The great Pitt, in his famous eulogy
on the Highland regiments, delivered in 1766, in Parliament, said: "I
sought for merit wherever it could be found. It is my boast that I was the
first minister who looked for it, and found it, in the mountains of the
north. I called it forth, and drew into your service a hardy and intrepid
race of men; men who, when left by your jealousy, became a prey to the
artifices of your enemies, and had gone nigh to have overturned the State,
in the war before the last. These men, in the last war, were brought to
combat on your side; they served with fidelity, as they fought with valor,
and conquered for you in every quarter of the world."
ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANT
REGIMENT.
These same men were destined to be brought from their
homes and help swell the ranks of the oppressors of America. The first
attempt made was to organize the Highland regiments in America. The
MacDonald fiasco in North Carolina and the Highlanders of Sir John Johnson
have already been noticed. But there were other Highlanders throughout the
inhabited districts of America, who had emigrated, or else had belonged to
the 42nd, Fraser’s or Montgomery’s Highlanders. It was desired to collect
these, in so far as it was possible, and organize them into a distinct
regiment. The supervision of this work was given to Colonel Allan MacLean
of Torloisk, Mull, an experienced officer who had seen hard service in
previous wars. The secret instructions given by George III. to William
Tryon, governor of New York, is dated April 3, 1775:
"Whereas an humble application hath been made
to us by Allen McLean Eqre’late Major to our
114th
Regiment, and Lieut-Col: in our Army setting forth, that a considerable
number of our subjects, who have, at different times, emigrated from the
North West parts of North Britain, and have transported themselves, with
their families, to New York, have expressed a desire, to take up Lands
within our said Province, to be held of us, our heirs and successors, in
fee simple; and whereas it may be of public advantage to grant lands in
manner aforesaid to such of the said Emigrants now residing within our
said province as may be desirous of settling together upon some convenient
spot within the same. It is therefore our Will and pleasure, that upon
application to you by the said Allen McLean, and upon his producing to you
an Association of the said Emigrants to the effect of the form hereunto
annexed, subscribed by the heads of the several families of which such
Emigrants shall consist, you do cause a proper spot to be located and
surveyed in one contiguous Tract within our said Province of New York,
sufficient in quantity for the accommodation of such Emigrants, allowing
100 acres to each head of a family, and 500 acres for every other person
of which the said family shall consist; and it is our further will and
pleasure that when the said Lands shall have been located as aforesaid,
you do grant the same by letters patent under the seal of our said
Province unto the said Allen Maclean, in trust, and upon the conditions,
to make allotments thereof in Fee Simple to the heads of Families, whose
names, together with the number of persons in each family, shall have been
delivered in by him as aforesaid, accompanied with the said association,
and it is Our further will and pleasure that it be expressed in the said
letters patent, that the lands so to be granted shall be exempt from the
payment of quit-rents for 20
years from the date thereof, with a
proviso however that all such parts of the said Tracts as shall not be
settled in manner aforesaid within two years from the date of the grant
shall revert to us, and be disposed of in such manner as we shall think
fit; and it is our further will and pleasure, that neither yourself, nor
any other of our Officers, within our said Province, to whose duty it may
appertain to carry these our orders into execution do take any Fee or
reward for the same, and that the expense of surveying and locating any
Tract of Land in the manner and for the purpose above mentioned be
defrayed out of our Revenue of Quit rents and charged to the account
thereof. And we do hereby, declare it to be our further will and pleasure,
that in case the whole or any part of the said Colonists, fit to bear
Arms, shall be hereafter embodied and employed in Our service in America,
either as Commission or non Commissioned Officers or private Men, they
shall respectively receive further grants of Land from us within our said
province, free of all charges, and exempt from the payment of quit rents
for 20 years, in the same proportion to their respective Ranks, as is
directed and prescribed by our Royal Proclamation of the 7th of October
1763. in regard to such officers and soldiers as were employed in our
service during the last War."
This paltry scheme concocted to
raise men for the royal cause could have but very little effect. The
Highlanders, it proposed to reach, were scattered, and the work proposed
must be done secretly and with expedition. To raise the Highlanders
required address, a number of agents, and necessary hardships. Armed with
the warrant Colonel Maclean and some followers proceeded to New York and
from there to Boston, where the object of the visit became known through a
sergeant by name of McDonald who was trying to enlist "men to join the
King’s Troops; they seized him, and on his examination found that he had
been employed by Major Small for this Purpose; they sent him a Prisoner
into Connecticut. This has raised a violent suspicion against the Scots
and Highlanders and will make the execution of Coll Maclean’s Plan more
difficult." [Governor Colderi to Earl of Dartmouth. New York Docs.
Relating to Colonial History, Vol. VIII, p. 588.]
The principal agents engaged with
Colonel Maclean in raising the new regiment were Major John Small and
Captain Alexander McDonald. The latter met with much discouragement and
several escapes. His "Letter-Book" is a mine of information pertaining to
the regiment. As early as November 15, 1775, he draws a gloomy picture of
the straits of the Macdonalds on whom so much was relied by the English
government. "As for all the McDonalds in America they may Curse the day
that was born as being the means of Leading them to ruin from my Zeal and
attachment for government poor Glanaldall I am afraid is Lost as there is
no account of him since a small Schooner Arrived which brought an account
of his having Six & thirty men then and if he should Not be Lost he is
unavoidably ruined in his Means all those up the Mohawk river will be tore
to pieces and those in North Carolina the same so that if Government will
Not Consider them when Matters are Settled I think they are ill treated"
[Letter Book, p. 221.]
The commissions of Colonel Maclean,
Major John Small and Captain William Dunbar bear date of June 13, 1775,
and all the other captains one day later.
The regiment raised was known as the
Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment and was composed of two battalions, the
first of which was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Allan Maclean, and was
composed of Highland emigrants in Canada, and the discharged men of the
42nd, of Fraser’s and Montgomery’s High-landers who had settled in North
America after the peace of 1763. Great difficulty was experienced in
conveying the troops who had been raised in the back settlements to their
respective destinations. This battalion made the following return of its
officers:
Isle Aux Noix, 15th April, 1778.
The second battalion was commanded
by Major John Small, formerly of the 42nd, and then of the 21st regiment,
which was raised from emigrants arriving in the colonies and discharged
Highland soldiers who had settled in Nova Scotia. Each battalion was to
consist of seven hundred and fifty men, with officers in proportion. In
speaking of the raising of the men Captain Alexander McDonald, in a letter
to General Sir William Howe, under date of Halifax, November 30, 1775,
says:
"Last October was a year when I
found the people of America were determind on Rebellion, I wrote to Major
Small desiring he would acquaint General Gage that I was ready to join the
Army with a hundred as good men as any in America, the General was pleased
to order the Major to write and return his Excellency’s thanks to me for
my Loyalty and spirited offers of Service, but that he had not power at
that time to grant Commissions or raise any troops; however the hint was
improved and A proposal was Sent home to Government to raise five
Companies and I was in the meantime ordered to ingeage as many men as I
possibly Could, Accordingly I Left my own house on Staten Island this same
day year and travelled through frost snow & Ice all the way to the Mohawk
river, where there was two hundred Men of my own Name, who had fled from
the Severity of their Landlords in the Highlands of Scotland, the Leading
men of whom most Chearfully agreed to be ready at a Call, but the affair
was obliged to be kept a profound Secret till it was Known whether the
government approved of the Scheme and otherwise I could have inlisted five
hundred men in a months time, from thence I proceeded straight to Boston
to know for Certain what was done in the affair when General Gage asur’d
me that he had recommended it to the Ministry and did not doubt of its
Meeting with approbation. I Left Boston and went home to my own house and
was ingeaging as Many men as I Could of those that I thought I could
intrust but it was not possible to keep the thing Long a Secret when we
had to make proposals to five hundred men; in the Mean time Coll McLean
arrived with full power from. Government to Collect all the Highlanders
who had Emigrated to America Into one place and to give Every man the
hundred Acres of Land and if need required to give Arms to as many men as
were Capable of bearing them for His Majesty’s Service. Coll McLean and I
Came from New York to Boston to know how Matters would be Settled by Genl
Gage: it was then proposed and Agreed upon to raise twenty Companies or
two Battalions Consisting of one Lt Colonl Commandant two Majors and
Seventeen Captains, of which I was to be the first or oldest Captain and
was confirmed by Coll McLean under his hand Writeing."
At the time of the beginning of
hostilities a large number of Highlanders were on their way from Scotland
to settle in the colonies. In some instances the vessels on which were the
emigrants, were boarded from a man-of-war before their arrival. In some
families there is a tradition that they were captured by a war vessel
Those who did arrive were induced partly by threats and partly by
persuasion to enlist for the war, which they were assured would be of
short duration. These people were not only in poverty, but many were in
debt for their passage, and they were now promised that by enlisting their
debts should be paid, they should have plenty of food as well as full pay
for their services, besides receiving for each head of a family two
hundred acres of land and fifty more for each child, while, in the event
of refusal, there was presented the alternative of going to jail to pay
their debts. The result of the artifices used can be no mystery. Under
such conditions most of the able-bodied men enlisted, in some instances
father and son serving together. Their wives and children were sent to
Halifax, hearing the cannon of Bunker Hill on their passage.
These enlistments formed a part of
the Battalion under Major Small,—five companies of which remained in Nova
Scotia during the war, and the remaining five joining Sir Henry Clinton
and Lord Cornwallis to the southward. That portion of which remained in
Nova Scotia, was stationed at Halifax, Windsor, and Cumberland, and were
distinguished by their uniform good behavior.
The men belonging to the first
battalion were assembled at Quebec. On the approach of the American army
by Lake Champlain, Colonel Maclean was ordered to St. Johns with a party
of militia, but got only as far as St. Denis, where he was deserted by his
men. When Quebec was threatened by the American army under Colonel Arnold,
Colonel Maclean with his regiment consisting of three hundred and fifty
men, was at Sorel, and being forced to decamp from that place, by great
celerity of movement, evaded the army of Colonel Arnold and passed into
Quebec with one hundred of his regiment. He arrived just in time, for the
citizens were about to surrender the city to the Americans. On Colonel
Maclean’s arrival, November 13, 1775, the garrison consisted only of fifty
men of the Fusiliers and seven hundred militia and seamen. There had also
just landed one hundred recruits of Colonel Maclean’s corps from
Newfoundland, which had been raised by Malcolm Fraser and Captain
Campbell. Also, at the same time, there arrived the frigate Lizard, with
£20,000 cash, all of which put new spirits into the garrison. The arrival
of the veteran Maclean greatly diminished the chances of Colonel Arnold.
Colonel Maclean now bent his energies towards saving the town;
strengthened every point; enthused the lukewarm, and by emulation kept up
a good spirit among them all. When General Carleton, leaving his army
behind him, arrived in Quebec he found that Colonel Maclean had not only
withstood the assaults of the Americans but had brought order and system
out of chaos. In the final assault on the last day of the year, when the
brave General Montgomery fell, the Highlanders were in the midst of the
fray.
Many of the Americans were captured
at this storming of Quebec. One of them narrates that "January 4th, on the
next day, we were visited by Colonel Maclean, an old man, attended by
other officers, for a peculiar purpose, that is, to ascertain who among us
were born in Europe. We had many Irishmen and some Englishmen. The
question was put to each; those who admitted a British birth, were told
they must serve his majesty in Colonel Maclean’s regiment, a new corps,
called the emigrants. Our poor fellows, under the fearful penalty of being
carried to Britain, there to be tried for treason, were compelled by
necessity, and many of them did enlist." [Henry's Campaign Against Quebec,
1775, p. 136.]
Such men could hardly prove to be
reliable, and it can be no astonishment to read what Major Henry Caldwell,
one of the defenders of Quebec says of it:
"Of the prisoners we took, about 100
of them were Europeans, chiefly from Ireland; the greatest part of them
engaged voluntarily in Col. McLean’s corps, but about a dozen of them
deserting in the course of a month, the rest were again confined, and not
released till the arrival of the Isis, when they were again taken into the
corps." [Invasion of Canada 1775, p. 14.]
Colonel Arnold despairing of
capturing the town by assault, established himself on the Heights of
Abraham, with the intention of cutting off supplies and blockading the
town. In this situation he reduced the garrison to great straits, all
communication with the country being cut off. He erected batteries and
made several attempts to get possession of the lower town, but was foiled
at every point by the vigilance of Colonel Maclean. On the approach of
spring, Colonel Arnold, despairing of success, raised the siege.
The battalion remained in the
province of Canada during the war, and was principally employed in small,
but harrassing enterprises. In one of these, Captain Daniel Robertson,
Lieutenant Hector Maclean, and Ensign Archibald Grant, with the grenadier
company, marched twenty days through the woods with no other direction
than the compass, and an Indian guide. The object being to surprise a
small post in the interior, which was successful and attained without
loss. By long practice in the woods the men had become very intelligent
and expert in this kind of warfare.
The reason why this regiment was not
with the army of General Burgoyne, and thus escaped the humiliation of the
surrender at Saratoga, has been stated by that officer in the following
language: that he proposed to leave in Canada "Maclean’s Corps, because I
very much apprehend desertions from such parts of it as are composed of
Americans, should they come near the enemy. In Canada, whatsoever may be
their disposition, it is not so easy to effect it." [State of the
Expedition, p. VI.]
Notwithstanding the conduct of
Colonel Allan Maclean at the siege of Quebec and his great zeal in behalf
of Britain his corps was not yet recognized, though he had at the outset
been promised establishment and rank for it. He therefore returned to
England where he arrived on September 1, 1776, to seek justice for himself
and men. They were not received until the close of 1778, when the regiment
was numbered the 84th, at which time Sir Henry Clinton was appointed its
Colonel, and the battalions ordered to be augmented to one thousand men
each. The uniform was the full Highland garb, with purses made of
raccoons’ instead of badger’s skins. The officers wore the broad sword and
dirk, and the men a half basket sword.
"On a St. Andrew’s day a ball was
given by the officers of the garrison in which they were quartered to the
ladies in the vicinity. When one of the ladies entered the ball-room, and
saw officers in the Highland dress, her sensitive delicacy revolted at
what she though an indecency, declaring she would quit the room if these
were to be her company. This occasioned some little embarrassment. An
Indian lady, sister of the Chief Joseph Brant, who was present with her
daughters, observing the bustle, inquired what was the matter, and being
informed, she cried out, ‘This must be a very indelicate lady to think of
such a thing; she shows her own arms and elbows to all the men, and she
pretends she cannot look at these officers’ bear legs, although she will
look at my husband’s bare thighs for hours together; she must think of
other things, or she would see no more shame in a man showing his legs,
than she does in showing her neck and breast.’ These remarks turned the
laugh against the lady’s squeamish delicacy, and the ball was permitted to
Proceed without the officers being obliged to retire." [Stewart’s Sketches
of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 186.]
With every opportunity offered the
first battalion to desert, in consequence of offers of land and other
inducements held out by the Americans, not one native Highlander deserted
and only one Highlander was brought to the halberts during the time they
were embodied.
The history of the formation of the
two battalions is dissimilar: that of the second was not attended with so
great difficulties. In the formation of the first all manner of devices
were entered into, and various disguises were resorted to in order to
escape detection. Even this did not always protect them.
