johnson. Nothing but
evil could be predicated of such a combination; and Sir John was not slow
to take advantage of his position, when the war cloud was ready to burst.
As early as March 16, 1775, decisive action was taken, when the grand
jury, judges, justices, and others of Tryon county, to the number of
thirty-three, among whom was Sir John, signed a document, expressive of
their disapprobation of the act of the people of Boston for the
"outrageous and unjustifiable act on the private property of the India
Company," and of their resolution "to bear faith and true allegiance to
their lawful Sovereign King George the Third." [Am. Archives, Fourth
Series, Vol. II. p. 151.] It is a noticeable feature that not one of the
names of Highlanders appears on the paper. This would indicate that they
were not a factor in the civil government of the county.
On May 18, 1775, the
Committee of Palatine District, Tryon county, addressed the Albany
Committee of Safety, in which they affirm:
"This County has,. for a series of
years, been ruled by one family, the different branches of which are still
strenuous in dissuading people from coming into Congressional measures,
and even have, last week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk District,
appeared with all their dependants armed to oppose the people considering
of their grievances; their number being so large, and the people unarmed,
struck terror into most of them, and they dispersed. We are informed that
Johnson-Hall is fortifying by placing a parcel of swivel-guns round the
same, and that Colonel Johnson has had parts of his regiment of Militia
under arms yesterday, no doubt with a design to prevent the friends of
liberty from publishing their attachment to the cause to the world.
Besides which we are told that about one hundred and fifty Highlanders,
(Roman Catholicks) in and about Johnstown, are armed and ready to march
upon the like occasion."
In order to allay the feelings
engendered against them Guy Johnson, on May 18th, wrote to the Committee
of Schenectady declaring "my duty is to promote peace," and on the 20th to
the Magistrates of Palatine, making the covert threat "that if the Indians
find their council fire disturbed, and their superintendent insulted, they
will take a dreadful revenge. The last letter thoroughly aroused the
Committee of Tryon county, and on the 21st stated, among other things:
"That Colonel Johnson’s conduct in
raising fortifications round his house, keeping a number of Indians and
armed men constantly about him, and stopping and searching travelers upon
the King’s highway, and stopping our communication with Albany, is very
alarming to this County, and is highly arbitrary, illegal, oppressive, and
unwarrantable; and confirms us in our fears, that his design is to keep us
in awe, and oblige us to submit to a state of Slavery."
On the 23rd the Albany Committee warned Guy Johnson
that his interference with the rights of travelers would no longer
be tolerated. So flagrant had been the conduct of the
John-sons that a sub-committee of the city and
county of Albany addressed a communication on the subject to the
Provincial Congress of New York. On June 2nd
the Tryon County Committee addressed Guy Johnson, in which they affirm "it
is no more our duty than inclination to protect you in the discharge of
. your province," but will not "pass
over in silence the interruption which the people of the Mohawk District
met in their meeting," "and the inhuman treatment of a man whose only
crime was being faithful to his employers." The tension became still more
strained between the Johnsons and patriots during the summer.
The Dutch and German population was chiefly in sympathy
with the cause of America, as were the people generally, in that region,
who did not come under the direct influence of the John-sons. The
inhabitants deposed Alexander White, the Sheriff of Tryon county, who had,
from the first, made himself obnoxious. The first shot, in the war west of
the Hudson, was fired by Alexander White. On some trifling pretext he
arrested a patriot by the name of John Fonda, and committed him to prison.
His friends, to the number of fifty, went to the jail and released him;
and from the prison they proceeded to the sheriff’s lodgings and demanded
his surrender. He discharged a pistol at the leader, but without effect.
Immediately some forty muskets were discharged at the sheriff, with the
effect only to cause a slight wound in the breast. The doors of the house
were broken open, and just then Sir John Johnson fired a gun at the hall,
which was the signal for his retainers and Highland partisans to rally in
arms. As they could muster a force of five hundred men in a short time,
the party deemed it prudent to disperse.
The royalists became more open and bolder in their
course, throwing every impediment in the way of the Safety Committee of
Tryon county, and causing embarrassments in every way their ingenuity
could devise. They called public meetings themselves, as well as to
interfere with those of their neighbors; all of which caused mutual
exasperation, and the engendering of hostile feelings between friends, who
now ranged themselves with the opposing parties.
On October 26th the Tryon County Committee submitted a
series of questions for Sir John Johnson to answer. [Am. Archives, Fourth
Series, Vol. III. p. 1194.] These questions, with Sir John’s answers, were
embodied by the Committee in a letter to the Provincial Congress of New
York, under date of October 28th, as follows:
"As we found our duty and particular reasons to inquire
or rather desire Sir John Jolmson’s absolute opinion and intention of the
three following articles, viz:
1. Whether he would allow that his tenants may form
themselves into Companies, according to the regulations of our Continental
Congress, to the defence of our Country’s cause;
2. Whether he would be willing himself also to
assist personally in the same purpose;
3. Whether he pretendeth a prerogative to our County
Court-House and Jail, and would hinder or interrupt the Committee of our
County to make use of the said publick houses for our want and service in
our common cause;
We have, therefore, from our meeting held yesterday,
sent three members of our Committee with the afore-mentioned questions
contained in a letter to him directed, and received of Sir John,
thereupon, the following answer:
1. That he thinks our requests very unreasonable, as he
never had denied the use of either Court-House or Jail to anybody, nor
would yet deny it for the use which these houses have been built for; but
he looks upon the Court-House and Jail at Johnstown to be his property
till he is paid seven hundred Pounds—which being out of his pocket for the
building of the same.
2. In regard of embodying his tenants into
Companies, he never did forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use
their pleasure; but we might save ourselves that trouble, he being sure
they would not.
