we must."
In accordance with these sentiments
Chatham withdrew his eldest son from the army rather than suffer him to be
engaged in the war. Lord Effingham, finding his regiment was to serve
against the Americans, threw up his commission and renounced the
profession for which he had been trained and loved, as the only means of
escaping the obligation of fighting against the cause of freedom. Admiral
Keppel, one of the most gallant officers in the British navy, expressed
his readiness to serve against the ancient enemies of England, but asked
to be released from employment against the Americans. It is said that
Amherst refused to command the army against the Americans. In 1776 it was
openly debated in parliament whether British officers ought to serve their
sovereign against the Americans, and no less a person than General Conway
leaned decidedly to the negative, and compared the case to that of French
officers who were employed in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Just after
the battle of Bunker Hill, the duke of Richmond declared in parliament
that he "did not think that the Americans were in rebellion, but that they
were resisting acts of the most unexampled cruelty and oppression." The
Corporation of London, in 1775, drew up an address strongly approving of
the resistance of the Americans, and similar addresses were expressed by
other towns. A great meeting in London, and also the guild of merchants in
Dublin, returned thanks to lord Effingham for his recent conduct. When
Montgomery fell at the head of the American troops before Quebec, he was
eulogized in the British parliament.
The merchants of Bristol, September
27, 1775, held a meeting and passed resolutions deprecating the war, and
calling upon the king to put a stop to it. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and
Livery of London, September 29th, issued an address to the Electors of
Great Britain, against carrying on the war. A meeting of the merchants and
traders of London was held October 5th, and moved an address to the king
"relative to the unhappy dispute between Great Britain and her American
Colonies," and that he should "cause hostilities to cease." The principal
citizens, manufacturers and traders of the city of Coventry, October 10th,
addressed the sovereign beseeching him "to stop the effusion of blood, to
recommend to your Parliament to consider, with all due attention, the
petition from America lately offered to be presented to the throne." The
mayor and burgesses of Nottingham, October 20th, petitioned the king in
which they declared that "the first object of our desires and wishes is
the return of peace and cordial union with our American fellow-subjects,"
and humbly requested him to "suspend those hostilities, which, we fear,
can have no other than a fatal issue." This was followed by an address of
the inhabitants of the same city, in which the king was asked to "stay the
hand of war, and recall into the bosom of peace and grateful subjection
your American subjects, by a restoration of those measures which long
experience has shown to be productive of the greatest advantages to this
late united and flourishing Empire. The petition of the free burgesses,
traders and inhabitants of Newcastle-upon-Tyne declared that "in the
present unnatural war with our American brethren, we have seen neither
provocation nor object; nor is it, in our humble apprehension, consonant
with the rights of humanity, sound policy, or the Constitution of our
Country." A very great majority of the gentlemen, clergy and free-holders
of the county of Berks signed an address, November 7th, to the king in
which it was declared that "the disorders have arisen from a complaint
(plausible at least) of one right violated; and we can never be brought to
imagine that the true remedy for such disorders consists in an attack on
all other rights, and an attempt to drive the people either to
unconstitutional submission or absolute despair." The gentlemen,
merchants, freemen and inhabitants of the city of Worcester also addressed
the king and besought him to adopt such measures as shall "seem most
expedient for putting a stop to the further effusion of blood, for
reconciling Great Britain and her Colonies, for reuniting the affections
of your now divided people, and for establishing, on a permanent
foundation, the peace, commerce, and prosperity of all your Majesty’s
Dominions."
It is a fact, worthy of special
notice, that in both England and Ireland there was a complete absence of
alacrity and enthusiasm in enlisting for the army and navy. This was the
chief reason why George III. turned to the petty German princes who
trafficked in human chattels. There people were seized in their homes, or
while working the field, and sold to England at so much per head. On
account of the great difficulty in England in obtaining voluntary recruits
for the American war, the press-gang was resorted to, and in 1776, was
especially fierce. In less than a month eight hundred men were seized in
London alone, and several lives were lost in the scuffles that took place.
The press-gang would hang about the prison-gates, and seize criminals
whose sentences had expired and force them into the army.
"It soon occurred to the government
that able-bodied criminals might be more usefully employed in the coercion
of the revolted colonists, and there is reason to believe that large
numbers of criminals of all but the worst category, passed at this time
into the English army and navy. In estimating the light in which British
soldiers were regarded in America, and in estimating the violence and
misconduct of which British soldiers were sometimes guilty, this fact must
not be forgotten." In Ireland criminals were released from their prisons
on condition of enlisting in the army or navy. [Leeky’s History of
England, Vol. IV. p. 346]
The regular press-gang was not
confined to England, and it formed one of the grievances of the American
colonists. One of the most terrible riots ever known in New England, was
caused, in 1747, by this nefarious practice, under the sanction of Admiral
Knowles. An English vessel was burnt, and English officers were seized and
imprisoned by the crowd; the governor was obliged to flee to the castle;
the sub-sheriffs were impounded in the stocks; the militia refused to act
against the people; and the admiral was compelled to release his captives.