"It is beyond the power of
Expression to give an Idea of the expence & trouble our Officers have
Undergone in these expeditions into the Rebellious provinces. Some of them
have been fortunate enough to get off Undiscovered—But Many have been
taken abused by Mobs in an Outragious manner & cast into prisons with
felons, where they have Suffered all the Evils that revengeful Rage
ignorance Bigotry & Inhumanity could inflict— There has been even
Skirmishes on such Occasions.*****It was an uncommon Exertion in one of
our Offrs. to make his Escape with forty highlanders from the Mohawk river
to Montreal havg. had nothing to eat for ten days but their Dogs & herbs &
in another to have on his private Credit & indeed ruin, Victualled a
Considerable Number of Soldiers he had engaged in hopes of getting off
with them to Canada, but being at last taken & kept in hard imprisonmt for
near a year by the Rebels to have effected his escape & Collecting his
hundred men to have brot them thro’ the Woods lately from near Abany to
Canada." [LetterBook, p. 856.]
Difficulties in the formation of the
regiment and placing it on the establishment grew out of the opposition of
Governor Legge, and from him, through General Gage transmitted to the
ministry, when all enlistments, for the time being were prohibited. The
officers, from the start had been assured that the regiment should be
placed on the establishment, and each should be entitled to his rank and
in case of reduction should go on half pay. The officers should consist of
those on half pay who had served in the last war, and had settled in
America. When the regiment had been established and numbered, through the
exertions of Colonel Maclean the ranks were rapidly filled, and the
previous difficulties overcome.
The winter of 1775-1776, was very
severe on the second battalion. Although stationed in Halifax they were
without sufficient clothing or proper food, or pay, and the officer in
charge—. Captain Alexander McDonald—without authority to draw money, or a
regular warrant to receive it. In January "the men were almost stark naked
for want of clothing," and even barefooted. The plaids and Kilmarnocks
could not be had. As late as March 1st there was "not a shoe nor a bit of
leather to be had in Halifax for either love or money," and men were
suffering from their frosted feet. "The men made a horrid and scandalous
appearance on duty, insulted and despised by the soldiers of the other
corps." In April 1778, clothing that was designed for the first battalion,
having been consigned to Halifax, was taken by Captain McDonald and
distributed to the men of the second. Out of this grew an acrimonious
correspondence. Of the food, Captain McDonald writes:
"We are served Served Since prior to
September last with Flower that is Rank poison at lest Bread made of Such
flower— The Men of our Regiment that are in Command at the East Battery
brought me a Sample of the fflower they received for a Months provision,
it was exactly like Chalk & as Sower as Vinegarr I asked the Doctors
opinion of it who told me it was Sufficient to Destroy all the Regiment to
eatt Bread made of Such fflower; it is hard when Mens Lives are So
precious and so much wanted for the Service of their King and country,
that they Should thus wantonly be Sported with to put money in the pocket
of any individuall."
It appears to have been the policy
to break up the second battalion and have it serve on detached duty. Hence
a detachment was sent to Newfoundland, another to Annapolis, at
Cumberland, Fort Howe, Fort Edward, Fort Sackville and Windsor, but
rallying at Halifax as the headquarters—to say nothing of those sent to
the Southern States. No wonder Captain McDonald complains, "We have
absolutely been worse used than any one Regiment in America and has done
more duty and Drudgery of all kinds than any other Bn. in America these
thre Years past and it is but reasonable Just and Equitable that we should
now be Suffered to Join together at least as early as possible in the
Spring and let some Other Regimt relieve the difft. posts we at present
Occupy."
But it was not all garrison duty.
Writing from Halifax, under date of July 13th, 1777, Captain McDonald
says:
"Another Attempt has been made from
New England to invade this province wch. is also defeated by a detachmt
from our Regt & the Marines on board of Captn Hawker. Our Detachmt went on
board of him here & he having a Quick passage to the River St John’s wch.
divides Nova Scotia from New England & where the Rebells were going to
take post & Rebuild the old fort that was there the last War. Immediately
on Captn Hawker’s Arrival there Our men under the Commd. of Ensn. Jno
McDonald & the Marines under that of a Lieut were landed & Engaged the
Enemy who were abt. a hundred Strong & after a Smart firing & some killed
& wounded on both Sides the Rebells ran with the greatest precipitation &
Confusion to their boats. Some of our light Armed vessells pursued them &
I hope before this time they are either taken or starving in the Woods."
Whatever may be said of the good
behavior of the men of the second battalion, there were three at least
whom Captain McDonaid describes as "rascales." He also gives the following
severe rebuke to one of the officers:
"Halifax 16th Febry 1777
Mr. Jas. McDonald.
I am sorry to inform you that every
Accot I receive from Windsor is very unfavorable in regard to you. Your
Cursed Carelessness & slovenlyness about your own Body and your dress
Nothing going on but drinking Calybogus Schewing Tobacco & playing Cards
in Place of that decentness & Cleanliness that all Gentlemen who has the
least Regard for themselves & Character must & does observe. I am afraid
from your Conduct that you will be no Credit or honor to the Memories of
those Worthies from whom you are descended & if you have no regard for
them or your self I need not expect you’ll be at any pains to be of Any
Credit to me for anything I can do for you. I am about Giving you Rank
agreeable to Col. McLean’s plan & on Accot. of your having bro’t more men
to the Regimt. than either Mr. Fitz Gerd. or Campbell You are to be the
Second in Command at that post Lt. Fitz Ger’d. the third & Campbell the
fourth. And I hope I shall never have Occasion to write to you in this
Manner again. I beg you will begin now to mend your hand to write & learn
to keep Accots. that you may be able to do Some thing like an officer if
ever you expect to make a figure in the Army You must Change your plan &
lay yr. money out to Acquire such Accomplishm’ts. befitting an officer
rather than Tobacco, Calybogus and the Devil knows what. I am tired of
Scolding of you, so will say no more."
But little has been recorded of the
five companies of the second battalion that joined Sir Henry Clinton and
lord Cornwallis. The company called grenadiers was in the battle of Eutaw
Springs, South Carolina, fought September 8, 1781. This was one of the
most closely contested battles of the Revolution, in which the grenadier
company was in the thickest and severest of the fight. The British army,
under Colonel Alexander Stuart, of the 3rd regiment was drawn up in a line
extending from Eutaw creek to an eighth of a mile southward. The Irish
Buffs (third regiment) formed the right; Lieutenant Colonel Cruger’s
Loyalists the center; and the 63rd and 64th regiments the left. Near the
creek was a flank battalion of infantry and the grenadiers, under
Major Majoribanks, partially covered and concealed by a thicket on the
bank of the stream. The Americans, under General Greene, having routed two
advanced detachments, fell with great spirit on the main body. After the
battle had been stubbornly contested for some time, Major Majoribank’s
command was ordered up, and terribly galled the American flanks. In
attempting to dislodge them, the Americans received a terrible volley from
behind the thicket. Soon the entire British line fell back, Major
Majoribanks covering the movement. They abandoned their camp, destroyed
their stores and many fled precipitately towards Charleston, while Major
Majoribanks halted behind the palisades of a brick house. The American
soldiers, in spite of the orders of General Greene and the efforts of
their officers began to pillage the camp, instead of attempting to
dislodge Major Majoribanks. A heavy fire was poured upon the Americans who
were in the British camp, from the force that had taken refuge in the
brick house, while Major Majoribanks moved from his covert on the
right. The light horse or legion of
Colonel Henry Lee, remaining under the control of that officer, followed
so closely upon those who, had fled to the house that the fugitives in
closing the doors shut out two or three of their own officers. Those of
the legion who had followed to the door seized each a prisoner, and
interposing him as a shield retreated beyond the fire from the windows.
Among those captured was Captain Barre, a brother of the celebrated
Colonel Barre of the British parliament, having been seized by Captain
Manning. In the terror of the moment Barre began to recite solemnly his
titles: "I am Sir Henry Barre deputy adjutant general of the British army,
captain of the 52d regiment, secretary of the commandant at Charleston—"
Are you indeed ?" interrupted Captain Manning; "you are my prisoner now,
and the very man I was looking for; come along with me." He then placed
his titled prisoner between him and the fire of the enemy, and retreated.
The arrest of the Americans by Major
Majoribanks and the party that had fled into the brick house, gave Colonel
Stuart an opportunity to rally his forces, and while advancing, Major
Majoribanks poured a murderous fire into the legion of Colonel Lee, which
threw them into confusion. Perceiving this, he sallied out seized the two
field pieces and ran them under the windows of the house. Owing to the
crippled condition of his army, and the shattering of his cavalry by the
force of Major Majoribanks, General Greene ordered a retreat, after a
conflict of four hours. The British repossessed the camp, but on the
following day decamped, abandoning seventy-two of their wounded.
Considering the numbers engaged, both parties lost heavily. The Americans
had one hundred and thirty rank and file killed, three hundred and
eighty-five wounded, and forty missing. The loss of the British, according
to their own report, was six hundred and ninety-three men, of whom
eighty-five were killed.
At the conclusion of the war the
transports bearing the companies were ordered to Halifax, where the men
were discharged; but, owing to the violence of the weather, and a
consequent loss of reckoning, they made the island of Nevis and St. Kitt’s
instead of Halifax. This delayed the final reduction till 1784. In the
distant quarters of the first battalion, they were forgotten. By their
agreement they should have been discharged in April 1783, but orders were
not sent until July 1784.
It is possible that a roll of the
officers of the second battalion may be in existence. The following names
of the officers are preserved in McDonald’s "Letter-Book":
Major John Small, commandant:
Captains Alexander McDonald, Duncan Campbell. Ronald McKinnon, Murdoch
McLean, Alexander Campbell, John McDonald and Allan McDonaid; Lieutenants
Gerald Fitzgerald, Robert Campbell. James McDonald and Lachlan McLean;
Ensign John Day chaplain, Doctor Boynton.
The uniform of the Royal Highland
Emigrant regiment was the full Highland garb, with purses made of
raccoon’s instead of badger’s skins. The officers wore the broad sword and
dirk, and the men a half basket sword, as previously stated.
At the conclusion of the war grants
of land were given to the officers and men, in the proportion of five
thousand acres to a field officer, three thousand to a captain, five
hundred to a subaltern, two hundred to a serjeant and one hundred to each
soldier. All those who had settled in America previous to the war,
remained, and took possession of their lands, but many of the others
returned to Scotland. The men of Major Small’s battalion went to Nova
Scotia, where they settled a township, and gave it the name of Douglas, in
Hants County; but a number settled on East River.
The first to come to East River. of
the 84th, was big James Fraser, in company with Donald McKay and fifteen
of his comrades, and took up a tract of three thousand four hundred acres
extending along both sides of the river. Their discharges are dated April
10, 1784, but the grant November 3, 1785. About the same time of the
occupation of the East River, in Picton County, the West Branch was
occupied by men of the same regiment; the first of whom were David McLean
and John Fraser.
The settlers of East Branch, or
River, of the 84th, on the East side were Donald Cameron, a native of
Urquhart, Scotland; served eight years; possessed one hundred and fifty
acres; his son Duncan served two years as a drummer boy in the regiment.
Alexander Cameron, one hundred acres. Robert Clark, one hundred acres.
Finlay Cameron, four hundred. Samuel Cameron, one hundred acres. James
Fraser, a native of Strathglass, three hundred and fifty acres. Peter
Grant, James McDonald, Hugh McDonald, one hundred acres.
On the west side of same river:
James Fraser, one hundred acres. Duncan McDonald, one hundred acres. John
McDonald, two hundred and fifty acres. Samuel Cameron, three hundred
acres. John Chisholm, sen., three hundred acres. John Chisholm, jun., two
hundred acres. John McDonald, two hundred and fifty acres.
Those who settled at West Branch and
other places on East River were, William Fraser, from Inverness, three
hundred and fifty acres. John McKay. three hundred acres. John Robertson,
four hundred and fifty. William Robertson, two hundred acres. John
Fraser, from Inverness, three hundred acres. Thomas Fraser, from
Inverness, two hundred acres. Thomas McKinzie, one hundred acres. David
McLean, a sergeant in the army, five hundred acres. Alexander Cameron,
three hundred acres. Hector McLean, four hundred acres. John Forbes, from
Inverness, four hundred acres. Alexander McLean, five hundred acres.
Thomas Fraser, Jun., one hundred acres. James McLellan, from Inverness,
five hundred acres. Donald Chisholm, from Strathglass, three hundred and
fifty acres. Robert Dundas (four hundred and fifty acres), Alexander
Dunbar (two hundred acres), and William Dunbar, (three hundred acres), all
three brothers, from Inverness, and of the 84th regiment. James Cameron,
84th regiment, three hundred acres. John McDougall, two hundred and fifty
acres. John Chisholm, three hundred acres. Donald Chisholm, Jun., from
Inverness, four hundred acres. Robert Clark, 84th, one hundred acres.
Donald Shaw, from Inverness, three hundred acres. Alexander McIntosh, from
Inverness, five hundred acres, and John McLellan, from Inverness, one
hundred acres. Of the grantees of the West Branch, those designated from
Inverness, were from the parish of Urquhart and served in the 84th, as did
also those so specified. It is more than probable that all the others were
not in the Royal Highland Emigrant regiment, or even served in the war.
The members of the first, or Colonel
MacLean’s battalion settled in Canada, many of whom at Montreal, where
they rallied around their chaplain, John Bethune. This gentleman acted as
chaplain of the Highlanders in North Carolina, and was taken prisoner at
the battle of Moore’s Creek Bridge. After remaining a prisoner for about a
year, he was released, and made his way to Nova Scotia and for some time
resided at Halifax. He received the appointment of chaplain in the Royal
Highland Emigrant regiment. He received a grant of three thousand acres,
located in Glengarry, and having a growing family to provide for, each of
whom was entitled to two hundred acres, he removed to Williamstown, then
the principal settlement in Glengarry. Besides his allotment of land, he
retired from the army on half pay. In his new home he ever maintained an
honorable life.
FORTY-SECOND OR ROYAL HIGHLAND
REGIMENT.
The 42nd or Black Watch, or Royal
Highlanders, left America in 1767, and sailed direct for Cork, Ireland. In
1775 the regiment embarked at Donaghadee, and landed at Port Patrick,
after an absence of thirty-two years from Scotland. From Port Patrick it
marched to Glasgow. Shortly after its arrival in Glasgow two companies
were added, and all the companies were augmented to one hundred rank and
file, and when completed numbered one thousand and seventy-five men,
including serjeants and drummers.
Hitherto the officers had been
entirely Highlanders and Scotch. Contrary to the remonstrances of lord
John Murray, the lord lieutenant of Ireland succeeded in admitting three
English officers into the regiment, Lieutenants Crammond, Littleton, and
Franklin, thus cancelling the commissions of Lieutenants Grant and
Mackenzie. Of the soldiers nine hundred and thirty-one were Highlanders,
seventy-four Lowland Scotch, five English, one Welsh and two Irish.
On account of the breaking out of
hostilities the regiment was ordered to embark for America. The recruits
were instructed in the use of the firelock, and, from the shortness of the
time allowed, were even drilled by candle-light. New arms and
accoutrements were supplied to the men, and the Colonel, at his own
expense, furnished them with broad swords and pistols.
April 14, 1776, the Royal
Highlanders, in conjunction with Fraser’s Highlanders, embarked at
Greenock to join an expedition under General Howe against the Americans.
After some delay, both regiments sailed on May 1st under the convoy of the
Flora, of thirty-two guns, and a fleet of thirty-two ships, the Royal
Highlanders being commanded by Colonel Thomas Stirling of Ardoch. Four
days after they had sailed, the transports separated in a gale of wind.
Some of the scattered transports of both regiments fell in with General
Howe’s army on their voyage from Halifax; and others, having received
information of this movement, followed the main body and joined the army
at Staten Island.
When Washington took possession of
Dorchester heights, on the night of March 4, 1776, the situation of
General Howe, in Boston, became critical, and he was forced to evacuate
the city with precipitation. He left no cruisers in Boston bay to warn
expected ships from England that the city was no longer in his possession.