3. Concerning himself he declared, that before he would
sign any association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he would
rather suffer that his head shall be cut off. Further, he replied, that if
we would make any unlawful use of the Jail, he would oppose it; and also
mentions that there have many unfair means been used for signing the
Association, and uniting the peo
ple; for he was informed by credible gentlemen in
New-York, that they were obliged to unite, otherwise they could not live
there. And that he was also informed, by good authority, that likewise
two-thirds of the Canajoharie and German Flatts people have been forced to
sign; and, by his opinion, the Boston people are open rebels, and, the
other Colonies have joined them.
Our Deputies replied to his expressions of forcing the
people to sign in our County; that his authority spared the truth, and
it appears by itself rediculous that one-third
should have forced two-thirds to sign. On the contrary, they would prove
that it was offered to any one, after signing, that the regretters could
any time have their names crossed, upon their
requests.
We thought proper to refer these particular inimical
declarations to your House, and would be very glad to get your opinion and
advice, for our further directions. Please, also, to remember what we
mentioned, to you in our former letters, of the inimical and provoking
behaviour of the tenants of said Sir John, which they still continue,
under the authority of said Sir John."
The attitude of Sir John had become such that the
Continental Congress deemed it best, on December 30th
to order General Schuyler "to take the most speedy and effective
measures, for securing the said Arms and Military Stores, and for
disarming the said Tories, and apprehending their chiefs." The action of
Congress was none too hasty; for in a letter from Governor William Trvon
of New York to the earl of Dartmouth, under date of January 5, 1776, he
encloses the following addressed to himself:
"Sir: I hope the occasion and intention of this letter
will plead my excuse for the liberty I take in introducing to your
Excellency the bearer hereof Captain Allen McDonell who will inform you of
many particulars that cannot at this time with safety be committed to
writing. The distracted & convulsed State this unhappy country is now
worked up to, and the situation that I am in here, together with the many
Obligations our family owe to the best of Sovereigns induces me to fall
upon a plan that may I hope be of service to my country, the propriety of
which I entirely submit to Your Excellency’s better judgment, depending on
that friendship which you have been pleased to honour me with for your
advice on and Representation to his Majesty of what we propose. Having
consulted with all my friends in
this quarter, among whom are many old and good Officers, most of whom have
a good deal of interests in their respective neighborhoods, and have now a
great number of men ready to compleat the plan—We must however not think
of stirring till we have a support, & supply of money, necessaries to
enable us to carry our design into execution, all of which Mr. McDonell
who will inform you of everything that has been done in Canada that has
come to our knowledge. As I find by the papers you are soon to sail for
England I despair of having the pleasure to pay my respect to you but most
sincerely wish you an Agreeable Voyage and a happy sight of Your family &
friends. I am.
Your Excellency’s most obedient
humble Servant,
John Johnson."
General Schuvler immediately took active steps to carry
out the orders of Congress, and on January 23, 1776, made a very lengthy
and detailed report to that body. Although he had no troops to carry into
execution the orders of Congress, he asked for seven hundred militia, yet
by the time he reached Caughnawaga, there were nearly three thousand men,
including the Tryon county militia. Arriving at Schenectady, he addressed,
on January 16th, a letter to Sir John Johnson, requesting him to meet him
on the next day, promising safe conduct for him and such person as might
attend him. They met at the time appointed sixteen miles beyond
Schenectady, Sir John being accompanied by some of the leading Highlanders
and two or three others, to whom General Schuyler delivered his terms.
After some difficulty, in which the Mohawk Indians figured as peacemakers,
Sir John Johnson and Allan McDonell (Collachie) signed a paper agreeing
"upon his word and honor immediately deliver up all cannon, arms, and
other military stores, of what kind soever, which may be in his own
possession," or that he may have delivered to others, or that he knows to
be concealed; that "having given his parole of honour not to take up arms
against America," he consents not to go to the westward of the
German-Flats and Kingsland (Highlanders’) District," but to every other
part to the southward he expects the privilege of going; agreed that the
Highlanders shall, "without any kind of exception,
immediately deliver up all arms in their possession, of what kind soever,"
and from among them any six prisoners may be taken, but the same must be
maintained agreeable to their respective rank.
On Friday the 19th General Schulyer marched to
Johnstown, and in the afternoon the arms and military
stores in Sir John’s possession were delivered up. On the next day, at
noon, General Schuyler drew his men up in the street, "and the
Highlanders, between two and three hundred, marched to the front, where
they grounded their arms ;"
when they were dismissed "with an exhortation, pointing out
the only conduct which could insure them protection." On the 21st,
at Cagnhage, General Schuyler wrote to Sir John as follows:
"Although it is a well known fact that all the Scotch
(Highlanders) people that yesterday surrendered arms, had not broad-swords
when they came to the country, yet many of them had, and most of them were
possessed of dirks; and as none have been given up of either, I will
charitably believe that it was rather inattention than a wilful omission.
Whether it was the former or the latter must be ascertained by their
immediate compliance with that part of the treaty which requires that all
arms, of what kind soever, shall be delivered up.
After having been informed by you, at our first
interview, that the Scotch people meant to defend themselves, I was not a
little surprised that no ammunition was delivered up, and that you had
none to furnish them with. These observations were immediately
made by others as well as me. I was too apprehensive of the consequences
which might have been fatal to those people, to take notice of it on the
spot. I shall, however, expect an eclaircissement on this subject, and beg
that you and Mr. McDonell will give it me as soon as may be."
Governor Tryon reported to the earl of Dartmouth,
February 7th that General Schuyler "marched to Johnson Hall the
24th of last month, where Sr John had mustered near Six
hundred men, from his Tenants and neighbours, the majority Highlanders,
after disarming them and taking four pieces of artillery, ammunition and
many Prisoners, with 360 Guineas from Sr John’s Desk, they compelled him
to enter into a Bond in 1600 pound Sterling not to aid the King’s Service,
or to remove within a limited district from his house."