Resistance, in America, was shown in many subsequent attempts to impress
the people.
The king and his ministers felt it
was necessary to sustain the acts of parliament in the American war by
having addresses sent to the king upholding him in the course he was
pursuing. Hence emissaries were sent throughout the kingdom who cajoled
the ignorant into signing such papers. The general sentiment of the people
cannot be estimated by the number of addresses for they were obtained by
the influence of the ministers of state. Every magistrate depending upon
the favor of the crown could and would exert his influence as directed.
Hence there were numerous addresses sent to the king approving the course
he was bent upon. When it is considered that the government had the
advantage of more than fifty thousand places and pensions at its disposal,
the immense lever for securing addresses is readily seen. From no section
of the country, however, were these addresses so numerous as from
Scotland.
It is one of the most singular
things in history that the people of Scotland should have been so hostile
to the Americans, and so forward in expressing their approbation of the
attitude of George III. and his ministers. The Americans had in no wise
ever harmed them or crossed their path. The emigrants from Scotland had
been received with open arms by the people. If any had been mistreated, it
was by the appointees of the crown. With scarcely an exception the whole
political representation in both Houses of Parliament supported lord
North, and were bitterly opposed to the Americans. Lecky has tried to
soften the matter by throwing the blame on the servile leaders who did not
represent the real sentiment of the people:
"Scotland, however, is one of the
very few instances in history, of a nation whose political representation
was so grossly defective as not merely to distort but absolutely to
conceal its opinions. It was habitually looked upon as the most servile
and corrupt portion of the British Empire; and the eminent liberalism and
the very superior political qualities of its people seem to have been
scarcely suspected to the very eve of the Reform Bill of 1832. That
something of that liberalism existed at the outbreak of the American war,
may, I think, be inferred from the very significant fact that the
Government were unable to obtain addresses in their favor either from
Edinburgh or Glasgow. The country, however, was judged mainly by its
representatives, and it was regarded as far more hostile to the American
cause than either England or Ireland." [History of England, Vol. IV, p.
338.]
A very able editor writing at the
time has observed:
"It must however be acknowledge,
that an unusual apathy with respect to public affairs, seemed to prevail
with the people, in general, of this country; of which a stronger proof
needs not to be given, that than which will probably recur to every body’s
memory, that the accounts of many of the late military actions, as well as
of political proceedings of no less importance, were received with as much
indifference, and canvassed with as much coolness and unconcern, as if
they had happened between two nations with whom they were scarcely
connected. We must except from all these observations, the people of North
Britain (Scotland), who, almost to a man, so far as they could be
described or distinguished under any particular denomination, not only
applauded, but proffered life and fortune in support of the present
measures."
The list of addresses sent from
Scotland to the king against the Colonies is a long one,—unbroken by any
remonstrance or correction. It embraces those sent by the provost,
magistrates, and common (or town) council of Aberbrothock, Aberdeen, Annan,
Ayr, Burnt-Island Dundee, Edinburgh, Forfar, Forres, Inverness, Irvine,
Kirkaldy, Linlithgow, Lochmaben, Montrose, Nairn, Peebles, Perth, Renfrew,
Rutherglen, and Stirling; by the magistrates and town council of Brechine,
Inverary, St. Andrews, Selkirk, Jedburgh, Kirkcudbright, Kirkwall, and
Paisley; by the magistrates, town council and all the principal
inhabitants of Fortrose; by the provost, magistrates, council, burgesses
and inhabitants of Elgin; by the chief magistrates of Dunfermline,
Inverkeiting and Culross; by the magistrates, common council, burgesses,
and inhabitants of Dumfries; by the lord provost, magistrates, town
council and deacons of craft of Lanark; by the magistrates, incorporated
societies, and principal inhabitants of the town and port of Leith; by the
principal inhabitants of Perth; by the gentlemen, clergy, merchants,
manufacturers, incorporated trades and principal inhabitants of Dundee; by
the deacon convenier, deacons of fourteen incorporated trades and other
members of trades houses of Glasgow; by the magistrates, council and
incorporations of Cupar in Fife, and Dumbarton; by the freeholders of the
county of Argyle and Berwick; by the noblemen, gentlemen and freeholders
of the counties of Aberdeen and Fife; by the noblemen, gentlemen,
freeholders and others of the county of Linlithgow; by the noblemen and
gentlemen of the county of Roxburgh; by the noblemen, justices of the
peace, freeholders, and commissioners of supply of the counties of Perth
and Caithness; by the noblemen, freeholders, justices of the peace, and
commissioners of the land-tax of the counties of Banff and Elgin; by the
freeholders and justices of the peace of the county of Dumbarton; by the
gentlemen, justices of the peace, clergy, freeholders and committee of
supply of the county of Clackmanan; by the gentlemen, justices of the
peace and commissioners of land tax of the counties of Kincardine, Lanark
and Renfrew; by the freeholders, justices of the peace and commissioners
of supply of the counties of Kinross and Orkney; by the justices of the
peace, freeholders and commissioners of land tax of the dounty of Peebles;
by the gentlemen, freeholders, justices of the peace and commissioners of
supply of the county of Nairn; by the gentlemen, heretors, freeholders and
clergy of the counties of Ross and Cromarty; by the General Assembly of
the Church of Scotland; by the ministers and elders of the provincial
synod of Angus and Mearns; also of the synod of Glasgow and Ayr; by the
provincial synod of Dumfries, and by the ministers of the presbytery of
Irvine.