This was very fortunate for the Americans, for a few days later several
store-ships sailed into the harbor and were captured. The Scotch fleet
also headed that way, and some of the transports, not having received
warning, were also taken in the harbor, but principally of Fraser’s
Highlanders. By the last of June, about seven hundred and fifty
Highlanders belonging to the Scotch fleet, were prisoners in the hands of
the Americans.
The Royal Highlanders lost but one
of their transports, the Oxford, and at the same time another transport in
company with her, having on board recruits for Fraser’s Highlanders, in
all two hundred and twenty men. They were made prizes of by the Congress
privateer, and all the officers, arms and ammunition were taken from the
Oxford, and all the soldiers were placed on board that vessel with a prize
crew of ten men to carry her into port. In a gale of wind the vessels
became separated, and then the carpenter of the Oxford formed a party and
retook her, and sailed for the Chesapeake. On June 20th, they sighted
Commodore James Barron’s vessel, and dispatched a boat with a sergeant,
one private and one of the men who were put on board by the Congress to
make inquiry. The latter finding a convenient opportunity, informed
Commodore Barron of their situation, upon which he boarded and took
possession of the Oxford, and brought her to Jamestown. The men were
marched to Williamsburgh, Virginia, where every inducement was held out to
them to join the American cause. When the promise of military promotion
failed to have an effect, they were then informed that they would have
grants of fertile land, upon which they could live in happiness and
freedom. They declared they would take no land save what they deserved by
supporting the king. They were then separated into small parties and sent
into the back settlements; and were not exchanged until 1778, when they
rejoined their regiments.
Before General Sir William Howe’s
army arrived, or even any vessels of his fleet, the transport Crawford
touched at Long Island. Under date of June 24, 1776, General Greene
notified Washington that "the Scotch prisoners, with their baggage, have
arrived at my Quarters." The list of prisoners are thus given: "Forty
second or Royal Highland Regiment: Captain John Smith and Lieutenant
Robert Franklin. Seventy-first Regiment: Captain Norman McLeod and lady
and maid; Lieutenant Roder- ick McLeod; Ensign Colin Campbell and lady;
Surgeon’s Mate, Robert Boyce; John McAlister, Master of the Crawford
transport; Norman McCullock, a passenger; two boys, servants; McDonald,
servant to Robert Boyce; Shaw, servant to Captain McLeod. Three boys,
servants, came over in the evening." [Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol.
VI, p. 1055.]
General Howe, on board the frigate
Greyhound, arrived in the Narrows, from Halifax, on June 25th,
accompanied by two other ships-of-war. He came in advance of the fleet
that bore his army, in order to consult with Governor Tryon and ascertain
the position of affairs at New York. For three or four days after his
arrival armed vessels kept coming, and on the twenty-ninth the main body
of the fleet arrived, and the troops were immediately landed on Staten
Island. General Howe was soon after reinforced by English regulars and
German mercenaries, and at about the same time Sir Henry Clinton and
Admiral Parker, with their broken forces came from the south and joined
them. Before the middle of August all the British reinforcements had
arrived at Staten Island and General Howe’s army was raised to a force of
thirty thousand men. On August 22nd, a large body of troops, under
cover of the guns of the Rainbow, landed upon Long Island. Soon after five
thousand British and Hessian troops poured over the sides of the English
ships and transports and in small boats and galleys were rowed to the Long
Island shore, covered by the guns of the Phoenix, Rose and Greyhound. The
invading force on Long Island numbered fifteen thousand, well armed and
equipped, and having forty heavy cannon.
The three Highland battalions were
first landed on Staten island, and immediately a grenadier battalion was
formed by Maor Charles Stuart. The staff appointments were taken from the
Royal Highlanders. The three light companies also formed a battalion in
the brigade under Lieutenant-Colonel Abercromby. The grenadiers were
remarkable for strength and height, and considered equal to any company in
the army. The eight battalion companies were formed into two temporary
battalions, the command of one was given to Major William Murray, and that
of the other to Major William Grant. These small battalions were brigaded
under Sir William Erskine, and placed in the reserve, with the grenadiers
and light infantry of the army, under command of lord Cornwallis.
Lieutenant—Colonel Stirling, from
the moment of landing, was active in drilling the 42d in the methods of
fighting practiced in the French and Indian war, in which he was well
versed. The Highlanders made rapid progress in this discipline, being, in
general, excellent marksmen.
It was about this time that the
broadswords and pistols received at Glasgow were laid aside. The pistols
were considered unnecessary, except in the field. The broadswords retarded
the men when marching by getting entangled in the brushwood.
The reserve of Howe’s army was
landed first at Gravesend Bay, and being moved immediatelv forward to Flat
Bush, the Highlanders and a corps of Hessians were detached to a little
distance, where they encamped. The whole army encamped in front of the
villages of Gravesend and Utrecht. A woody range of hills, which
intersected the country from east to west, divided the opposing armies.
General Howe resolved to bring on a
general action and make the attack in three divisions. The right wing
under General Clinton seized, on the night of August 26th, a pass on the
heights, about three miles from Bedford. The main body pushed into the
level country which lay between the hills and the lines of General Israel
Putnam. Whilst these movements were in process, Major-General Grant of
Ballindalloch, with his brigade, supported by the Royal Highlanders from
the reserve, was directed to march from the left along the coast to the
Narrows, and make an attack in that quarter. At nine o’clock, on the
morning of the 22nd, the right wing having reached Bedford, attacked the
left of the American army, which, after a short resistance, quitted the
woody grounds, and in confusion retired to their lines, pursued by the
British troops, Colonel Stuart leading with his battalion of Highland
grenadiers. When the firing at Bedford was heard at Flat Bush, the
Hessians advanced, and, attacking the center of the American army, drove
them through the woods, capturing three cannon. Previously, General Grant,
with the left of the army, commenced the attack with a cannonade against
the Americans under lord Stirling. The object of lord Stirling was to
defend the pass and keep General Grant in check. He was in the British
parliament when Grant made his speech against the Americans, and
addressing his soldiers said, in allusion to the boasting Grant that he
would "undertake to march from one end of the continent to the other, with
five thousand men." "He may have his five thousand men with him now—we are
not so many—but I think we are enough to prevent his advancing further on
his march over the continent, than that mill-pond," pointing to the head
of Gowanus bay. This little speech had a powerful effect, and in the
action showed how keenly they felt the insult. General Grant had been
instructed not to press an attack until informed by signal-guns from the
right wing. These signals were not given until eleven o’clock, at which
time lord Stirling was hemmed in. When the truth flashed upon him he
hurled a few of his men against lord Cornwallis, in order to keep him at
bay while a part of his army might escape. Lord Cornwallis yielded, and
when on the point of retreating received large reinforcements which turned
the fortunes of the day against the Americans. General Grant drove the
remains of lord Stirling’s army before him, which escaped across Gowanus
creek, by wading and swimming.
The victorious troops, made hot and
sanguinary by the fatigues and triumphs of the morning, rushed upon the
American lines, eager to carry them by storm. But the day was not wholly
lost. Behind the entrechments were three thousand determined men who met
the advancing British army by a severe cannonade and volleys of musketry.
Preferring to win the remainder of the conquest with less bloodshed,
General Howe called back his troops to a secure place in front of the
American lines, beyond musket shot, and encamped for the night.
During the action Washington
hastened over from New York to Brooklyn and galloped up to the works. He
arrived there in time to witness the catastrophe. All night he was engaged
in strengthening his position; and troops were ordered from New York. When
the morning dawned heavy masses of vapor rolled in from the sea. At ten
o’clock the British opened a cannonade on the American works, with
frequent skirmishes throughout the day. Rain fell copiously all the
afternoon and the main body of the British kept their tents, but when the
storm abated towards evening, they commenced regular approaches within
five hundred yards of the American works. That night Washington drew off
his army of nine thousand men, with their munitions of war, transported
them over a broad ferry to New York, using such consummate skill that the
British were not aware of his intention until next morning, when the last
boats of the rear guard were seen out of danger.
The American loss in the battle of
Long Island did not exceed sixteen hundred and fifty, of whom eleven
hundred were prisoners General Howe stated his own loss to have been, in
killed, wounded, and prisoners, three hundred and sixty-seven. The loss of
the Highlanders was, Lieutenant Crammond and nine rank and file wounded,
of the 42d; and three rank and filed killed, and two sergeants and nine
rank and file wounded, of the 71st regiment.
In a letter to lord George Germaine,
under date of September 4, 1776, lord Dunmore says:
I was with the Highlanders and
Hessians the whole day, and it is with the utmost pleasure I can assure
your lordship that the ardour of both these corps on that day must have
exceeded his Majesty’s most sanguine wish."
Active operations were not resumed
until September 15th, when the British reserve, which the Royal
Highlanders had rejoined after the action at Brooklyn, crossed the river
in flat boats from Newtown creek, and landed at Kip’s bay covered by a
severe cannonade from the ships-of-war, whose guns played briskly upon the
American batteries. Washington, hearing the firing, rode with speed
towards the scene of action. To him a most alarming spectacle was
presented. The militia had fled, and the Connecticut troops had caught the
panic, and ran without firing a gun, when only fifty of the British had
landed. Meeting the fugitives he used every endeavor to stop their flight.
In vain their generals tried to rally them; but they continued to flee in
the greatest confusion, leaving Washington alone within eighty yards of
the foe. So incensed was he at their conduct that he cast his chapeau to
the ground, snapped his pistols at several of the fugitives, and
threatened others with his sword. So utterly unconscious was he of danger,
that he probably would have fallen had not his attendants seized the
bridle of his horse and hurried him away to a place of safety. Immediately
he took measures to protect his imperilled army. He retreated to Harlem
heights, and sent an order to General Putnam to evacuate the city
instantly. This was fortunately accomplished, through the connivance of
Mrs. Robert Murray. General Sir William Howe, instead of pushing forward
and capturing the four thousand troops under General Putnam, immediately
took up his quarters with his general officers at the mansion of Robert
Murray, and sat down for refreshments and rest. Mrs. Murray knowing the
value of time to the veteran Putnam, now in jeopardy, used all her art to
detain her uninvited guests. With smiles and pleasant conversation, and a
profusion of cakes and wine, she regaled them for almost two hours.
General Putnam meanwhile receiving his orders, immed— iately obeyed, and a
greater portion of his troops, concealed by the woods, escaped along the
Bloomingdale road, and before being discovered had passed the encampment
upon the Ineleberg. The rear-guard was attacked by the Highlanders and
Hessians, just as a heavy rain began to fall; and the drenched army, after
losing fifteen men killed, and three hundred made prisoners, reached
Harlem heights.
"This night Major Murray was nearly
carried off by the enemy, but saved himself by his strength of arm and
presence of mind. As he was crossing to his regiment from the battalion
which he commanded, he was attacked by an American officer and two
soldiers, against whom he defended himself for some time with his fusil,
keeping them at a respectful distance. At last, however, they closed upon
him, when unluckily his dirk slipped behind, and he could not, owing to
his corpulence, reach it. Observing that the rebel (American) officer had
a sword in his hand, he snatched it from him, and made so good use of it,
that he compelled them to fly, before some men of the regiment, who had
heard the noise, could come up to his assistance. He wore the sword as a
trophy during the campaign." [Stewart's Sketches, Vol. I, p. 360.]
On the 16th the light infantry was
sent out to dislodge a party of Americans who had taken possession of a
wood facing the left of the British. Adjutant-General Reed brought
information to Washington that the British General Leslie was pushing
forward and had attacked Colonel Knowlton and his rangers. Colonel
Knowlton retreated, and the British appeared in full view and sounded
their bugles. Washington ordered three companies of Colonel Weedon’s
Virginia regiment, under Major Leitch, to join Knowlton's rangers, and
gain the British rear, while a feigned attack should be made in front. The
vigilant General Leslie perceived this, and made a rapid movement to gain
an advantageous position upon Harlem plains, where he was attacked upon
the flank by Knowlton and Leitch. A part of Leslie’s force, consisting of
Highlanders, that had been concealed upon the wooded hills, now came down,
and the entire British body changing front, fell upon the Americans with
vigor. A short but severe conflict ensued. Major Leitch, pierced by three
balls, was borne from the field, and soon after Colonel Knowlton was
brought to the ground by a musket ball. Their men fought on bravely,
contesting every foot of the ground, as they fell back towards the
American camp. Being reinforced by a part of the Maryland regiments of
Griffiths and Richardson, the tide of battle changed. The British were
driven back across the plain, hotly pursued by the Americans, till
Washington, fearing an ambush, ordered a retreat.
In the battle of Harlem the British
loss was fourteen killed, and fifty officers and seventy men wounded. The
42nd, or Royal Highlanders lost one sergeant and three privates killed,
and Captains Duncan Macpherson and John Mackintosh, Ensign Alexander
Mackenzie (who died of his wounds), and three sergeants, one piper, two
drummers, and forty-seven privates wounded.
This engagement caused a temporary
pause in the movements of the British, which gave Washington an
opportunity to strengthen both his camp and army. The respite was not of
long duration for on October 12th, General Howe embarked his army in
flat-bottomed boats, and on the evening of the same day landed at
Frogsneck, near Westchester; but on the next day he re-embarked his troops
and landed at Fell’s Point, at the mouth of the Hudson. On the 14th he
reached the White Plains in front of Washington’s position. General Howe’s
next determination was to capture Fort Washington, which cut off the
communication between New York and the continent, to the eastward and
northward of Hudson river, and prevented supplies being sent him by way of
Kings-bridge. The garrison consisted of over two thousand men under
Colonel Magaw. A deserter informed General Howe of the real condition of
the garrison and the works on Harlem Heights. General Howe was agreeably
surprised by the information, and immediately summoned Colonel Magaw to
surrender within an hour, intimating that a refusal might subject the
garrison to massacre. Promptly refusing compliance, he further added: "I
rather think it a mistake than a settled resolution in General Howe, to
act a part so unworthy of himself and the Dritish nation." On November
16th the Hessians, under General Knyphausen, supported by the whole of the
reserve under earl Percy, with the exception of the 42nd, who were to make
a feint on the east side of the fort, were to make the principal attack.
Before daylight the Royal Highlanders embarked in boats, and landed in a
small creek at the foot of the rock, in the face of a severe fire.
Although the Highlanders had discharged the duties which had been assigned
them, still determined to have a full share in the honors of the day,
resolved upon an assault, and assisted by each other, and by the brushwood
and shrubs which grew out of the crevices of the rocks, scrambled up the
precipice. On gaining the summit, they rushed forward, and drove back the
Americans with such rapidity, that upwards of two hundred, who had no time
to escape, threw down their arms. Pursuing their advantage, the
Highlanders penetrated across the table of the hill, and met lord Percy as
he was coming up on the other side. By turning their feint into an
assault, the Highlanders facilitated the success of the day. The result
was that the Americans surrendered at discretion. They lost in killed and
wounded one hundred and about twenty-seven hundred prisoners. The loss of
the British was twenty killed and one hundred and one wounded; that of the
Royal Highlanders being one sergeant and ten privates killed, and
Lieutenants Patrick Graeme, Norman Macleod, and Alexander Grant, and for
sergeants and sixty-six rank and file, wounded.
The hill, up which the Highlanders
charged, was so steep, that the ball which wounded Lieutenant Macleod,
entering the posterior part of his neck, ran down on the outside of his
ribs, and lodged in the lower part of his back. One of the pipers, who
began to play when he reached the point of a rock on the summit of the
hill, was immediately shot, and tumbled from one piece of rock to another
till he reached the bottom. Major Murray, being a large and corpulent man,
could not attempt the steep assent without assistance. The soldiers eager
to get to the point of duty, scrambled up, forgetting the position of
Major Murray, when he, in a supplicating tone cried, "Oh soldiers, will
you leave me !" A party leaped down instantly and brought him up,
supporting him from one ledge of rocks to another till they got him to the
top.