The six of the chiefs of the Highland clan of the
McDonells made prisoners were, Allan McDonell, sen. (Collachie), Allan
McDonell, Jnr., Alexander McDonell, Ronald McDonell, Archibald McDonell,
and John McDonell, all of whom were sent to Reading,
Pennsylvania, with their three servants, and later to Lancaster.
Had Sir John obeyed his parole, it would have saved him
his vast estates, the Highlanders their homes, the effusion of blood, and
the savage cruelty which his leadership engendered. Being incapable of
forecasting the future, he broke his parole of honor, plunged headlong
into the conflict, and dragged his followers into the horrors of war.
General Schuyler wrote him, March 12, 1776, stating that the evidence had
been placed in his hands that he had been exciting the Indians to
hostility, and promising to defer taking steps until a more minute inquiry
could be made he begged Sir John "to be present when it was made," which
would be on the following Monday.
Sir John’s actions were such that it became necessary
to use stringent measures. General Schuyler, on May 14th, issued his
instructions to Colonel Elias Dayton, who was to proceed to Johnstown,
"and give notice to the Highlanders, who live in the vicinity of the town,
to repair to it; and when any number are collected there,
you will send off their baggage, infirm women and children, in wagons."
Sir John was to be taken prisoner, carefully guarded and brought to
Albany, but "he is by no means to experience the least ill-treatment in
his own person, or those of his family." General Schuyler had previously
written (May 10th) to Sir John intimating that he had "acted contrary to
the sacred engagements you lay under to me, and through me to the publick,"
and have "ordered you a close prisoner, and sent down to Albany."
The reason assigned for the removal of the Highlanders as stated by
General Schuyler to Sir John was that "the elder Mr. McDonald (Allan of
Collachie), a chief of that part of the clan of his name now in Tryon
County, has applied to Congress that those people with their families may
be moved from thence and subsisted." To this Sir John replied as follows:
"Johnson Hall, May 18, 1776.
Sir: On my return from Fort Hunter yesterday, I
received your letter by express acquainting me that the elder Mr. McDonald
had desired to have all the clan of his name in the County of Tryon,
removed and subsisted. I know none of that clan but such as are my
tenants, and have been, for near two years supported by me with every
necessary, by which means they have contracted a debt of near two thousand
pounds, which they are in a likely way to discharge, if left in peace. As
they are under no obligations to Mr. McDonald, they refuse to comply with
his extraordinarv request; therefore beg there may be no troops sent to
conduct them to Albany, otherwise they will look upon it as a total breach
of the treaty agreed to at Johnstown. Mrs. McDonald showed me a letter
from her husband, written since he applied to the Congress for leave to
return to their families, in which he mentions that he was told by the
Congress that it depended entirely upon you; he then desired that their
families might be brought down to them, but never mentioned anything with
regard to moving my tenants from hence, as matters he had no right to
treat of. Mrs. McDonald requested that I would inform you that neither
herself nor any of the other families would choose to go down.
I am, sir, your very humble servant,
John Johnson."
Colonel Dayton arrived at Johnstown May 19th,
and as he says, in his report to General John Sullivan, he
immediately sent "a letter to Sir John Johnson, informing him that I had
arrived with a body of troops to guard the Highlanders to Albany, and
desired that he would fix a time for their assembling. When these
gentlemen came to Johnson Hall they were informed by Lady Johnson that Sir
John Johnson had received General Schuyler’s letter by the express; that
he had consulted the Highlanders upon the contents, and that they had
unanimously resolved not to deliver themselves as prisoners, but to go
another way, and that Sir John Johnson had determined to go with them. She
added that, that if they were pursued they were determined to make an
opposition, and had it in their power, in some measure."
The approach of Colonel Dayton’s command caused great
commotion among the inhabitants of Johnstown and vicinity. Sir John
determined to decamp, take with him as many followers as possible, and
travel through the woods to Canada. Lieutenant James Gray, of the 42nd
Highlanders, helped to raise the faithful bodyguard, and all having
assembled at the house of Allen McDonell of Collachie started through the
woods. The party consisted of three Indians from an adjacent village to
serve as guides, one hundred and thirty Highlanders, and one hundred and
twenty others. The appearance of Colonel Dayton was more sudden than Sir
John anticipated. Having but a brief period for their preparation, the
party was but illy prepared for their flight. He did not know whether or
not the royalists were in possession of Lake Champlain, therefore the
fugitives did not dare to venture on that route to Montreal; so they were
obliged to strike deeper into the forests between the headwaters of the
Hudson and the St. Lawrence. Their provisions soon were exhausted; their
feet soon became sore from the rough travelling; and several were left in
the wilderness to be picked up and brought in by the Indians who were
afterwards sent out for that purpose. After nineteen days of great
hardships the party arrived in Montreal in a pitiable condition, having
endured as much suffering as seemed possible for human nature to undergo.
Sir John Johnson and his Highlanders, unwittingly, paid
the highest possible compliment to the kindness and good intentions of the
patriots, when they deserted their families and left them to face the foe.
When the flight was brought to the attention of General Schuyler, he wrote
to Colonel Dayton, May 27, in which he says:
"I am favored with a letter from Mr. Caldwell, in which
he suggests the propriety of suffering such Highlanders to remain at their
habitations as have not fled. I enter fully into his idea; but prudence
dictates that this should be done under certain restrictions. These people
have been taught to consider us in politicks in the same light that
Papists consider Protestants in a religious relation, viz: that no faith
is to be kept with either. I do not, therefore, think it prudent to suffer
any of the men to remain, unless a competent number of hostages are given,
at least five out of a hundred, on condition of being put to death if
those that remain should take up arms, or in any wise assist the enemies
of our country. A small body of troops * * may keep them in awe;
but if an equal body of the enemy should appear, the balance as to
numbers, by the junction of those left, would be against us. I am,
however, so well aware of the absurdity of judging with precision in these
matters at the distance we are from one another, that prudence obliges me
to leave these matters to your judgment, to act as circumstances may
occur."