The list ascribes but eight of the
addresses to the Highlands. This does not signify that they were any the
less loyal to the pretentions of George III. The probability is that the
people generally stood ready to follow their leaders, and these latter
exerted themselves against the colonists. The addresses that were
proffered, emanating from the Highlands, in chronological order, may be
thus summarized: The freeholders of Argyleshire, on October 17, 1775, met
at Inverary with Robert Campbell presiding, and through their
representative in Parliament, Colonel Livingston, presented their "humble
Address" to the king, in which they refer to their predecessors who had
"suffered early and greatly in the cause of liberty" and now judge it
incumbent upon themselves "to express our sense of the blessings we enjoy
under your Majesty’s mild and constitutional Government; and, at the same
time, to declare our abhorrence of the unnatural rebellion of our deluded
fellow-subjects in America, which, we apprehend, is encouraged and
fomented by several discontented and turbulent persons at home." They
earnestly desire that the measures adopted by parliament may be
"vigorously prosecuted ;" "and we beg leave to assure your Majesty, that,
in support of such measures, we are ready to risk our lives and fortunes."
The address of the magistrates, town
council, and all the principal inhabitants of Fortrose, is without date,
but probably during the month of October of the same year. They met with
Colonel Hector Munro, their representative in parliament, presiding, and
addressing the king declared their "loyal affection" to his person; are
"filled with a just sense of the many blessings" they enjoy, and "beg
leave to approach the throne, and express our indignation at, and
abhorrence of, the measures adopted by our unhappy and deluded
fellow-subjects in America, in direct opposition to law and justice, and
to every rational idea of civilization ;" "with still greater indignation,
if possible, we behold this rebellious disposition, which so fatally
obtains on the other side of the Atlantic, fomented and cherished by a set
of men in Great Britain ;" that the "deluded children may quickly return
to their duty," and if not, "we hope your Majesty will direct such
vigorous, speedy, and effectual measures to be pursued, as may bring them
to a due sense of their error."
The provost, magistrates and town
council of Nairn met November 6, 1775, and addressed their "Most Gracious
Sovereign" as his "most faithful subjects" and it was their "indispensable
duty" to testify their "loyalty and attachment ;" they were "deeply
sensible of the many blessings" they enjoyed; they viewed with "horror and
detestation" the "audacious attempts that have been made to alienate the
affections of your subjects." "Weak as our utmost efforts may be deemed,
and limited our powers, each heart and hand devoted to your service will,
with the most ardent zeal, contribute in promoting such measures as may be
now thought necessary for re-establishing the violated rights of the
British Legislature, and bringing back to order and allegiance your
Majesty’s deluded and unhappy subjects in America."
On the same day, the same class of
men at Inverness made their address as "dutiful and loyal subjects," and
declared "the many blessings" they enjoyed; and expressed their "utmost
detestation and abhorrence of that spirit of rebellion which has unhapily
broke forth among your Majesty’s subjects in America," and "the greatest
sorrow we behold the seditious designs of discontented and factious men so
far attended with success as to seduce your infatuated and deluded
subjects in the colonies from their allegiance and duty," and they
declared their "determined resolution of supporting your Majesty’s
Government, to the utmost of our power, against all attempts that may be
made to disturb it, either at home or abroad."