The next object of General Howe was
to possess Fort Lee. Lord Cornwallis, with the grenadiers, light infantry,
33rd regiment and Royal Highlanders, was ordered to attack this post. But
on their approach the fort was hastily abandoned. Lord Cornwallis,
re-enforced by the two battalions of Fraser’s Highlanders, pursued the
retreating Americans, into the Jerseys, through Elizabethtown, Neward and
Brunswick. In the latter town he was ordered to halt, where he remained
for eight days, when General Howe, with the army, moved forward, and
reached Princeton in the afternoon of November 17th.
The army now went into winter
quarters. The Royal Highlanders were stationed at Brunswick, and Fraser’s
Highlanders quartered at Amboy. Afterwards the Royal Highlanders were
ordered to the advanced posts, being the only British regiment in the
front, and forming the line of defence at Mt. Holly. After the disaster to
the Hessians at Trenton, the Royal Highlanders were ordered to fall back
on the light infantry at Princeton.
Lord Cornwallis, who was in New York
at the time of the defeat of the Hessians, returned to the army and moved
forward with a force consisting of the grenadiers, two brigades of the
line, and the two Highland regiments. After much skirmishing in advance he
found Washington posted on some high ground beyond Trenton. Lord
Cornwallis declaring "the fox cannot escape me," planned to assault
Washington on the following morning, but while he slept the American
commander, marched to his rear and fell upon that part of the army left at
Princeton. Owing to the suddenness of Washington’s attacks upon Trenton
and Princeton and the vigilance he manifested the British outposts were
withdrawn and concentrated at Brunswick where lord Cornwallis established
his headquarters.
The Royar Highlanders, on January 6,
1777 were sent to the village of Pisquatua on the line of communication
between New York and Brunswick by Amboy. This was a post of great
importance, for it kept open the route by which provisions were sent for
the forces at Brunswick. The duty was severe and the winter rigorous. As
the homes could not accommodate half the men, officers and soldiers sought
shelter in barns and sheds, always sleeping in their body—clothes, for the
Americans gave them but little quietude. The Americans, however, did not
make any regular attack on the post till May 10th, when, at four in the
morning, the divisions of Generals Maxwell and Stephens, attempted to
surprise the Highlanders. Advancing with great caution they were not
preceived until they rushed upon the pickets. Although the Highlanders
were surprised, they held their position until the reserve pickets came to
their assistance, when they retired disputing every foot, to afford the
regiment time to form, and come to their relief. Then the Americans were
driven back with precipitation, leaving upwards of two hundred men, in
killed and wounded, The Highlanders, pursuing with eagerness, were
recalled with great difficulty. On this occasion the Royal Highlanders had
three sergeants and nine privates killed: and Captain Duncan Macpherson,
Lieutenant William Stewart, three sergeants, and thirty-five privates
wounded.
"On this occasion, Sergeant
Macgregor, whose company was immediately in the rear of the picquet,
rushed forward to their support, with a few men who happened to have their
arms in their hands, when the enemy commenced the attack. Being severely
wounded, he was left insensible on the ground. When the picquet was
overpowered, and the few survivors forced to retire, Macgregor, who had
that day put on a new jacket with silver lace, having besides, large
silver buckles in his shoes, and a watch, attracted the notice of an
American soldier, who deemed him a good prize. The retreat of his friends
not allowing him time to strip the sergeant on the spot, he thought the
shortest way was to take him on his back to a more convenient distance. By
this time Macgregor began to recover; and, perceiving whither the man was
carrying him, drew his dirk, and, grasping him by the throat, swore that
he would run him through the breast, if he did not turn back and carry him
to the camp. The American, finding this argument irresistible, complied
with the request, and, meeting Lord Cornwallis (who had come up to the
support of the regiment when he heard the firing) and Colonel Stirling,
was thanked for his care of the sergeant; but he honestly told him, that
he only conveyed him thither to save his own life. Lord Cornwallis gave
him liberty to go whithersoever he chose."
Summer being well advanced, Sir
William Howe made preparations for taking the field. The Royal
Highlanders, along with the 13th, 17th, and 44th regiments were put under
the command of General Charles Gray. Failing to draw Washington from his
secure position at Middlebrook, General Howe resolved to change the seat
of war, and accordingly embarked thirty-six battalions of British and
Hessians, and sailed for the Chesapeake. Before the embarkation, the Royal
Highlanders received one hundred and seventy recruits from Scotland, who,
as they were all of the best description, more than supplied the loss that
had been sustained.
After a tedious voyage the army, on
August 24th, landed at Elk Ferry. It did not begin the march until
September 3rd, for Philadelphia. In the meantime Washington marched across
the country and took up a position at Red Clay Creek, but having his
headquarters at Wilmington. His effective force was about eleven thousand
men while that of General Howe was eighteen thousand strong.
The two armies met on September
11th, and fought the battle of Brandywine. During the battle, lord
Cornwallis, with four battalions of British grenadiers and light infantry,
the Hessian grenadiers, a party of the 71st Highlanders, and the third and
fourth brigades, made a circuit of some miles, crossed Jefferis’ Ford
without opposition, and turned short down the river to attack the American
right. Washington, being apprised of this movement, detached General
Sullivan, with all the force he could spare, to thwart the design. General
Sullivan, having advantageously posted his men, lord Cornwallis was
obliged to consume some time in forming a line of battle. An action then
took place, when the Americans were driven through the woods towards the
main army. Meanwhile General Knyphausen, with his division, made
demonstrations for crossing at Chad’s Ford, and as soon as he knew from
the firing of cannon that lord Cornwallis had succeeded, he crossed the
river and carried the works of the Amercans. The approach of night ended
the conflict. The Amercans rendezvoused at Chester, and the next day
retreated towards Philadelphia, and encamped near Germantown.
The British had fifty officers
killed and wounded and four hundred and thirty-eight rank and file. The
battalion companies of the 42nd being in the reserve, sustained no loss,
as they were not brought into action; but of the light company, which
formed part of the light brigade, six privates were killed, and one
sergeant and fifteen privates wounded.
On the night of September 20th,
General Gray was detached with the 2nd light infantry and the 42nd and
44th regiments to cut off and destroy the corps of General Wayne. They
marched with great secrecy and came upon the camp at midnight, when all
were asleep save the pickets and guards, who were overpowered without
causing an alarm. The troops then rushed forward, bayoneted three hundred
and took one hundred Americans prisoners. The British loss was three
killed and several wounded.
On the 26th the British army took
peaceable possession of Philadelphia. In the battle of Germantown, fought
on the morning of October 4, 1777, the Highlanders did not participate.
The next enterprise in which the
42nd was engaged was under General Gray, who embarked with that regiment,
the grenadiers and the light infantry brigade, for the purpose of
destroying a number of privateers, with their prizes at New Plymouth. On
September 5, 1778, the troops landed on the banks of the Acushnet river,
and having destroyed seventy vessels, with all the cargoes, stores,
wharfs, and buildings, along the whole extent of the river, the whole were
re-embarked the following day and returned to New York.
The British army during the
Revolutionary struggle took the winter season for a period of rest,
although engaging more or less in marauding expeditions. On February 25,
1779, Colonel Stirling, with a detachment consisting of the light infantry
of the Guards and the 42nd, was ordered to attack a post at Elizabethtown,
in New Jersey, which was taken without opposition.
In April following the
Highland regiment was employed on an expedition to the Chesapeake, to
destroy the stores and merchandise at Portsmouth, in Virginia. They were
again employed with the Guards and a corps of Hessians in another
expedition under General Mathews, which sailed on the 30th, under the
convoy of Sir George Collier, in the Reasonable, and several ships of war,
and reached their destination on May 10th, when the troops landed on the
glebe on the western bank of Elizabeth. After fulfilling the object of the
expedition they returned to New York in good time for the opening of the
campaign, which commenced by the capture, on the part of the British, of
Verplanks and Stony Point. A garrison of six hundred men, among whom were
two companies of Fraser’s Highlanders, took possession of Stony Point.
Washington planned its capture which was executed by General Wayne. Soon
after General Wayne moved against Verplanks, which held out till the
approach of the light infantry and the 42nd, then withdrew his forces and
evacuated Stony Point. Shortly after, Colonel Stirling was appointed
aide-de-camp to the king, when the command of the 42nd devolved on Major
Charles Graham, to whom was entrusted the command of the posts of Stony
Point and Verplanks, together with his own regiment, and a detachment of
Fraser’s Highlanders, under Major Ferguson. This duty was the more
important, as the Americans surrounded the posts in great numbers, and
desertion had become so frequent among a corps of provincials, sent as a
reinforcement, that they could not be trusted on any military duty,
particularly on those duties which were most harassing. In the month of
October these posts were withdrawn and the regiment sent to Greenwich,
near New York.
The winter of 1779 was the
coldest that had been known for forty years; and the troops, although in
quarters, suffered more from that circumstance than in the preceding
winter when in huts. But the Highianders met with a misfortune that
greatly grieved them, and which tended to deteriorate, for several years,
the heretofore irreproachable character of the Royal Highland Regiment. In
the autumn of this year a draft of one hundred and fifty men, recruits
raised principally from the refuse of the streets of London and Dublin,
was embarked for the regiment by orders from the inspector-general at
Chatham. These men were of the most depraved character, and of such
dissolute habits, that one-half of them were unfit for service; fifteen
died in the passage, and seventy-five were sent to the hospital from the
transport as soon as they disembarked. The infusion of such immoral
ingredients must necessarily have a deleterious effect. General Stirling
made a strong remonstrance to the commander-in-chief, in consequence of
which these men were removed to the 26th regiment, in exchange for the
same number of Scotchmen. The introduction of these men into the regiment
dissolved the charm which, for nearly forty years, had preserved the
Highlanders from contamination. During that long period there were but few
courts-martial, and, for many years, no instance of corporal punishment
occurred.
With the intention of
pushing the war with vigor, the new commander-in-chief. Sir Henry Clinton,
who had succeeded Sir William Howe, in May, 1778, resolved to attack
Charleston, the capital of South Carolina. Having left General Knyphausen
in command at New York, General Clinton with his army set sail December
26, 1779. Such was the severity of the weather, however, that, although
the voyage might have been accomplished in ten days, it was February 11,
1780, before the troops disembarked on John’s Island, thirty miles from
Charleston. So great were the impediments to be overcome, and so cautious
was the advance of the general, that it was March 29th before they crossed
the Ashley river. The following day they encamped opposite the American
lines. Ground was broken in front of Charleston on April 1st. General
Lincoln, who commanded the American forces, had strengthened the place in
all its defences, both by land and water, in such a manner as to threaten
a siege that would be both tedious and difficult. When General Clinton,
anticipating the nature of the works he desired to capture, sent for the
Royal Highlanders and Queen’s Rangers to join him, which they did on April
18th, having sailed from New York on March 31st. The siege proceeded in
the usual way until May 12th, when the garrison surrendered prisoners of
war. The loss of the British forces on this occasion consisted of
seventy-six killed and one hundred
and eighty—nine wounded; and that of the 42nd,
Lieutenant Macleod and nine privates killed, and Lieutenant Alexander
Grant and fourteen privates wounded.
After Sir
Henry Clinton had taken possession of
Charleston, the 42nd and light infantry were ordered to Monck’s Corner as
a foraging party, and, returning on the 2nd, they embarked June 4th for
New York, along with the Grenadiers and Elessians. After being stationed
for a time on Staten Island, Valentine’s Hill, and other stations in New
York, went into winter quarters in the city. About this time one hundred
recruits were received from Scotland, all young men, in
the full vigor of health, and ready for
immediate service. From this period, as the regiment was not engaged in
any active service during the war, the changes in encampments are too
trifling to require notice.
On April 28, 1782, Major Graham
succeeded to the
lieutenant-colonelcy of the Royal
Highland Regiment, and Captain Walter Home of the fusileers became major.
While the regiment was stationed at
Paulus Hook several of the men deserted to the Americans. This
unprecedented and unlooked for
event occasioned much surprise and various causes were ascribed for it but
the prevalent opinion was that the men had received from the 26th
regiment, and who had been made prisoners at Saratoga, had been promised
lands and other indulgences while prisoners to the Americans. One of these
deserters, a man named Anderson, was soon afterwards taken, tried by
court—martial, and shot. This was the first instance of an execution in
the regiment since the mutiny of 1743. The regiment remained at Paulus
Hook till the conclusion of the war, when the establishment was reduced to
eight companies of fifty men each. The officers of the ninth and tenth
companies were not put on half-pay, but kept as supernumeraries to fill up
vacancies as they occurred in the regiment. A number of the men were
discharged at their own request, and their places supplied by those who
wished to remain in the country, instead of going home with their
regiments. These were taken from Fraser’s and Macdonald
Highlanders, and from the Edinburgh and
duke of Hamilton’s regiments.
The
42nd left New York for Halifax, Nova Scotia,
on October 22, 1783, where they remained till the year 1786, when
the battalion embarked and sailed for Cape Breton, two companies being
detached to tile island of St. John. In the month of August, 1789. the
regiment embarked for England, and landed in Portsmouth in October. In
May, 1790, they arrived in
Glasgow.
During
the American Revolutionary War the loss
of the Royal Highlanders was as follows:
FRASER’S HIGHLANDERS.
The breaking
out of hostilities in America in 1775
determined the English government to revive Fraser’s Highlanders.
Although disinherited of his estates
Colonel Fraser, through the influence of clan feeling, was enabled to
raise twelve hundred and fifty men
in 1757, it was believed, since his estates
had been restored in 1772, he could readily raise a strong
regiment. So, in 1775, Colonel Fraser received letters for raising a
Highland regiment of two battalions. With ease he raised two thousand
three hundred and forty Highlanders, who were marched up to Stirling, and
thence to Glasgow in April, 1776.
This corps had in it six chiefs of clans besides himself. The regiment
consisted of the following nominal list of officers:
FIRST BATTALION.
Colonel: Simon Fraser of Lovat;
Lieutenant-Colonel: Sir William Erskine of Torry; Majors: John Macdonell
of Lochgarry and Duncan Macpherson of Cluny; Captains: Simon Fraser,
Duncan Chisholm of Chisholm, Colin Mackenzie, Francis Skelly, Hamilton
Maxwell, John Campbell, Norman Macleod of Macleod, Sir James Baird of
Saughtonhall and Charles Cameron of Lochiel; Lieutenants: Charles
Campbell, John Macdougall, Colin Mackenzie, John Nairne, William Nairne,
Charles Gordon, David Kinloch, Thomas Tause, William Sinclair, Hugh
Fraser, Alexander Fraser, Thomas Fraser, Dougald Campbell, Robert
Macdonald, Alexander Fraser, Roderick Macleod, John Ross, Patrick Cumming,
and Thomas Hamilton; Ensigns: Archibald Campbell, Henry Macpherson, John
Grant, Robert Campbell, Allan Malcolm, John Murchison, Angus Macdonell,
Peter Fraser; Chaplain: Hugh Blair, D.D.; Adjutant: Donald Cameron;
Quarter-Master: David Campbell; Surgeon: William Fraser.
SECOND BATTALION.