Lady Johnson, wife of Sir John, was taken to Albany and
there held as a hostage until the following December when she was
permitted to go to New York, then in the hands of the British. Nothing is
related of any of the Highlanders being taken at that time to Albany, but
appear to have been left in peaceable possession of their lands.
As might have been, and perhaps was, anticipated, the
Highland settlement became the source of information and the base of
supplies for the enemy. Spies and messengers came and went, finding there
a welcome reception. The trail leading from there and along the Sacandaga
and through the Adirondack woods, soon became a beaten path from its
constant use. The Highland women gave unstintingly of their supplies, and
opened their houses as places of retreat. Here were planned the swift
attacks upon the unwary settlers farther to the south and west. Agents of
the king were active everywhere, and the Highland homes became one of the
resting places for refugees on their way to Canada. This state of affairs
could not be concealed from the Americans, who, none too soon, came to
view the whole neighborhood as a nest of treason. Military force could not
be employed against women and children (for from time to time nearly all
the men had left), but they could be removed where they would do but
little harm. General Schuyler discussed the matter with General Herkimer
and the Tryon County Committee, when it was decided to remove of those who
remained "to the number of four hundred." A movement of this description
could not be kept a secret, especially when the troops were put in motion.
In March, 1777, General Schuyler had permitted both Alexander and John
MacDonald to visit their families. Taking the alarm, on the approach of
the troops, in May, they ran off to Canada, taking with them the residue
of the Highlanders, together with a few of the German neighbors. The
journey was a very long and tedious one, and very painful for the aged,
the women, and the children. They were used to hardships and bore their
sufferings without Complaint. It was an exodus of a people, whose very
existence was almost forgotten, and on the very lands they cleared and
cultivated there is not a single tradition concerning them.
From papers still in existence, preserved in Series B,
Vol. 158, p. 351, of the Haldeman Papers, it would appear that some of the
families, previous to the exodus, had been secured, as noted in the two
following petitions, both written in either 1779 or 1780, date not given
although first is simply dated "27th July," and second endorsed "27th
July":
"To His Excellency General Haldimand, General and
Commander in Chief of all His Majesty’s Forces in Canada and the Frontiers
thereof,
The memorial of John and Alexander Macdonell, Captains
in the King’s Royal Regiment of New York, humbly sheweth,
That your Memorialist, John Macdonell’s, family are at
present detained by the rebels in the County of Tryon, within the Province
of New York, destitute of every support but such as they may receive from
the few friends to Government in said quarters, in which situation they
have been since 1777.
And your Memorialist, Alexander Macdonell, on behalf of
his brother, Captain Allan Macdonell, of the Eighty-Fourth Regiment: that
the family of his said brother have been detained by the Rebels in and
about Albany since the year 1775, and that unless it was for the
assistance they have met with from Mr. James Ellice, of Schenectady,
merchant, they must have perished.
Your Memorialists therefore humbly pray Your Excellency
will be graciously pleased to take the distressed situation of said
families into consideration, and to grant that a flag be sent to demand
them in exchange, or otherwise direct towards obtaining their releasement,
as Your Excellency in your wisdom shall see fit, and your
Memorialists will ever pray as in duty bound.
John Macdonell,
Alexander Macdonell."
"To the Honourable Sir John Johnson, Lieutenant-Colonel
Commander of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York. The humbel petition of
sundry soldiers of said Regiment sheweth,— That your humble petitioners,
whose names are hereunto subscribed, have families in different places of
the Counties of Albany and Tryon, who have been and are daily ill-treated
by the enemies of Government. Therefore we do humbly pray that Your Honour
would be pleased to procure permission for them to come to Canada,
And your petitioners will ever pray.
John McGlenny, Thomas Ross, Alexander Cameron,
Frederick Goose, Wm. Urchad (Urquhart?), Duncan Mclntire, Andrew
Mileross, Donald McCarter, Allen Grant, Hugh Chisholm, Angus Grant, John
McDonald, Alex. Ferguson, Thomas Taylor, William Cameron, George Murdoff,
William Chession (Chisholm), John Christy, Daniel Campbell, Donald Ross,
Donald Chissem, Roderick McDonald, Alexander Grant.
The names and number of each family intended in the
written petition :—
Mrs. Helen MacDonell, wife of Allan, the chief, was
apprehended and sent to Schenectady ,and in 1780 managed to escape, and
made her way to New York. Before she was taken, and while her husband was
still a prisoner of war, she appears to have been the chief person who had
charge of the settlement, after the men had fled with Sir John Johnson. A
letter of hers has been preserved, which is not only interesting, but
throws some light on the action of the Highlanders. It is addressed to
Major Jellis Fonda, at Caughnawaga.
"Sir: Some time ago I wrote you a letter, much to this
purpose, concerning the inhabitants of this Bush being made prisoners.
There was no such thing then in agitation as you was pleased to observe in
your letter to me this morning. Mr. Billie Laird came amongst the people
to give them warning to go in to sign, and swear. To this they will never
consent, being already prisoners of General Schuyler. His Excellency was
pleased by your proclamation, directing every one of them to return to
their farms, and that they should be no more troubled nor molested during
the war. To this they agreed, and have not done anything against the
country, nor intend to, if let alone. If not, they will lose their lives
before being taken prisoners again. They begged the favour of me to write
to Major Fonda and the gentlemen of the committee to this purpose. They
blame neither the one nor the other of you gentlemen, but those
ill—natured fellows amongst them that get up an excitement about nothing,
in order to ingratiate themselves in your favour. They were of very great
hurt to your cause since May last, through violence and ignorance. I do
not know what the consequences would have been to them long ago, if not
prevented. Only think what daily provocation does.
Jenny joins me in compliments to Mrs. Fonda.
I am, Sir,
Your humble servant,
Callachie, 15th March, 1777. Helen McDonell."
Immediately on the arrival of Sir John Johnson in
Montreal, with his party who fled from Johnstown, he was commissioned a
Colonel in the British service. At once he set about to organize a
regiment composed of those who had accompanied him, and other refugees who
had followed their example. This regiment was called the "King’s Royal
Regiment of New York," but by Americans was known as "The Royal Greens,"
probably because the facings of their uniforms were of that color. In the
formation of the regiment he was instructed that the officers of the corps
were to be divided in such a manner as to assist those who were distressed
by the war; but there were to be no pluralities of officers,— a practice
then common in the British army.
In this regiment, Butler’s Rangers, and the
Eighty-Fourth, or Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment also then raised, the
Highland gentlemen who had, in 1773, emigrated to Tryon county, received
commissions, as well as those who had previously had joined the ranks.
After the war proper returns of the officers were made, and from these the
following tables have been extracted. The number of private soldiers of
the same name are in proportion.
In the month of January, following his flight into
Canada, Sir John Johnson found his way into the city of New York.
From that time he became one of the most bitter and virulent foes of his
countrymen engaged in the contest, and repeatedly became the scourge of
his former neighbors-in all of which his Highland retainers bore a
prominent part. In savage cruelty, together with Butler’s Rangers,
they outrivalled their Indian allies. The aged, the infirm, helpless
women, and the innocent babe in the cradle, alike perished before them. In
all this the MacDonells were among the foremost. Such warfare met the
approval of the British Cabinet, and officers felt no compunction in
relating their achievements. Colonel Guy Johnson writing to lord George
Ger- main, November 11, 1779, not only speaks of the result of his
conference with Sir John Johnson, but further remarks that "there appeared
little prospect of effecting anything beyond harrassing the frontiers with
detached partys. " In all probability none of the official reports related
the atrocities perpetrated under the direction of the minor officers.
Although "The Royal Greens" were largely composed of
the Mohawk Highlanders, and especially all who decamped from Johnstown
with Sir John Johnson, and Butler’s Rangers had a fair percentage of the
same, it is not necessary to enter into a detailed account of their
achievements because neither was essentially Highlanders. Their movements
were not always in a body, and the essential share borne by the
Highlanders have not been recorded in the papers that have been preserved.
Individual deeds have been narrated, some of which are here given.
The Royal Greens and Butler’s Rangers formed a part of
the expedition under Colonel Barry St. Leger that was sent against Fort
Schuyler in order to create a diversion in favor of General Burgoyne’s
army then on its march towards Albany. In order to relieve Fort Schuyler (Stanwix)
General Herkimer with a force of eight hundred was dispatched and, on the
way, met the army of St. Leger near Oriskany, August 6, 1777. On the 3rd
St. Leger encamped before Fort Stanwix, his force numbering sixteen
hundred, eight hundred of whom were Indians. Proper precautions were not
taken by General Herkimer, while every advantage was enforced by his wary
enemy. He fell into an ambuscade, and a desperate conflict ensued. During
the conflict Colonel Butler attempted a ruse-de guerre, by sending,
from the direction of the fort, a detachment of The Royal Greens,
disguised as American troops, in expectation that they might be received
as reenforcements from the garrison. They were first noticed by Lieutenant
Jacob Sammons, who at once notified Captain Jacob Gardenier; but the quick
eye of the latter had detected the ruse. The Greens continued to advance
until hailed by Gardenier, at which moment one of his own men observing an
acquaintance in the opposing ranks, and supposing them to be friends, ran
to meet him, and presented his hand. The credulous fellow was dragged into
their lines and notified that he was a prisoner.
"He did not yield without a struggle; during which
Garde-nier, watching the action and the result, sprang forward, and with a
blow from his spear levelled the captor to the dust and liberated his man.
Others of the foe instantly set upon him, of whom he slew the second and
wounded the third. Three of the disguised Greens now sprang upon him, and
one of his spurs becoming entangled in their clothes, he was thrown to the
ground. Still, contending, however, with almost super-human strength, both
of his thighs were transfixed to the earth by the bayonets of two of his
assailants, while the third presented a bayonet to his breast, as if to
thrust him through. Seizing the bayonet with his left hand, by a sudden
wrench he brought its owner down upon himself, where he held him as a
shield against the arms of the others, until one of his own men, Adam
Miller, observing the struggle, flew to the rescue. As the assailants
turned upon their new adversary, Gardenier rose upon his seat; and
although his hand was severely lacerated by grasping the bayonet which had
been drawn through it, he seized his spear lying by his side, and quick as
lightning planted it to the barb in the side of the assailant with whom he
had been clenched. The man fell and expired—proving to be Lieutenant
McDonald, one of the loyalist officers from Tryon county.
This was John McDonald, who had been held as a hostage
by General Schuyler, and when permitted to return home, helped run off
the remainder of the Highianclers to Canada, as previously noticed.
June 19, 1777, he was appointed captain Lieutenant in The Royal Greens.
During the engagement thirty of The Royal Greens fell near the body of
McDonald. The loss of Herkimer was two hundred killed, exclusive of the
wounded and prisoners. The royalist loss was never given, but known to be
heavy. The Indians lost nearly a hundred warriors among whom were sachems
held in great favor. The Americans retained possession of the field owing
to the sortie made by the garrison of Fort Schuyler on the camp of St.
Leger. On the 22nd St. Leger receiving alarming reports of the advance of
General Arnold suddenly clecamped from before Fort Schuyler, leaving his
baggage behind him. Indians, belonging to the expedition followed in the
rear, tomahawking and scalping the stragglers; and when the army did not
run fast enough, they accelerated the speed by giving their war cries and
fresh alarms, thus adding increased terror to the demoralized troops. Of
all the men that Butler took with him, when he arrived in Quebec he could
muster but fifty. The Royal Greens also showed their numbers greatly
decimated.