Colonel: Simon Fraser of Lovat;
Lieutenant-Colonel: Archibald Campbell; Majors: Norman Lamont and Robert
Menzies; Captains: Angus Mackintosh of Kellachy, Patrick Campbell, Andrew
Lawrie, AEneas Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Charles Cameron, George Munro,
Boyd Porterfield and Law Robert Campbell; Lieutenants: Robert Hutchison,
Alexander Sutherland, Archibald Campbell, Hugh Lamont, Robert Duncanson,
George Stewart, Charles Barrington Mackenzie. James Christie, James
Fraser, Thomas Fraser, Archibald Balnevis, Dougald Campbell, Lodovick
Colquhoun, John Mackenzie, Hugh
Campbell, John Campbell, Arthur Forbes, Patrick Campbell, Archibald
Maclean. David Ross, Robert Grant and Thomas Fraser; Ensigns: William
Gordon, Charles Main, Archibald Campbell, Donald Cameron, Smollet
Campbell, Gilbert Waugh, William Bain and John Grant Chaplain : Malcolm
Nicholson; Adjutant : Archibald Campbell; Quarter-Master: J.
Ogilvie; Surgeon: Colin Chisholm.
At
the time Fraser’s Regiment, or the 71st, was
mustered in Glasgow, there were nearly six thousand Highlanders in that
city, of whom three thousand, belonging to the 42nd, and 71st, were raised
and brought from the North in ten weeks. More men had come up than were
required. When the corps marched for Greenock, these were left behind. So
eager were they to engage against the Americans that many
were stowed away, who had not enlisted.
On none of the soldiers was there the appearance of displeasure at going.
Sometime after the sailing of the
fleet it was scattered by a
violent gale, and several of the single ships fell in with, and were
scattered by, American privateers. A transport having Captain, afterward
Sir AEneas Mackintosh, and his company on board, with two six pounders,
made a resolute defence against a privateer with eight guns, till all the
ammunition was expended, when they bore down with
the intention of boarding; but, the privateer not
waiting to receive the shock, set sail, the transport being unable to
follow.
As has
been previously noticed, General Howe, on
evacuating Boston, did not leave a vessel off the harbor to warn incoming
British ships Owing to this neglect, the transport with Colonel Archibald
Campbell and Major Menzies on board sailed into Boston Harbour. The
account of the capture of this transport and others is here subjoined by
the participants. Captain Seth Harding, commander of the defence, in his
report to Governor Trumbull, under date of June 19, 1776,
said:
"I sailed on Sunday last from Plymouth. Soon after we
came to sail, I heard a considerable firing to the northward. In the
evening fell in with four armed schooners near the entrance of Boston
harbor, who informed me they had been engaged with a ship and brig, and
were obliged to quit them. Soon after I came up into Nantasket Roads,
where I found the ship and brig at anchor. I immediately fell in between
the two, and came to anchor about eleven o’clock at night. I hailed the
ship, who answered, from Great Britain. I ordered her to strike her colors
to America. They answered me by asking, What brig is that? I told them the
Defence. I then hailed him again, and told him I did not want to kill
their men; but have the ship I would at all events, and again desired them
to strike; upon which the Major
(since dead) said, Yes, I’ll strike, and fired a broadside upon me, which
I immediately returned, upon which an engagement begun, which continued
three glasses, when the ship and brig both struck. In this engagement I
had nine wounded. but none killed. The enemy had eighteen killed, and a
number wounded. My officers and men behaved with great bravery; no man
could have outdone them. We took out of the above vessels two hundred and
ten prisoners, among whom is Colonel Campbell, of General Frazer’s
Regiment of Highlanders. The Major was killed.
Yesterday a ship was seen in the
bay, which came towards the entrance of the harbor, upon which I came to
sail, with four schooners in company. We came up with her, and took her
without any engagement. There were on board about one hundred and twelve
Highlanders. As there are a number more of the same fleet expected every
day, and the General here urges my stay, I shall tarry a few days,
and then proceed for New London. My brig is much damaged in her sails and
rigging."
Colonel Campbell made the following
report to Sir William Howe, dated at Boston, June
19,
1776:
"Sir: I am sorry to inform you that
it has been my unfortunate lot to have fallen into the hands of the
Americans in the middle of Boston harbor; but
when the circumstances which have occasioned
this disaster are understood, I flatter myself no reflection will arise to
myself or my officers on account of it.
On the 16th of June the George and Annabella
transports, with two companies of the Seventy-First Regiment of
Highlanders, made the land off Cape Ann, after a passage of seven weeks
from Scotland, during the course of which we had not the opportunity of
speaking to a single vessel that could give us the smallest information of
the British troops having evacuated Boston. On the 17th, at
daylight, we found ourselves
opposite to the harbor’s mouth at Boston ; but, from contrary winds, it
was necessary to make several tacks to reach
it. Four schooners (which we took to be
pilots, or armed vessels in the service of his Majesty, but which were
afterwards found to be four American privateers, of eight carriage-guns,
twelve swivels, and forty men each) were bearing down upon us at four
o’clock in the morning. At half an hour thereafter two of them engaged us,
and about eleven o’clock the other two were close alongside. The George
transport (on board of which were Major Menzies and myself, with one
hundred and eight of the Second Battalion, the Adjutant, the
Quartermaster, two Lieutenants ,and five volunteers, were passengers) had
only six pieces of cannon to oppose them: and the Annabella (on board of
which was Captain McKenzie, together with two subalterns, two volunteers,
and eighty—two private men of the First Battalion) had only two swivels
for her defence. Under such circumstances, I thought it expedient for the
Annabella to keep ahead of the George, that our artillery might
be used with more effect and less
obstruction. Two of the privateers having sta— tioned themselves upon our
larboard quarter and two upon our starboard quarter, a tolerable cannonade
ensued, which, with very few intermissions, lasted till four o’clock in
the evening, when the enemy bore away, and anchored in Plymouth harbor.
Our loss upon this occasion was only three men mortally wounded on board
the George, one killed and one man slightly wounded on board the Annabella.
As my orders were for the port of Boston, I thought it my duty, at this
happy crisis, to push forward into the harbor, not doubting I should
receive protection either from a fort or some ship of force stationed
there for the security of our fleet.
Towards the close of the evening we
perceived the four schooners that were engaged with us in the morning,
joined by the brig Defence, of sixteen carriage-guns, twenty swivels, and
one hundred and seventeen men, and a schooner of eight carriage-guns,
twelve swivels. and forty tiien, got under way and
made towards us. As we stood up for Nantasket
Road, an American battery opened upon us, which was the first serious
proof we had that there could scarcely be many friends of ours at Boston:
and we were too far embayed to retreat, especially as the wind had died
away, and the tide of flood not half expended. After each of the vessels
had twice run aground, we anchored at George’s Island, and prepared for
action; but the Annabella by some
misfortune, got aground so far astern of the George we could expect but a
feeble support from her musketry. About eleven o’clock four of the
schooners anchored right upon our bow, and one right astern of us. The
armed brig took her station on our starboard side, at the distance of two
hundred yards, and hailed us to strike the British flag. Although
the mate of our ship and every sailor on board
(the Captain only
excepted) refused positively to fight any longer, I have the pleasure
to inform you
that there was not an officer, non-commissioned officer, or private man of
the Seventy-First but what stood to their quarters with a ready and
cheerful obedience. On our refusing to strike the British flag, the action
was renewed with a good deal of warmth on both sides, and it was our
misfortune, after the sharp combat of
an hour and a half, to have expended
every shot that we
had for our artillery. Under such circumstances, hemmed in as we were with
six privateers, in the middle of an enemy’s harbor, beset with a dead
calm, without the power of escaping, or even the most distant hope of
relief, I thought it became my duty not to sacrifice the lives
of gallant men
wantonly in the arduous attempt of an evident impossibility. In this
unfortunate affair Major Menzies and seven private soldiers were killed,
the Quartermaster and twelve private soldiers wounded. The Major was
buried with the honors of war at Boston.
Since our captivity, I have the
honor to acquaint you that we have experienced the utmost civility and
good treatment from the people of
power at Boston, insomuch, sir, that I should do
injustice to
the feelings of
generosity did I not make this particular
information with
pleasure and satisfaction. I have now to request of you that, so soon as
the distracted state of
this unfortunate
controversy will admit, you will be pleased to
take an early opportunity of settling a cartel for myself and officers.
I have the honor to be, with great
respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Archibald Campbell.
Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment.
P. S. On my arrival at Boston I
found that Captain Maxwell, with the Light-Infantry of the first battalion
of the Seventy— First Regiment, had the misfortune to fall into the hands
of some other privateers, and were carried into Marblehead the 10th
instant. Captain Campbell, with the Grenadiers of the second battalion,
who was ignorant, as we were, of the evacuation of Boston, stood into the
mouth of this harbor, and was surrounded and taken by eight privateers
this forenoon.
In case of a cartel is established,
the following return is, as near as I can effect, the number of officers,
non-commissioned officers, and private men of the Seventy-First Regiment
who are prisoners-of-war at and in the neighborhood of Boston:
The George transport:
Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell; Lieutenant and Adjutant Archibald
Campbell: Lieutenant Archibald Balneaves; Lieutenant Hugh Campbell;
Quartermaster William Ogilvie; Surgeon’s Mate, David Burns; Patrick
McDougal, private, and acting Sergeant-Major; James Flint, volunteer:
Dugald Campbell, ditto; Donald McBane, John Wilson, three Sergeants, four
corporals, two Drummers, ninety private men.
The Annabella transport: Captain
George McKinzie; Lieutenant Colin McKinzie; Ensign Peter Fraser; Mr.
McKinzie and Alexander McTavish, volunteers: four Sergeants, four
Corporals, two Drummers, eighty-one private men.
Lord Howe transport: Captain
Lawrence Campbell; Lieutenant Robert Duncanson; Lieutenant Archibald
McLean Lieutenant Lewis Colhoun; Duncan Campbell, volunteer: four
Sergeants, four Corporals, two Drummers, ninety-six private men.
Ann transport: Captain Hamilton
Maxwell; Lieutenant Charles Campbell; Lieutenant Fraser; Lieutenant - — ;
four Sergeants, four Corporals, two Drummers, ninety-six private men.
Archibald Campbell,
Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment."
On account of the treatment received
by General Charles Lee, a prisoner in the hands of Sir William Howe, and
the covert threat of condign punishment on the accusation of treason,
Congress resolved, January 6, 1777, that "should the proffered exchange of
General Lee, for six Hessian field-officers, not be accepted, and the
treatment of him as aforementioned be continued, then the principles of
retaliation shall occasion first of the said Hessian field-officers,
together with Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, or any other officers
that are or may be in our possession, equivalent in number or quality, to
be detained, in order that the same treatment, which general Lee shall
receive, may be exactly inflicted upon their persons."
In consequence of this act Colonel
Campbell was thrown into Concord gaol. On February 4th he addressed a
letter to Washington giving a highly colored account of his severe
treatment, making it equal to that inflicted upon the most atrocious
criminals; and for the reasons he was so treated declaring that "the first
of this month, I was carried and lodged in the common gaol of Concord, by
an order of Congress, through the Council of Boston, intimating for a
reason, that a refusal of General Howe to give up General Lee for six
field-officers, of whom I was one, and the placing of that gentleman under
the charge of the Provost at New York, were the motives of their
particular ill treatment of me."
Washington, on February 28, 1777,
wrote to the Council of Massachusetts remonstrating with them and
directing Colonel Campbell’s enlargement, as his treatment was not
according to the resolve of Congress. The following day he wrote Colonel
Campbell stating that he imagined there would be a mitigation of what he
now suffered. At the same time Washington wrote to the Congress on the
impolicy of so treating Colonel Campbell, declaring that he feared that
the resolutions, if adhered to, might "produce consequences of an
extensive and melancholy nature." On March 6th he wrote to the president
of Congress reaffirming his position on the impolicy of their attitude
towards Colonel Campbell. To the same he wrote May 28th stating that
"notwithstanding my recommendation, agreeably to what I conceived to be
the sense of Congress, Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell’s treatment continues
to be such as cannot be justified either on the principles of generosity
or strict retaliation; as I have authentic information, and I doubt not
you will have the same, that General Lee’s situation is far from being
rigorous or uncomfortable." To Sir William Howe, he wrote June 10th, that
"Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and the Hessian field-officers, will be
detained till you recognise General Lee as a prisoner of war, and put him
on the footing of claim. * * * The situation of Lieutenant-Colonel
Campbell, as represented by you, is such as I neither wished nor approve.
Upon the first intimation of his complaints, I wrote upon the subject, and
hoped there would have been no further cause of uneasiness. That,
gentleman, I am persuaded, will do me the justice to say, he has received
no ill treatment at my instance. Unnecessary severity and every species of
insult I despise, and, I trust, none will ever have just reason to censure
me in this respect." At this time Colonel Campbell was not in the gaol but
in the jailer’s house. On June 2d Congress ordered that Colonel Campbell
and the five Hessian officers should be treated "with kindness,
generosity, and tenderness, consistent with the safe custody of their
persons."
Congress finally decided that
General Prescott, who had been recently captured, should be held as a
hostage for the good treatment of General Lee, and Washington was
authorized to negotiate an exchange of prisoners.
March 10, 1778, in a letter
addressed to Washington by Sir William Howe, he concludes as follows:
"When the
agreement was concluded upon to appoint commissioners to settle a general
exchange, I expected there would have been as much expedition used in
returning Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, and the Hessian field-officers, as
in returning Major-General Prescott, and that the cartel might have been
finished by the time of the arrival of General Lee. If, however, there
should be any objection to General Prescott’s remaining at New York, until
the aforementioned officers are sent in, he shall, to avoid altercation,
be returned upon requisition."
To this Washington replied:
"Valley Forge, 12 March, 1778.
Sir :—Your letter of the 10th came
to hand last night. The meeting of our commissioners cannot take place
till the time appointed in my last.
I am not able to conceive on what
principle it should be imagined, that any distinction, injurious to
Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and the Hessian field officers, still exists.
That they have not yet been returned on parole is to be ascribed solely to
the remoteness of their situation. Mr. Boudinot informs me, that he
momentarily expects their arrival, in prosecution of our engagement. You
are well aware, that the distinction originally made, with respect to
them, was in consequence of your discrimination to the prejudice of
General Lee. On your receding from that discrimination, and agreeing to a
mutual releasement of officers on parole, the difficulty ceased, and
General Prescott was sent into New York, in full expectation, that General
Lee would come out in return. So far from adhering to any former
exception. I had particularly directed my commissary of prisoners to
release Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, in lieu of Lieutenant Colonel Ethan
Allen."
It was not, however, until May 5,
1778 that Washington succeeded in exchanging Colonel Campbell for Colonel
Ethan Allen. His imprisonment did not have any effect on his treatment of
those who afterwards fell into his hands.
The death of Major Menzies was an
irreparable loss to the corps, for he was a man of judgment and
experience; and many of the officers and all the sergeants and soldiers
totally inexperienced. Colonel Campbell was experienced as an engineer,
but was a stranger to the minor and interior discipline of the line. But
when it is considered that the force opposed to Fraser’s regiment was also
undisciplined, the duty and responsibility became less arduous.
The greater part of the 71st safely
landed towards the end of July, 1776 on Staten Island and were immediately
brought to the front. The grenadiers were placed in the battalion under
Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Stuart, and the light infantry in
Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Abercromby’s brigade; the other companies were
formed into three small battalions in brigades, under Sir William Erskine,
then appointed Brigadier-General. In this manner, and, as has been
noticed, without training, these men were brought into action at Brooklin.
Nine hundred men of the 42nd, engaged on this occasion, were as
inexperienced as those of the 71st, but they had the advantage of the
example of three hundred old soldiers, on which to form their habits,
together with officers of long experience.
The first proof of their capacity,
energy and steadfastness was at the battle of Brooklin, where they fully
met the expectations of their commander. They displayed great eagerness to
push the Americans to extremities, and to compel them to abandon their
strong position. General Howe, desiring to spare their lives, called them
back. The loss sustained by this regiment, in the engagement was three
rank and file killed, and two sergeants and nine rank and file wounded.