Among the prisoners taken by the Americans was Captain
Angus McDonell of The Royal Greens. For greater security he was
transferred to the southern portion of the State. On October 12th
following, at Kingston, he gave the following parole to the authorities:
"1. Angus McDoiiell, lieutenant in the 60th or Royal
American regiment, now a prisoner to the United States of America and
enlarged on my parole, do promise upon my word of honor that I will
continue within one mile of the house of Jacobus Harden— burgh, and in the
town of Hurley, in the county of Ulster; and that I will not do any act,
matter or thing whatsoever against the interests of America; and further,
that I will remove hereafter to such place as the governor of the state of
New York or the president of the Council of Safety of the said state shall
direct, and that I will observe this my parole until released, exchanged
or otherwise ordered.
Angus McDonell."
The following year Captain Angus McDonald and Allen
McDonald, ensign in the same company were transferred to Reading,
Pennsylvania. The former was probably released or exchanged for he was
with the regiment when it was disbanded at the close of the War. What
became of the latter is unknown. Probably neither of them were Sir John
Johnson’s tenants.
The next movement of special importance relates to the
melancholy story of Wyoming, immortalized in verse by Thomas Campbell in
his "Gertrude of Wyoming." Towards the close of
June 1778 the British officers at
Niagara determined to strike a blow at Wyoming, in Pennsylvania. For this
purpose an expedition of about three hundred white men under Colonel John
Butler, together with about five hundred Indians, marched for the scene of
action. Just what part the McDonells took in the Massacre of Wyoming is
not known, nor is it positive any were present.; but belonging to Butler’s
Rangers it is fair to assume that all such participated in those
heartrending scenes which have been so often related. It was a terrible
day and night for that lovely valley, and its beauty was suddenly changed
into horror and desolation. The Massacre of Wyoming stands out in bold
relief as one of the darkest pictures in the whole panorama of the
Revolution.
While this scene was being enacted, active preparations
were pushed by Alexander McDonald for a descent on the New York frontiers.
It was the same Alexander who has been previously mentioned as having been
permitted to return to the Johnstown settlement, and then assisted in
helping the remaining Highland families escape to Canada. He was a man of
enterprise and activity, and by his energy he collected three hundred
royalists and Indians and fell with great fury upon the frontiers, Houses
were burned, and such of the people as fell into his hands were either
killed or made prisoners. One example of the blood thirsty character of
this man is given by Sims, in his "Trappers of New York," as follows:
"On the morning of October 25, 1781, a large body of
the enemy under Maj. Ross, entered Johnstown with several prisoners, and
not a little plunder; among which was a number of human scalps taken the
afternoon and night previous, in settlements in and adjoining the Mohawk
valley; to which was added the scalp of Hugh McMonts, a constable, who was
surprised and killed as they entered Johnstown. In the course of the day
the troops from the garrisons near and militia from the surrounding
country, rallied under the active and daring Willett, and gave the enemy
battle on the Hall farm, in which the latter were finally defeated with
loss, and made good their retreat into Canada. Young Scarsborough was then
in the nine months’ service, and while the action was going on, himself
and one Crosset left the Johnstown fort, where they were on garrison duty,
to join in the fight, less than two miles distant. Between the Hall
and woods they soon found themselves engaged. Crosset after shooting down
one or two, received a bullet through one hand, but winding a handkerchief
around it he continued the fight under cover of a hemlock
stump. He was shot down and killed there, and his
companion surrounded and made
prisoner by a party of Scotch (Highlanders) troops commanded by Captain
McDonald. When Scarsborough was captured, Capt. McDonald was not present,
but the moment he saw him he ordered his men
to shoot him down. Several refused; but three, shall I call them men?
obeyed the dastardly order, and yet he possibly would have survived his
wounds, had not the miscreant in authority cut him down with his own
broad— sword. The sword was caught in its first descent, and the valiant
captain drew it out, cutting the hand nearly in two."
This was the same McDonald who, in 1779, figured in the
battle of the Chemung, together with Sir John and Guy Johnson and Walter
N. Butler.
Just what part the Mohawk Highlanders, if any, had in
the Massacre of Cherry Valley on October 11, 1778, may not be known. The
leaders were Walter N. Butler, son of Colonel John Butler, who was captain
of a company of Rangers, and the monster Brant.
Owing to the frequent depredations made by the Indians,
the Royal Greens, Butler’s Rangers, and the independent company of
Alexander McDonald, upon the frontiers, destroying the innocent and
helpless as well as those who might be found in arms, Congress voted that
an expedition should he sent into the Indian country. Washington detached
a division from the army under General John Sullivan to lay waste that
country. The instructions were obeyed, and Sullivan did not cease until he
found no more to lay waste. The only resistance he met with that was of
any moment was on August 29, 1779, when the enemy hoping to ambuscade the
army of Sullivan, brought on the battle of Chemung, near the present site
of Elmira. There were about three hundred royalists under Colonel John
Butler and Captain Alexander McDonald, assisting Joseph Brant who
commanded the Indians. The defeat was so overwhelming that the royalists
and Indians, in a demoralized condition sought shelter under the walls of
Fort Niagara.
The lower Mohawk Valley having experienced the
calamities of border wars was yet to feel the full measures of suffering.
On Sunday, May 21, 1780, Sir John Johnson with some British troops, a
detachment of Royal Greens, and about two hundred Indians and Tories, at
dead of night fell unexpectedly on Johnstown, the home of his youth.
Families were killed and scalped, the houses pillaged and then burned.
Instances of daring and heroism in withstanding the invaders have been
recorded.
Sir John’s next achievement was in the fall of the same
year, when he descended with fire and sword into the rich settlements
along the Schoharie. He was overtaken by the American force at Klock’s
Field and put to flight.
Sir John Johnson with the Royal Greens, principally his
former tenants and retainers, appear to have been especially stimulated
with hate against the people of their former homes who did not sympathize
with their views. In the summer of 1781 another expedition was secretly
planned against Johnstown, and executed with silent celerity. The
expedition consisted of four companies of the Second battalion of Sir
John’s regiment of Royal Greens, Butler’s Rangers and two hundred Indians,
numbering in all about one thousand men, under the command of Major Ross.
He was defeated at the battle of Johnstown on October 25th. The army of
Major Ross, for four days in the wilderness, on their advance had been
living on only a half pound of horse flesh per man per day; yet they were
so hotly pursued by the Americans that they were forced to trot off a
distance of thirty miles before they stopped,—during a part of the
distance they were compelled to sustain a running fight. They crossed
Canada Creek late in the afternoon, where Walter N. Butler attempted to
rally the men. He was shot through the head by an Oneida Indian, who was
with the Americans. When Captain Butler fell his troops fled in the utmost
confusion, and continued their flight through the night. Without food and
even without blankets they had eighty miles to traverse through the dreary
and pathless wilderness.
On August 6, 1781, Donald McDonald, one of the
Highlanders who had fled from Johnstown, made an attempt upon Shell’s Bush
about four miles north of the present village of Herkimer, at the head of
sixty-six Indians and Tories. John Christian Shell had built a block-house
of his own, which was large and substantial, and well calculated to
withstand a seige. The first story had no windows, but furnished with
loopholes which could be used to shoot through by muskets. The second
story projected over the first, so that the garrison could fire upon an
advancing enemy, or cast missiles upon their heads. The owner had a family
of six sons, the youngest two were twins, and only eight years old. Most
of his neighbors had taken refuge in Fort Dayton; but this settler refused
to leave his home. When Donald McDonald and his party arrived at Shell’s
Bush his brother with his sons were at work in the field; and the
children, unfortunately were so widely separated from their father, as to
fall into the hands of the enemy.
"Shell and his other boys succeeded in reaching their
castle, and barricading the ponderous door. And then commenced the battle.
The beseiged were well armed, and all behaved with admirable bravery; but
none more bravely than Shell’s wife, who loaded the pieces as her husband
and sons discharged them. The battle commenced at two o’clock, and
continued until dark. Several attempts were made by McDonald to set fire
to the castle, but without success; and his forces were repeatedly driven
back by the galling fire they received. McDonald at length procured a
crow-bar and attempted to force the door; but while thus engaged he
received a shot in the leg from Shell’s Blunderbuss, which put him hors
du combat. None of his men being sufficiently near at the moment to
rescue him, Shell, quick as lightning, opened the door, and drew him
within the walls a prisoner. The misfortune of Shell and his garrison was,
that their ammunition began to run low; but McDonald was very amply
provided, and to save his own life, he surrendered his cartridges to the
garrison to fire upon his comrades. Several of the enemy having been
killed and others wounded, they now drew off for a respite. Shell and his
troops, moreover, needed a little breathing time; and feeling assured
that, so long as he had the commanding officer of the beseigers in his
possession, the enemy would hardly attempt to burn the citadel, he ceased
firing. He then went up stairs, and sang the hymn which was a favorite of
Luther during the perils and afflictions of the Great Reformer in his
controversies with the Pope. While thus engaged the enemy likewise ceased
firing. But they soon after rallied again to the fight, and made a
desperate effort to carry the fortress by assault. Rushing up to the
walls, five of them thrust the muzzles of their guns through the
loop-holes, but had no sooner done so, than Mrs. Shell, seizing an axe, by
quick and well directed blows ruined every musket thus thrust through the
walls, by bending the barrels. A few more well-directed shots by Shell and
his sons once more drove the assailants back. Shell thereupon ran up to
the second story, just in the twilight, and calling out to his wife with a
loud voice, informed her that Captain Small was approaching from Fort
Dayton with succors. In yet louder notes he then exclaimed—’Captain Small
march your company round upon this side of the house. Captain Getman, you
had better wheel your men off to the left, and come up upon that side.’
There were of course no troops approaching; but the directions of Shell
were given with such precision, and such apparent earnestness and
sincerity, that the stratagem succeeded, and the enemy immediately fled to
the woods, taking away the twin-lads as prisoners. Setting the best
provisions they had before their reluctant guest, Shell and his family
lost no time in repairing to Fort Dayton, which they reached in
safety—leaving McDonald in the quiet possession of the castle he had been
striving to capture in vain. Some two or three of McDonald’s Indians
lingered about the premises to ascertain the fate of their leader; and
finding that Shell and his family had evacuated the post, ventured in to
visit him. Not being able to remove him, however, on taking themselves
off, they charged their wounded leader to inform Shell, that if he would
be kind to him, (McDonald,) they would take good care of his (Shell’s)
captive boys. McDonald was the next day removed to the fort by Captain
Small, where his leg was amputated; but the blood could not be stanched,
and he died within a few hours. The lads were carried away into Canada.
The loss of the enemy on the ground was eleven killed and six wounded. The
boys, who were rescued after the war, reported that they took twelve of
their wounded away with them, nine of whom died before they arrived in
Canada. McDonald wore a silver-mounted tomahawk, which was taken from him
by Shell. It was marked by thirty scalp-notches, showing that few Indians
could have been more industrious than himself in gathering that
description of military trophies."
The close of the Revolution found the First Battalion
of the King’s Regiment of New York stationed at Isle aux Noix and Carleton
Island with their wives and children to the number of one thousand four
hundred and sixty-two. The following is a list of the officers of both
Battalions at the close of the War:
The officers and men of the First Battalion, with their
families, settled in a body in the first five townships west of the
boundary line of the Province of Quebec, being the present townships of
Lancaster, Charlottenburgh, Cornwall, Osnabruck and Williamsburgh; while
those of the Second Battalion went farther west to
the Bay of Quinte, in the counties of
Lennox and Prince Edward. Each soldier received a certificate entitling
him to land; of which the following is a copy:
"His Majesty’s Provincial Regiment, called the King’s
Royal
Regiment of New York, whereof Sir John Johnson, Knight
and Baronet is Lieutenant-Colonel, Commandant.