The regiment passed the winter at
Amboy, and in the skirmishing warfare of the next campaign was in constant
employment, particularly so in the expeditions against Willsborough and
Westfield, with which the operations for 1777 commenced. Immediately
afterwards the army embarked for the Chesapeake. In the battle of
Brandywine, a part of the 71st was actively engaged, and the regiment
remained in Pennsylvania until November, when they embarked for New York.
Here they were joined by two hundred recruits who had arrived from
Scotland in September. These men along with one hundred more recovered
from the hospital, formed a small corps under Captain Colin Mackenzie and
acted as light infantry in an expedition up the North river to create a
diversion in favor of General Burgoyne’s movements. This corps led a
successful assault on Fort Montgomery on October 6th, in which they
displayed great courage. Captain Mackenzie’s troops led the assault, and
although so many were recruits, it was said that they exhibited conduct
worthy of veterans.
In the year 1778, the 71st regiment
accompanied lord Cornwallis on an expedition into the Jerseys,
distinguished by a series of movements and counter-movements. Stewart says
that on the excursion into the Jerseys "a corps of cavalry, commanded by
the Polish count Pulaski, were surprised and nearly cut to pieces by the
light infantry under Sir James Baird." This must refer to the expedition
against Little Egg Harbor, on the eastern coast of New Jersey, which was a
noted place of rendezvous for American privateers. The expedition was
commanded by Captain Patrick Ferguson, many of whose troops were American
royalists. They failed in their design, but made extensive depredations on
both public and private property. A deserter from count Pulaski’s command
informed Captain Ferguson that a force had been sent to check these
ravages and was now encamped twelve miles up the river. Captain Ferguson
proceeded to surprise the force, and succeeded. He surrounded the houses
at night in which the unsuspecting infantry were sleeping, and in his
report of the affair said:
"It being a night-attack, little
quarter, of course, could be given; so there were only five prisoners !"
He had butchered fifty of the
infantry on the spot, when the approach of count Pulaski’s horse caused
him to make a rapid retreat to his boats, and a flight down the river.
Such expeditions only tended to arouse the Americans and express the most
determined hatred towards their oppressors. They uttered vows of vengeance
which they sought in every way to execute.
An expedition consisting of the
Highlanders, two regiments of Hessians, a corps of provincials, and a
detachment of artillery, commanded by Lieutenant—Colonel Archibald
Campbell, sailed from Sandy Hook, November 29, 1778, and after a stormy
passage reached the Savannah river by the end of December. The 1st
battalion of the 71st, and the light infantry, under the immediate command
of Lieutenant—Colonel Maitland, landed, without opposition a short
distance below the town of Savannah. Captain Cameron, without delay,
advanced to attack the American advanced posts, when he and three of his
men were killed by a volley. The rest instantly charged and drove the
Americans back on the main body, drawn up in a line on an open plain in
the rear of the town. The disembarkation, with the necessary arrangements
for an attack was soon completed. At that time Savannah was an open town,
without any natural strength, save that of the woods which covered both
sides. Colonel Campbell formed his troops in line, and detached Sir James
Baird with the light infantry through a narrow path, to get round the
right flank of the Americans, while the corps, which had been Captain
Cameron’s, was sent round the left. The main army in front made
demonstrations to attack. The Americans were so occupied with the main
body that they did not perceive the flanking movements, and were thus
easily surrounded. When they realized the situation they fled in great
confusion. The light infantry closing in upon both flanks of the
retreating Americans, they greatly suffered, losing upwards of one hundred
killed and five hundred wounded and prisoners, with a British loss of but
four soldiers killed and five wounded. The town then surrendered and the
British took possession of all the shipping, stores, and forty-five
cannon.
Flushed with success Colonel
Campbell made immediate preparations to advance against Augusta, situated
in the interior about one hundred and fifty miles distant. No opposition
was manifested, and the whole province of Georgia, apparently submitted.
Colonel Campbell established himself in Augusta, and detached
Lieutenant—Colonel Hamilton, with two hundred men to the frontiers of
Georgia. Meanwhile General Prevost, having arrived at Savannah from
Florida, assumed command. Judging the ground occupied to be too extensive,
he ordered Augusta evacuated and the lines narrowed. This retrograde
movement emboldened the Americans and they began to collect in great
numbers, and hung on the rear of the British, cutting off stragglers, and
frequently skirmishing with the rear guard. Although uniformly maintaining
themselves, this retreat dispirited the royalists (commonly called tories),
and left them unprotected and unwilling to render assistance.
It appears that the policy of
General Prevost was not to encourage the establishing of a provincial
militia, so that the royalists were left behind without arms or
employment, and the patriots formed bands and traversed the country
without control. To keep these in check, inroads were made into the
interior, and in this manner the winter months passed. Colonel Campbell,
who had acted on a different system, obtained leave of absence and
embarked for England, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland in command of
the 71st regiment.
The regiment remained inactive till
the month of February 1779, when it was employed in an enterprise against
Brier Creek, forty miles below Augusta, a strong position defended by
upwards of two thousand men, besides one thousand occupied in detached
stations. In front was a deep swamp, rendered passable only by a narrow
causeway, and on each flank thick woods nearly impenetrable, but the
position was open to the rear. In order to dislodge the Americans from
this position Lieutenant-Colonel Duncan Macpherson, with the first
battalion of the Highlanders, was directed to march upon the front of the
position; whilst Colonel Prevost and Lieutenant Colonels Maitland and
Macdonald, with the 2d battalion of the Highlanders, the light infantry,
and a detachment of provincials, were ordered to attempt the rear by a
circuitous route of forty-nine miles. Notwithstanding the length of the
march through a difficult country, the movements were so well regulated,
that in ten minutes after Colonel Macpherson appeared at the head of the
causeway in front, Colonel Maitland’s fire was heard in the rear, and Sir
James Baird, with the light infantry rushed through the openings in the
swamp on the left flank. The attack was made on March 3rd. The Americans
under General Ashe were completely surprised. The entire army was lost by
death, captivity and dispersion. On this occasion one fourth of General
Lincoln’s army was destroyed. The loss of the Highlanders being five
soldiers killed, and one officer and twelve rank and file wounded.
General Prevost was active and next
determined to invade South Carolina. Towards the close of April he crossed
the Savannah river, with the troops engaged at Brier’s Creek, and a large
body of royalists and Creek Indians, and made slow marches towards
Charleston. In the meantime General Lincoln had been active and recruited
vigorously, and now mustered five thousand men under his command. Whilst
General Prevost marched against General Lincoln’s front, the former
ordered the 71st to make a circuitous march of several miles and attack
the rear. Guided by a party of Creek Indians the Highlanders entered a
woody swamp at eleven o’clock at night, in traversing which they were
frequently up to the shoulders in the swamp. They emerged from the woods
the next morning at eight o’clock with their ammunition destroyed. They
were now within a half mile of General Lincoln’s rear guard which they
attacked and drove from their position without sustaining loss. Reaching
Charleston on May 11th General Prevost demanded instantly its surrender,
but a dispatch from General Lincoln notified the people that he was coming
to their relief. General Prevost, fearing that General Lincoln would cut
off his communication with Savannah, commenced his retreat towards that
city, at midnight, along the coast. This route exposed his troops to much
suffering, having to march through unfrequented woods, salt water marshes
and swamps. Lieutenant-Colonel Prevost, the Quartermaster-General, and a
man of the name of Macgirt, and a person under his orders, had gone on a
foraging expedition, and were not returned from their operations; and in
order to protect them Colonel Maitland, with a battalion of Highlanders
and some Hessians, was placed in a hastily constructed redoubt at Stono
Ferry, ten miles below Charleston. On June 20th these men were attacked by
a part of General Lincoln’s force. When their advance was reported,
Captain Colin Campbell, with four officers and fifty-six men, was sent out
to reconnoitre. A thick wood covered the approach of the Americans till
they reached a clear field on which Captain Campbell’s party stood.
Immediately he attacked the Americans and a desperate resistance ensued;
all the officers and non-commissioned officers of the Highlanders fell,
seven soldiers alone remaining on their feet. It was not intended that the
resistance should be of such a nature, but most of the men had been
captured in Boston Harbor, and had only been recently exchanged, and this
being their first appearance before an enemy, and thought it was
disgraceful to retreat when under fire. When Captain Campbell fell he
directed his men to make the best of their way to the redoubt; but they
refused to obey, and leave their officers on the field. The Americans, at
this juncture ceased firing, and the seven soldiers carried their officers
along with them, followed by such as were able to walk. The Americans
advanced on the redoubts with partial success. The Hessians having got
into confusion in the redoubt, which they occupied, the Americans forced
an entrance, but the 71st having driven back those who attacked their
redoubt, Colonel Maitland was enabled to detach two companies of
Highlanders to the support of the Hessians. The Americans were instantly
driven out of the redoubt at the point of the bayonet, and while preparing
for another attempt, the 2d battalion of Highlanders came up, when
despairing of success they retreated at all points, leaving many killed
and wounded.
The resistance offered by Captain
Campbell afforded their friends in the redoubts time to prepare, and
likewise to the 2d battalion in the island to march by the difficult and
circuitous route left open for them. The delay in the 2d battalion was
also caused by a want of boats. Two temporary ferry-boats had been
established, but the men in charge ran away as soon as the firing began.
The Americans opened a galling fire on the men as they stood on the banks
of the river. Lieutenant Robert Campbell plunged into the water and swam
across, followed by a few soldiers, returned with the boats, and thus
enabled the battalion to cross over to the support of their friends. Five
hundred and twenty Highlanders and two hundred Hessians successfully
resisted all the efforts of the Americans twelve hundred strong, and this
with a trifling loss in comparison to the service rendered. When the
Americans fell back, the whole garrison sallied out, but the light troops
covered the retreat so successfully, that all the wounded were brought
off. In killed and wounded the Americans lost one hundred and
forty-six and one hundred and fifty missing. The British loss was three
officers and thirty-two soldiers killed and wounded. Three days
afterwards, the foraging party having re— turned, the British evacuated
Stono Ferry, and retreated from island to island, until they reached
Beaufort, on Port Royal, where Colonel Maitland was left with seven
hundred men, while General Prevost, with the main body of the army,
continued his difficult and harrassing march to Savannah.
In the month of September 1779, the
count D’Estaing arrived on the coast of Georgia with a fleet of twenty
sail of the line, two fifty gun ships, seven frigates, and transports,
with a body of troops on board for the avowed purpose of retaking
Savannah. The garrison consisted of two companies of the 16th regiment,
two of the 60th, one battalion of Highlanders, and one weak battalion of
Hessians; in all about eleven hundred effective men. The combined force of
French and Americans was four thousand nine hundred and fifty men. While
General Lincoln and his force were approaching the French effected a
landing at Beuley and Thunderbolt, without opposition. General McIntosh
urged count D’Estaing to make an immediate assault upon the British works.
This advice was rejected, and count D’Estaing advanced within three miles
of Savannah and demanded an unconditional surrender to the king of France.
General Prevost asked for a truce until next day which was granted, and in
the meanwhile twelve hundred white men and negroes were employed in
strengthening the fortifications and mounting additional ordnance. This
truce General Lincoln at once perceived was fatal to the success of the
beseigers, for he had ascertained that Colonel Maitland, with his troops,
was on his way from Beaufort, to reinforce General Prevost, and that his
arrival within twenty—four hours, was the object which was designed by the
truce. Colonel Maitland, conducted by a negro fisherman, passed through a
creek with his boats, at high water, and concealed by a fog, eluded the
French, and entered the town on the afternoon of September 17th. His
arrival gave General Prevost courage, and towards evening he sent a note
to count D’Estaing, hearing a positive refusal to capitulate. All energies
were now bent towards taking the town by regular approaches. Ground was
broken on the morning of September 23rd. and night and day the
besiegers plied the spade, and so vigorously was the work prosecuted, that
in the course of twelve days fifty-three cannon and fourteen mortars were
mounted. During these days two sorties were made. The morning of September
24th. Major Colin Graham, with the light company of the 16th
regiment, and the two Highland battalions, dashed out, attacked the
besiegers, drove them from their works, and then retired with the loss of
Lieutenant Henry Macpherson of the 71st, and three privates killed, and
fifteen wounded. On September 27th, Major Macarthur, with the
pickets of the High-landers advanced with such caution and address, that,
after firing a few rounds, the French and Americans, mistaking their
object, commenced a fire on each other, by which they lost fifty men; and,
in the meantime Major Macarthur retired. These sorties had no effect on
the general operations.
On the morning of October 4th, the
batteries having been all completed and manned, a terrible bombardment was
opened upon the British works and the town. The French frigate Truite also
opened a cannonade. Houses were shattered, men, women and children were
killed or maimed, and terror reigned. Day and night the cannonade was
continued until the 9th. Victory was within the grasp of the besiegers,
when count D’Estaing became impatient and determined on an assault. Just
before dawn on the morning of the 9th four thousand five hundred men of
the combined armies moved to the assault, in the midst of a dense fog and
under cover of a heavy fire from the batteries. They advanced in three
columns, the principal one commanded by count D’Estaing in person,
assisted by General Lincoln; another column by count Dillon. The left
column taking a great circuit got entangled in a swamp, and, being exposed
to the guns of the garrison, was unable to advance. The others made the
advance in the best manner, but owing to the fire of the batteries
suffered severely. Many entered the ditch, and even ascended and planted
the colors on the parapet, where several were killed. Captain Tawse, of
the 71st, who commanded the redoubt, plunged his sword into the first man
who mounted, and was himself shot dead by the man who followed. Captain
Archibald Campbell then assumed the command, and maintained his post till
supported by the grenadiers of the 60th, when the assaulting column being
attacked on both sides, was completely broken, and driven back with such
expedition, that a detachment of the 71st, ordered by Colonel Maitland to
hasten and assist those who were so hard pressed by superior numbers,
could not overtake them. The other columns, seeing the discomfiture of the
principal attack, retired without any further attempt.
It is the uniform testimony of those
who have studied this siege that if count D’Estaing had immediately on
landing made the attack, the garrison must have succumbed. General
Lincoln, although his force was greatly diminished by the action just
closed, wished to continue the siege; but count D’Estaing resolved on
immediate departure. General Lincoln was indignant, but concealed his
wrath; and being too weak to carry on the siege alone, he at last
consented to abandon it.
The French loss, in killed and
wounded, was six hundred and thirty-seven men, and the American four
hundred and fifty-seven. The British lost one captain, two subalterns,
four sergeants, and thirty-two soldiers, killed; and two captains, two
sergeants, two drummers, and fifty-six soldiers, wounded. Colonel Maitland
was attacked with a bilious disease during the siege and soon after died.
The British troops had been sickly before Savannah was attacked; but the
soldiers were reanimated, and sickness, in a manner, was suspended, during
active operations. But when the Americans withdrew, and all excitement had
ceased, sickness returned with aggravated violence, and fully one fourth
the men were sent to the hospital.
While these operations were going on
in Georgia and South Carolina a disaster overtook the grenadiers of the
71st who were posted at Stony Point and Verplanks, in the state of New
York. Washington planned the attack on Stony Point and deputed General
Wayne to execute it. So secretly was the whole movement conducted, that
the British garrison was unsuspicious of danger. At eight o’clock, on the
evening of July 15, 1779, General Wayne took post in a hollow, within two
miles of the fort on Stony Point, and there remained unperceived until
midnight, when he formed his men into two columns, Lieutenant-Colonel
Fleury leading one division and Major Stewart the other. At the head of
each was a forlorn hope of twenty men. Both parties were close upon the
works before they were discovered. A skirmish with the pickets at once
ensued, the Americans using the bayonet only. In a few moments the entire
works were manned, and the Americans were compelled to press forward in
the face of a terrible storm of grape shot and musket balls. Over the
ramparts and into the fort both columns pushed their way. At two o’clock
the morning of the 16th, General Wayne wrote to Washington:
"The fort and garrison, with Colonel
Johnson, are ours. The officers and men behaved like men who were
determined to be free."
The British lost nineteen soldiers
killed, and one captain, two subalterns, and seventy two soldiers,
wounded; and, in all, including prisoners, six hundred. The principal part
of this loss fell upon the picket, commanded by Lieutenant Cumming of the
71st, which resisted one of the columns till almost all of the men of the
picket, were either killed or wounded, Lieutenant Cumming being among the
latter. The Americans lost fifteen killed and eighty-three wounded.
The force which had so ably defended
Savannah remained there in quarters during the winter of 1779 and 1780. In
the month of March 1780, Sir Henry Clinton arrived before Charleston with
a force from New York, which he immediately invested and rigorously pushed
the siege. The chief engineer, Captain Moncrieff was indefatigable, and
being fearless of danger, was careless of the lives of others. Having
served two years with the 71st, and believing it would gratify the
Highlanders to select them for dangerous service, he generally applied for
a party of that corps for all exposed duties.
After the surrender of Charleston,
on May 12, 1780, to the army under Sir Henry Clinton, the British forces
in the Southern states were placed tinder the command of lord Cornwallis.
The 71st composed a part of this army, and with it advanced into the
interior. In the beginning of June, the army amounting to twen ty-five
hundred, reached Camden, a central place fixed upon for headquarters. The
American general, Horatio Gates, having, in July, assembled a force
marched towards Camden. The people generally were in arms and the British
officers perplexed. Major Macarthur who was at Cheraw to encourage the
royalists, was ordered to fall back towards Camden. Lord Cornwallis,
seeing the gathering storm hastily left Charleston and joined lord Rawdon
at Camden, arriving there on August 13th. Both generals of the opposing
forces on the night of August 15th moved towards each other with the
design of making an attack. The British troops consisted of the 23d and
33d regiments, under Lieutenant-Colonel Webster; Tarleton’s legion; Irish
volunteers; a part of Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton’s North Carolina
Regiment; Bryan’s corps of royalists, under lord Rawdon, with two six and
two three pounders commanded by Lieutenant McLeod; and the 71st regiment.
Camden was left in the care of Major Macarthur, with the sick and
convalescents.
Both armies were surprised, and each
fired at the same moment, which occurred at three o’clock on the morning
of August 16th. Both generals, ignorant of each other’s force, declined
general action, and lay on their arms till morning. When the British army
formed in line of battle, the light infantry of the Highlanders, and the
Welsh fusileers were on the right: the 33d regiment and the Irish
volunteers occupied the center; the provincials were on the left, with the
marshy ground in their front. While the army was thus forming, Captain
Charles Campbell, who commanded the Highland light companies on the right,
placed himself on the stump of an old tree to reconnoitre, and observing
the Americans moving as with the intention of turning his flank, leaped
down, and giving vent to an oath, called to his men, "Remember you are
light infantry; remember you are Highlanders:
Charge !" The attack was rapid and
irresistible, and being made before the Americans had completed their
movement by which they were to surround the British right, they were
broken and driven from the field, prior to the beginning of the battle in
other parts of the line. When the battle did commence the American center
gained ground. Lord Cornwallis opened his center to the right and left,
till a considerable space intervened, and then directed the Highlanders to
move forward and occupy the vacant space. When this was done, he cried
out, "My brave Highlanders, now is your time." They instantly rushed
forward accompanied by the Irish volunteers and the 33d, and penetrated
and completely overthrew the American column. However the American right
continued to advance and gained the ground on which the Highlanders had
been placed originally as a reserve. They gave three cheers for victory;
but the smoke clearing up they saw their mistake. A party of Highlanders
turning upon them, the greater part threw down their arms, while the
remainder fled in all directions. The victory was complete. The loss of
the British was one captain, one subaltern, two sergeants, and sixty-four
soldiers killed; and two field officers, three captains, twelve
subalterns, thirteen sergeants, and two hundred and thirteen soldiers
wounded. The Highlanders lost Lieutenant Archibald Campbell and eight
soldiers killed; and Captain Hugh Campbell, Lieutenant John Grant, two
sergeants, and thirty privates wounded. The loss of the Americans was
never ascertained, but estimated at seven hundred and thirty two.
General Sumter, with a strong corps,
occupied positions on the Catawba river, which commanded the road to
Charleston, and from which lord Cornwallis found it necessary to dislodge
him. For this purpose Colonel Tarleton was sent with the cavalry and a
corps of light infantry, under Captain Charles Campbell of the 71st
regiment. The heat was excessive; many of the horses failed on the march,
and not more than forty of the infantry were together in front, when, on
the morning of the 18th, they came in sight of Fishing Creek, and on their
right saw the smoke at a short distance. The sergeant of the advanced
guard halted his party and then proceeded to ascertain the cause of the
smoke. He saw the encampment, with arms piled, but a few sentinels and no
pickets He returned and reported the same to Captain Campbell who
commanded in front. With his usual promptness Captain Campbell formed as
many of the cavalry as had come up, and with the party of Highland
infantry, rushed forward, and directing their route to the piled arms,
quickly secured them and surprised the camp. The success was complete; a
few were killed; nearly five hundred taken prisoners, and the rest
dispersed. But the victory was dampened by the loss of the gallant Captain
Campbell, who was killed by a random shot.
These partial successes were soon
counterbalanced by defeats of greater importance. From what had been of
great discouragement, the Americans soon rallied, and threatened the
frontiers of South Carolina, and on October 7th overthrew Major Ferguson
at King’s Mountain, who sustained a total loss of eleven hundred and five
men, out of eleven hundred and twenty-five. At the plantation of
Blackstocks, November 20th, Colonel Tarleton, with four hundred of his
command, engaged General Sumter, when the former was driven off with a
loss of ninety killed, and about one hundred wounded. The culminating
point of these reverses was the battle of the Cowpens.
A new commander for the southern
department took charge of the American forces, in the person of
Major-General Nathaniel Greene, who stood, in military genius, second only
to Washington, and who was thoroughly imbued with the principles practiced
by that great man. Lord Cornwallis, the ablest of the British tacticians
engaged in the American Revolution, found more than his equal in General
Greene. He had been appointed to the command of the Southern Department,
by Washington, on October 30, 1780, and immediately proceeded to the field
of labor, and on December 3rd, took formal command of the army, and was
exceedingly active in the arrangement of the army, and in wisely directing
its movements. His first arrangement was to divide his army into two
detachments, the larger of which, under himself was to be stationed
opposite Cheraw Hill, on the east side of the Pedee river, about seventy
miles to the right of the British army, then at Winnsborough. The other,
composed of about one thousand troops, under General Daniel Morgan, was
placed some fifty miles to the left, near the junction of Broad and
Parcolet rivers.
Colonel Tarleton was detached to
disperse the little army of General Morgan, having with him, the 7th or
Fusileers, the 1st battalion of Fraser’s Highlanders, or 71st, two hundred
in number, a detachment of the British Legion, and three hundred cavalry.
Intelligence was received, on the morning of January 17, 1781, that
General Morgan was drawn up in front on rising ground. The British were
hastily formed, with the Fusileers, the Legion, and the light infantry in
front, and the Highlanders and cavalry forming the reserve. As soon as
formed the line was ordered to advance rapidly. Exhausted by running, it
received the American fire at the distance of thirty or forty paces. The
effect was so great as to produce something of a recoil. The fire was
returned; and the light infantry made two attempts to charge, but were
repulsed with loss. The Highlanders next were ordered up, and rapidly
advancing in charge, the American front line gave way and retreated
through an open space in the second line. This manoeuvre was made without
interfering with the ranks of those who were now to oppose the
Highlanders, who ran in to take advantage of what appeared to them to be a
confusion of the Americans. The second line threw in a fire upon the 71st,
when within forty yards which was so destructive that nearly one half
their number fell; and those who remained were so scattered, having run a
space of five hundred yards at full speed, that they could not be united
to form a charge with the bayonet. They did not immediately fall back, but
engaged in some irregular firing, when the American line pushed forward to
the right flank of the Highlanders, who now realized that there was no
prospect of support, and while their number was diminishing that of their
foe was increasing. They first wavered, then began to retire, and finally
to run, this is said to have been the first instance of a Highland
regiment running from an enemy. This repulse struck a panic into those
whom they left in the rear, and who fled in the greatest confusion. Order
and command were lost, and the rout became general. Few of the infantry
escaped, and the cavalry saved itself by putting their horses to full
speed. The Highlanders reformed in the rear, and might have made a
soldier—like retreat if they had been supported.
The battle of the Cowpens was
disastrous in its consequences to the British interests, as it inspired
the Americans with confidence. Colonel Tarleton had been connected with
frequent victories, and his name was associated with that of terror. He
able on a quick dash, but by no means competent to cope with the solid
judgment and long experience of General Morgan. The disposition of the men
under General Morgan was judicious; and the conduct of Colonels Washington
and Howard, in wheeling and manoeuvering their corps, and throwing in such
destructive volleys on the Highlanders, would have done credit to any
commander. To the Highlanders the defeat was particularly unfortunate.
Their officers were perfectly satisfied with the conduct of their men, and
imputing the disaster altogether to the bad dispositions of Colonel
Tarleton, made representations to lord Cornwallis, not to be employed
again under the same officer, a request with which compliance was made.
This may be the reason that Colonel Tarleton gives them no credit in his
"History of the Campaigns," published in 1787. He admits his loss to have
been three hundred killed and wounded and near four hundred prisoners.
After the battle of the Cowpens lord
Cornwallis with increased exertions followed the main body of the
Americans under General Greene, who retreated northward. The army was
stripped of all superfluous baggage. The two battalions of the 71st now
greatly reduced, were consolidated into one, and formed in a brigade with
the 33d and Welsh Fusileers. Much skirmishing took place on the march,
when, on March 16th, General Greene believing his army sufficiently strong
to withstand the shock of battle drew up his force at Guilford Court
House, in three lines.
The British line was formed of the
German regiment of De Bos, the Highlanders, and guards, under General
Leslie, on the right; and the Welsh Fusileers, 33d regiment, and second
battalion of guards, under General Charles O’Hara, on the left; the
cavalry was in the rear supported by the light infantry of the guards and
the German Yagers. At one o’clock the battle opened. The Americans,
covered by a fence in their front, maintained their position with
confidence, and withheld their fire till the British line was within forty
paces, when a destructive fire was poured into Colonel Webster’s brigade,
killing and wounding nearly one-third. The brigade returned the fire, and
rushed forward, when the Americans retreated on the second line. The
regiment of De Bos and the 33d met with a more determined resistance,
having retreated and advanced repeatedly before they succeeded in driving
the Americans from the field. In the meantime, a party of the guards
pressed on with eagerness, but were charged on their right flank by a body
of cavalry which broke their line. The retreating Americans seeing the
effect of this charge, turned and recommenced firing. The Highlanders, who
had now pushed round the flank, appeared on a rising ground in rear of the
left of the enemy, and, rushing forward with shouts, made such an
impression on the Americans, that they immediately fled, abandoning
their guns and ammunition.
This battle, although nominally a
victory for the British commander, was highly beneficial to the patriots.
Both armies displayed consummate skill. Lord Cornwallis on the 19th de—
camped, leaving behind him between seventy and eighty of his wounded
soldiers, and all the American prisoners who were wounded, and left the
country to the mercy of his enemy. The total loss of the British was
ninety-three killed, and four hundred and eleven wounded. The Highlanders
lost Ensign Grant, and eleven soldiers killed, and four sergeants and
forty-six soldiers wounded. It was long a tradition, in the neighborhood,
that many of the Highlanders, who were in the van, fell near the fence,
from behind which the North Carolinians rose and fired.
The British army retreated in the
direction of Cross Creek, the Americans following closely in the rear. At
Cross Creek, the heart of the Highland settlement in North Carolina, lord
Cornwallis had hoped to rest his wearied army, a third of whom was sick
and wounded and, was obliged to carry them in wagons, or on horseback The
remainder were without shoes and worn down with fatigue. Owing to the
surrounding conditions, the army took up its weary march to Wilmington,
where it was expected there would be supplies, of which they were in great
need. Here the army halted from April 17th to the 26th, when it proceeded
on the route to Petersburg, in Virginia, and to form a junction with
General Phillips, who had recently arrived there with three thousand men.
The march was a difficult one. Before them was several hundred miles of
country, which did not afford an active friend. No intelligence could be
obtained, and no communication could be established. On May 25th the army
reached Petersburg, where the united force amounted to six thousand men.
The army then proceeded to Portsmouth, and when preparing to cross the
river at St. James’ Island, the Marquis de Lafayette, ignorant of their
number, with two thousand men, made a gallant attack. After a sharp
resistance he was repulsed, and the night approaching favored his retreat.
After this skirmish the British army marched to Portsmouth, and thence to
Yorktown, where a position was taken on the York river on August 22nd.
From the tables given by lord
Cornwallis, in his "Answer to the Narrative of Sir Henry Clinton" the
following condition of the 71st at different periods on the northward
march, is extracted:
January 15, 1781, 1st Battalion 249
2nd Battalion 237
Light Company 69
February 1, 1781, " — " 284
March 1, 1781, " — " 212
April 1, 1781, " — " 161
May 1, 1781, Two Battalions 175
June 1, 1781, Second Battalion 164
July 1, 1781, " " 161
August 1, 1781, " " 167
Sept. 1, 1781, " " 162
Oct. 1, 1781, " " 160
The encampment at Yorktown was
formed on an elevated platform, nearly level, on the bank of the river,
and of a sandy soil. On the right of the position, extended from the
river, a ravine of about forty feet in depth, and more than one hundred
yards in breadth; the center was formed by a horn-work of entrenchments;
and an extensive redoubt beyond the ravine on the right, and two smaller
redoubts on the left, also advanced beyond the entrenchments, constituted
the principal defences of the camp.
On the morning of September 28,
1781, the combined French and American armies, twelve thousand strong,
left Williamsburg by different roads, and marched towards Yorktown, and on
the 30th the allied armies had completely invested the British works.
Batteries were erected, and approaches made in the usual manner. During
the first four days the fire was directed against the redoubt on the
right, which was reduced to a heap of sand. On the left the redoubts were
taken by storm and the guns turned on the other parts of the
entrenchments. One of these redoubts had been manned by some soldiers of
the 71st. Although the defence of this redoubt was as good and well
contested as that of the others, the regiment thought its honor so much
implicated, that a petition was drawn up by the men, and carried by the
commanding officer to lord Cornwallis, to be permitted to retake it. The
proposition was not acceded to, for the siege had reached such a stage
that it was not deemed necessary.
Among the incidents related of the
Highlanders during the siege, is that of a soliloquy, overheard by two
captains, of an old Highland gentleman, a lieutenant, who, drawing his
sword, said to himself, "Come on, Maister Washington, I’m unco glad to see
you; I’ve been offered money for my commission, but I could na think of
gangin’ hame without a sight of you. Come on."
The situation of the besieged daily
grew more critical, the whole encampment was open to assault, and exposed
to a constant and enfilading fire. In this dilemma lord Cornwallis
resolved to decamp with the elite of his army, by crossing the river and
leaving a small force to capitulate. The first division embarked and some
had reached the opposite shore at Gloucester Point, when a violent storm
of wind rendered the passage dangerous, and the attempt was consequently
abandoned, The British army then surrendered to Washington, and the troops
marched out of their works on October 20th.