These are to certify that the Bearer hereof, Donald
McDonell, soldier in Capt. Angus McDonell’s Company, of the aforesaid
Regiment, born in the Parish of Killmoneneoack, in the County of
Inverness, aged thirty-five years, has served honestly and faithfully in
the said regiment Seven Years; and in consequence of His Majesty’s Order
for Disbanding the said Regiment, he is hereby discharged, is entitled, by
His Majesty’s late Order, to the Portion of Land allotted to each soldier
of His Provincial Corps, who wishes to become a Settler in this Province,
He having first received all just demands of Pay, Cloathing, &c., from his
entry into the said Regiment, to the Date of his Discharge, as appears
from his Receipt on the back hereof. Given under my Hand and Seal at Arms,
at Montreal, this twenty-fourth Day of December, 1783.
John Johnson."
"I, Donald McDonell, private soldier, do acknowledge
that I have received all my Cloathing, Pay, Arrears of Pay, and all
Demands whatsoever, from the time of my Inlisting in the Regiment and
Company mentioned on the other Side to this present Day of my Discharge,
as witness my Hand this 24th day of December, 1783.
Donald McDonell."
There appears to have been some difficulty in according
to the men the amount of land each, should possess, as may be inferred
from the petition of Colonel John Butler on behalf of The Royal Greens and
his corps of Rangers. The Order in Council, October 22 1788 allowed them
the same as that allotted to the members of the Royal Highland Emigrants.
Ultimately each soldier received one hundred acres on the river front,
besides two hundred at a remote distance. If married he was entitled to
fifty acres more, an additional fifty for every child, Each child, on
coming of age, was entitled to a further grant of two hundred acres.
It is not the purpose to follow these people into their
future homes, for this would be later than the Peace of 1783. Let it
suffice to say that their lands were divided by lot, and into the
wilderness they went, and there cleared the forests, erected their
shanties out of round logs, to a height of eight feet, with a room not
exceeding twenty by fifteen feet.
These people were pre-eminently social and attached to
the manners and customs of their fathers. In Scotland the people would
gather in one of their huts during the long winter nights and listen to
the tales of Ossian and Fingal. So also they would gather in their huts
and listen to the best reciter of tales. Often the long nights would be
turned into a recital of the sufferings they endured during their flight
into Canada from Johnstown; and also of their privations during the long
course of the war. It required no imagination to picture their hardships,
nor was it necessary to indulge in exaggeration. Many of the women,
through the wilderness, carried their children on their backs, the greater
part of the distance, while the men were burdened with their arms and such
goods as were deemed necessary. They endured perils by land and by water;
and their food often consisted of the flesh of dogs and horses, and the
roots of trees. Gradually some of these story tellers varied their tale,
and, perhaps, believed in the glosses.
A good story has gained extensive currency, and has
been variously told, on Donald Grant. He was born at Crasky, Glenmoriston,
Scotland, and was one of the heroes who sheltered prince Charles in the
cave of Corombian, when wandering about, life in hand, after the battle of
Culloden, before he succeeded in effecting his escape to the Outer
Hebrides. Donald, with others, settled in Glengarry, a thousand acres
having been allotted to him. This old warrior, having seen much service,
knew well the country between Johnstown and Canada. He took charge of one
of the parties of refugees in their journey from Schenectady to Canada.
Donald lived to a good old age and was treated with much consideration by
all, especially those whom he had led to their new homes. It was well
known that he could spin a good story equal to the best. As years went on,
the number of Donald’s party rapidly increased, as he told it to
open-mouthed listeners, constantly enlarging on the perils and hardships
of the journey. A Highland officer, who had served in Canada for some
years, was returning home ,and, passing through Glengarry, spent a few
days with Alexander Macdonell, priest at St. Raphael’s. Having expressed
his desire to meet some of the veterans of the war, so that he might hear
their tales and rehearse them in Scotland, that they might know how their
kinsmen in Canada had fought and suffered for the Crown,
the priest, amongst others, took him to see old Donald Grant. The
opportunity was too good to be lost, and Donald told the general in Gaelic
the whole story, omitting no details; giving an account of the number of
men, women and children he had brought with him,
their perils and their escapes, their hardships borne
with heroic devotion; how, when on the verge of starvation, they
had boiled their moccassins and eaten them; how they
had encountered the enemy, the wild beasts and Indians, beaten all off and
landed the multitude safely in Glengarry. The General listened with
respectful attention, and at the termination of the narrative, wishing to
say something pleasant, observed:
"Why, dear me, Donald, your exploits seem almost to
have equalled even those of Moses himself when leading the children of
Israel through the Wilderness from Egypt to the Land of Promise." Up
jumped old Donald. "Moses," exclaimed the veteran with an unmistakable air
of contempt, and adding a double expletive that need not here be repeated,
"Compare ME to Moses! Why, Moses took forty years in
his vain attempts to lead his men over a much shorter distance, and
through a mere trifling wilder-ness in comparison with mine, and he never
did reach his destination, and lost half his army in
the Red Sea. I brought my people here without the loss of a single man."
It has been noted that the Highlanders who settled on
the Mohawk, on the lands of Sir William Johnson, were
Roman Catholics. Sir William, nor his son and successor, Sir John
Johnson, took any steps to procure them a religious teacher in the
principles of their faith. They were not so provided until after the
Revolution, and then only when they were settled on the lands that had
been allotted to them. In 1785, the people themselves took the proper
steps to secure such an one,—and one who was able to speak the Gaelic, for
many of them were ignorant of the English language. In the month of
September, 1786, the ship "McDonald," from Greenock, brought Reverend
Alexander McDonell, Scotus, with five hundred emigrants from Knoydart, who
settled with their kinsfolk in Glengarry, Canada. |