The loss of the garrison was six
officers, thirteen sergeants, four drummers and one hundred and
thirty-three rank and file killed; six officers, twenty-four sergeants,
eleven drummers, and two hundred and eighty-four wounded. Of these the
71st lost Lieutenant Thomas Fraser and nine soldiers killed; three
drummers and nineteen soldiers wounded. The whole number surrendered by
capitulation was a little more than seven thousand making a total loss of
about seven thousand eight hundred. Of the arms and stores there were
seventy-five brass, and one hundred and sixty iron cannon; seven thousand
seven hundred and ninety-four muskets; twenty-eight regimental standards;
a large quantity of cannon and musket-balls, bombs, carriages, &c, &c. The
military chest contained nearly eleven thousand dollars in specie.
Thus ended the military service of
an army, proud and haughty, that had, within a year marched and
counter-marched nearly two thousand miles, had forded streams, some of
them in the face of an enemy, had fought two pitched battles and engaged
in numerous skirmishes. With all their labors and achievements, they
accomplished nothing of real value to the cause they represented.
Fraser’s Highlanders remained
prisoners until the conclusion of hostilities. During their service their
character was equal to their courage. Among them disgraceful punishments
were unknown. When prisoners and solicited by the Americans to join their
standard and settle among them, not one of them broke the oath he had
taken, a virtue not generally observed on that occasion, for many soldiers
joined the Americans. On the conclusion of hostilities the 71st was
released, ordered to Scotland, and discharged at Perth in 1783.
SEVENTY-FOURTH OR ARGYLE HIGHLANDERS.
The particulars of the 74th or
Argyle Highlanders, and the 76th, or Macdonald’s Highlanders, are but
slightly touched upon by Colonel David Stewart of Garth, in his "Sketches
of the Highlanders, by Dr. James Browne, in his "History of the High—
lands, and by John S. Keltie, in his "History of the Scottish Highlands."
Even Lieutenant-General Samuel Graham, who was a captain in the 76th, in
his "Memoirs," gives but a slight account of his regiment. So a very
imperfect view can only be expected in this narration.
The 74th or Argyle Highlanders was
raised by Colonel John Campbell of Barbreck, who had served as captain and
major of Fraser’s Highlanders in the Seven Years’ War. In the month of
December 1777 letters of service were granted to him, and the regiment was
completed in May 1778. In this regiment were more Lowlanders, than in any
other of the same description raised during that period. All the officers,
except four, were Highlanders, while of the soldiers only five hundred and
ninety were of the same country, the others being from Glasgow, and the
western districts of Scotland. The name of Campbell mustered strong; the
three field-officers, six captains, and fourteen subalterns, being of that
name. Among the officers was the chief of the Macquarries, being sixty-two
years of age when he entered the army in 1778.
The regiment mustering nine hundred
and sixty, rank and file, embarked at Greenock in August, and landed at
Halifax in Nova Scotia, where it remained garrisoned with the 80th and the
82d regiments; the whole being under the command of Brigadier-General
Francis Maclean. In the spring of 1779, the grenadier company, commanded
by Captain Ludovick Colquhoun of Luss, and the light company by Captain
Campbell of Bulnabie, were sent to New York, and joined the army
immediately before the siege of Charleston.
In June of the same year, the
battalion companies, with a detachment of the 82d regiment, under the
command of Brigadier-General Maclean, embarked from Halifax, and took
possession of Penobscot, with the intention of establishing a post there.
Before the defences were completed, a hostile fleet from Boston, with two
thousand troops on board, under Brigadier-General Solomon Lovell, appeared
in the bay, and on July 28th effected a landing on a peninsula, where the
British were erecting a fort, and immediately began to construct batteries
for a regular siege. These operations were frequently interrupted by
sallies of parties from the fort. General Maclean exerted himself to the
utmost to strengthen his position, and not only kept the Americans in
check, but preserved communication with the shipping, which they
endeavored to cut off. Both parties kept skirmishing till August 13th,
when Sir George Collier appeared in the bay, with a fleet intended for
relief of the post. This accession of strength disconcerted the Americans,
and completely destroyed their hopes, so that they quickly decamped and
retired to their boats. Being unable to re-embark all the troops, those
who remained, along with the sailors of several vessels which had run
aground in the hurry of escaping, formed themselves into a body, and
endeavored to penetrate through the woods. In the course of this attempt
they ran short of provisions, quarrelled among themselves, and, coming to
blows, fired on each other till their ammunition was expended. Upwards of
sixty men were killed and wounded; the rest dispersed through the woods,
numbers perishing before they could reach an inhabited country.
The conduct of General Maclean and
his troops met with approbation. In his dispatch, giving an account of the
attack and defeat of his foes, he particularly noticed the exertions and
zeal of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Campbell of the 74th. The loss of
this regiment was two sergeants, and fourteen privates killed, and
seventeen rank and file wounded.
General Maclean returned to Halifax
with the detachment of the 82d, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander
Campbell of Monzie with the 74th at Penobscot, where they remained till
the termination of hostilities, when they embarked for England. They
landed at Portsmouth whence they marched for Stirling, and, after being
joined by the flank companies, were reduced in the autumn of 1783.
SEVENTY-SIXTH OR MACDONALD’S
HIGHLANDERS.
In the month of December 1777,
letters of service were granted to lord Macdonald to raise a regiment in
the Highlands and Isles. On his recommendation Major John Macdonell of
Lochgarry was appointed lieutenant-colonel commandant of the regiment. The
regiment was numbered the 76th, but called Macdonald's Highlanders. Lord
Macdonald exerted himself in the formation of the regiment, and selected
the officers from the families of the Macdonalds of Glencoe, Morar,
Boisdale, and others of his own clan, and likewise from those of others,
as Mackinnon, Fraser of Culduthel, Cameron of Callart, &c. A body of seven
hundred and fifty Highlanders was raised. The company of Captain Bruce was
principally raised in Ireland; and Captains Cunningham of Craigend, and
Montgomery Cunnngham, as well as Lieutenant Samuel Graham, raised their
men in the low country. These amounted to nearly two hundred men, and were
kept together in two companies; while Bruce’s company formed a third. In
this manner each race was kept distinct. The whole number, including
non-commissioned officers and men, amounted to one thousand and
eighty-six. The recruits assembled at Inverness, and in March 1778 the
regiment was reported complete. The men on their arrival were attested by
a justice of the peace, and received the king’s bounty of five guineas. As
Major John Macdonell, who had been serving in America in the 71st or
Fraser’s Highlanders, was taken prisoner, on his passage home from that
country, the command devolved on Captain Donaldson, of the 42d or Royal
Highland Regiment. Under this officer the regiment was formed, and a code
of regulations established for the conduct of both officers and men.
Soon after its formation the 76th
was sent to Fort George where it remained a year. It so happened that few
of the noncommissioned officers who understood the drill were acquainted
with the Gaelic language, and as all words of command were given in
English, the commander directed that neither officers nor non-commissioned
officers ignorant of the former language should endeavor to learn it. The
consequence was that the Highlanders were behind—hand in being drilled, as
they had, besides other duties, to acquire a new language. But the
Highlanders took uncommon pains to learn their duties, and so exact were
they in the discharge of them that upon one occasion, Colonel Campbell,
the lieutenant-governor was seized and made prisoner by the sentry posted
at his own door, because the man conceived a trespass had been committed
on his post, nor would the sentinel release the colonel until the arrival
of the corporal of the guard.
In March 1779 the regiment was
removed to Perth, and from there marched to Burnt Island, where they
embarked on the 17th. Major Donaldson’s health not permitting him to go
abroad, the command devolved on lord Berridale, second major, who
accompanied them to New York, where they landed in August. The fleet
sailed from the Firth of Forth for Portsmouth, and in a short time
anchored at Spithead. While waiting there for the assembling of a fleet
with reinforcements of men and stores for the army in America, an order
was received to set sail for the island of Jersey, as the French had made
an attempt there. But the French having been repulsed before the 76th
reached Jersey, the regiment returned to Portsmouth, and proceeded on the
voyage to America, and arrived in New York on August 27th.
On the arrival of the regiment in
New York the flank companies were attached to the battalion of that
description. The battalion companies remained between New York and Staten
Island till February 1781, when they embarked with a detachment of the
army, commanded by General Phillips, for Virginia. The light company,
being in the 2d battalion of light infantry, also formed a part of the
expedition. The grenadiers remained at New York.
This year, lord Berridale, on the
death of his father, became earl of Caithness, and being severely wounded
at the siege of Charleston, soon after returned to Scotland. The command
of the 76th regiment devolved on Major Needham, who had purchased Major
Donaldson’s commission.
General Phillips landed at
Portsmouth, in Virginia, in March. A number of boats had been constructed
under the superintendence of General Benedict Arnold, for the navigation
of the rivers, most of them calculated to hold one hundred men. Each boat
was manned by a few sailors, and was fitted with a sail as well as oars.
Some of them carried a piece of ordnance in their bows. In these
boats the light infantry, and detachments of the 76th and 80th regiments,
with the Queen’s Rangers, embarked, leaving the remainder of the 76th,
with other troops, to garrison Portsmouth. The detachment of the 76th
which embarked consisted of one major, three captains, twelve subalterns,
and three hundred men, under Major Needham. The troops proceeded up the
James river destroying warlike stores, shipping, barracks, foundaries and
private property. After making many excursions the troops marched to
Bermuda Hundreds, opposite City Point, where they embarked, on May 2d; but
receiving orders from lord Cornwallis, returned and entered Petersburg on
May 10th.
When the 76th regiment found
themselves with an army which had been engaged in the most incessant and
fatiguing marches through difficult and hostile countries, they considered
themselves as inferiors and as having done nothing which could enable them
to return to their own country. They were often heard murmuring among
themselves, lamenting their lot, and expressing the strongest desire to
signalize themselves. This was greatly heightened when visited by men of
Fraser’s Highlanders. The opportunity presented itself, and their behavior
proved they were good soldiers. On the evening of July 6th, the Marquis de
Lafayette pushed forward a strong corps, forced the pickets, and drew up
in front of the British lines. The pickets in front of the army that
morning consisted of twenty men of the 76th and ten of the 80th. When the
attack on the pickets commenced, they were reinforced by fifteen
Highlanders. The pickets defended the post till every man was either
killed or wounded.
A severe engagement took place
between the contending armies, the weight of which was sustained on the
part of the British by the left of Colonel Dundas’s brigade, consisting of
the 76th and 80th, and it so happened that while the right of the line was
covered with woods they were drawn up in an open field, and exposed to the
attack of the Americans with a chosen body of troops. The 76th being on
the left, and lord Cornwallis, coming up in rear of the regiment, gave the
word to charge, which was immediately repeated by the Highlanders, who
rushed forward with impetuosity, and instantly decided the contest. The
Americans retired, leaving their cannon and three hundred men killed and
wounded behind them.
Soon after this affair lord
Cornwallis ordered a detachment of four hundred chosen men of the 76th to
be mounted on such horses as could he procured and act with the cavalry.
Although four-fifths of the men had never before been on horseback, they
were mounted and marched with Tarleton’s Legion. After several forced
marches, far more fatiguing to the men than they had ever performed on
foot, they returned heartily tired of their new mode of travelling. No
other service was performed by the 76th until the siege and surrender of
Yorktown. During the siege, while the officers of this regiment were
sitting at dinner, the Americans opened a new battery, the first shot from
which entered the mess—room, killed Lieutenant Robertson on the spot, and
wounded Lieutenant Shaw and quartermaster Barclay. It also struck
Assistant Commissary General Perkins, who happened to dine there that day.
The day following the surrender of
lord Cornwallis, at Yorktown (October 20th), the British prisoners moved
out in two divisions, escorted by regiments of militia one to the
direction of Maryland, the other, to which the 76th belonged, moved to the
westward in Virginia for Winchester. On arriving at their cantonment, the
officers were lodged in the town on parole, and the soldiers were marched
several miles off to a cleared spot in the woods, on which stood a few log
huts, some of them occupied by prisoners taken at the Cowpens. From
Winchester the regiment was removed to Lancaster in Pennsylvania. After
peace was declared they embarked for New York, sailed thence for Scotland,
and were disbanded in March 1784 at Stirling Castle.
This regiment maintained a very high
standard for their behavior. Thefts and other crimes, implying moral
turpitude, were totally unknown. There were only four instances of
corporal punishment inflicted on the Highlanders of the regiment, and
these were for military offences. Moral suasion and such coercion as a
father might use towards his children were deemed sufficient to keep them
in discipline or self-restraint.
In the year 1775, George III.
resolved to humble the thirteen colonies. In the effort put forth he
created a debt of £121,267,993, with an annual charge of £5,088,336,
besides sacrificing thousands of human lives, and causing untold misery ;
and, at last, weary of the war, on July 25, 1782, he issued a warrant to
Richard Oswald, commissioning him to negotiate a peace. The definite
articles of peace were signed at Paris. September 3, 1783. Then the United
States of America took her position among the nations of the earth. George
III. and his ministers had exerted themselves to the utmost to subjugate
America. Besides the troops raised in the British Isles there were of the
German mercenaries twenty-nine thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven. The
mercenaries and British troops were well armed, clothed and fed. But the
task undertaken was a gigantic one. It would have required a greater force
than that sent to America to hold and garrison the cities alone. The fault
was not with the army, the navy, or the commanding officers. The impartial
student of that war will admit that the army fought well, likewise the
navy, and the generals and admirals were skilled and able in the art of
war. The British for— eign office was weak. Nor was this all. The
Americans had counted the cost. They were singularly fortunate in their
leader. Thirty-nine years after his death, lord Brougham wrote of
Washington that he was "the greatest man of our own or of any age.* * *
This eminent person is presented to our observation clothed in
attributes as modest, as unpretending, as little calculated to strike or
to astonish, as if he had passed unknown through some secluded region of
private life. But he had a judgment sure and sound; a steadiness of mind
which never suffered any passion or even any feeling to ruffle its calm; a
strength of understanding which worked rather than forced its way through
all obstacles, - removing or avoiding rather than over-leaping them. His
courage, whether in battle or in council, was as perfect as might be
expected from this pure and steady temper of soul. A perfectly just man,
with a thoroughly firm resolution never to be misled by others any more
than by others overawed: never to be seduced or betrayed, or hurried away
by his own weaknesses or self-delusions, and more than by other men's
arts, nor ever to be disheartened by the most complicated difficulties any
more than to be spoilt on the giddy heights of fortune—such was this great
man, - whether we regard him sustaining alone the whole weight of
campaigns, all but desperate, or gloriously terminating a just warfare by
his resources and his courage."
The British generals proved
themselves unable to cope with this great and good man. More than six
thousand five hundred Highlanders left their homes amidst the beautiful
scenery of their native land, crossed a barrier of water three thousand
miles in width, that they might fight against such a man and the cause he
represented. Their toils, sacrifices and sufferings were in vain. Towards
them Washington bore good will. Forgetting the wrongs they had done, he
could write of them:
"Your idea of bringing over
Highlanders appears to be a good one. They are a hardy, industrious
people, well calculated to form new settlements, and will, in time, become
valuable citizens." [Letter to Robert Sinclair, May 6, 1792. Spark’s
Writings of Washington, Vol. XII, p. 304.]
War is necessarily cruel and
barbarous; and yet there were innumerable instances of wanton cruelty
during the American Revolution. No instances of this kind have been
recorded against the soldiers belonging to the Highland regiments. There
were cruelties perpetrated by those born in the Highlands of Scotland, but
they were among those settled by Sir William Johnson on the Mohawk and
afterwards joined either Butler’s Rangers or else Sir John Johnson’s
regiment. Even this class was few in numbers. |