The following day, or November 7th,
the gentlemen, free-holders, justices of the peace, and commissioners of
supply of the county of Nairn, met in the city of Nairn, and addressed
their "Most Gracious Sovereign," declaring themselves the "most dutiful
and loyal subjects," and it was their "indispensable duty" "to declare our
abhorrence of the present unnatural rebellion carried on by many of your
infatuated subjects in America." "With profound humility we profess our
unalterable attachment to your Majesty’s person and family, and our most
cordial approbation of the early measures adopted for giving a check to
the first dawnings of disobedience. This county, in the late war, sent out
many of its sons to defend your Majesty’s ungrateful colonies against the
invasion of foreign enemies, and they will now, when called upon, be
equally ready to repel all the attempts of the traitorous and disaffected,
against the dignity of your crown, and the just rights of the supreme
Legislature of Great Britain."
The gentlemen, heretors,
freeholders, and clergy of the Counties of Ross and Cromarty assembled at
Dingwall, November 23, 1775, and also addressed their "Most
Gracious Sovereign" as the "most faithful and loyal subjects,"
acknowledging "the protection we are blessed with in the enjoyment of our
liberties," it is "with an inexpressible concern we behold many of our
fellow-subjects in America, incited and supported by factions and
designing men at home," and that "we shall have no hesitation in
convincing your rebellious and deluded subjects in America, that with the
same cheerfulness we so profusely spilled our blood in the last war, in
defending them against their and our natural enemies, we are now ready to
shed it, if necessary, in bringing them back to . just sense of their duty
and allegiance to your Majesty, and their subordination to the Mother
Country."
The magistrates and town council of
Inverary met on November 28, 1775, and to their "Most Gracious Sovereign"
they were also the "most dutiful and loyal subjects," and further "enjoyed
all the blessings of the best Government the wisdom of man ever devised,
we have seen with indignation, the malignant breath of disappointed
faction, by prostituting the sacred sounds of liberty, too successful in
blowing the sparks of a temporary discontent into the flames of a
rebellion in your Majesty’s Colonies, that we from our souls abhor ;" and
they desired to be applied "such forcive remedies to the affected parts,
as shall be necessary to restore that union and dependency of the whole on
the legislative power."
At Thurso, December 6, 1775, there
met the noblemen, gentlemen, freeholders, justices of the peace and
commissioners of supply of the county of Caithness, and in an address to
their "Most Gracious Sovereign" declared themselves also to be the "most
dutiful and loyal subjects;" they approved the "lenient measures" which
had hitherto been taken in America by parliament, "and that they will
support with their lives and fortunes, the vigorous exertions which they
forsee may soon be necessary to subdue a rebellion premeditated,
unprovoked, and that is every day becoming more general, untainted by the
vices that too often accompany affluence, our people have been inured to
industry, sobriety, and, when engaged in your Majesty’s service, have been
distinguished for an exact obedience to discipline, and a faithful
discharge of duty; and we hope, if called forth to action in one combined
corps, it will be their highest ambition to merit a favorable report to
your Majesty from their superior officers. At the same time, it is our
most ardent prayer to Almighty God, that the eyes of our deluded
fellow-subjects in America may soon be opened, to see whether it is safe
to trust in a Congress unconstitutionally assembled, in a band of officers
unconstitutionally appointed, or in a British King and Parliament whose
combined powers have indeed often restrained the licentiousness, but never
invaded the rational liberties of mankind."
A survey of the addresses indicates
that they were composed by one person, or else modelled from the same
formula. All had the same source of inspiration. This, however, does not
militate against the moral effect of those uttering them. So far as
Scotland is concerned, it must be regarded as a fair representation of the
sentiment of the people. While only an insignificant part of the Highlands
gave their humble petitions, yet the subsequent acts must be the criterion
from which a judgment must be formed.
It is possible that some of the
loyal addresses were accelerated by the prohibition placed on Scotch
emigration to America. Early in September, 1775, Henry Dundas,
lord-advocate for Scotland, urged the board of customs to issue orders to
all inferior custom houses enjoining them to grant no clearances for
America of any ship which had more than the common complement of hands on
board. On September 23, 1775, Archibald Cockburn, sheriff deputy of
Edinburgh, issued the following order:
"Whereas a letter was received by me
some time ago, from His Majesty’s Advocate for Scotland, intimating that,
on account of the present rebellion in America, it was proper a stop
should be put for the present to emigrations to that Country, and that the
necessary directions were left at the different sea-ports in Scotland to
that purpose; I think it my duty, in obedience to his Lordship’s
requisition contained in that letter, to take this publick method of
notifying to such of the inhabitants within my jurisdiction, if any such
there be, who have formed resolutions to themselves of leaving this
Country, and going in quest of settlements in America, that they aught not
to put themselves to the unnecessary trouble and expense of preparing for
a removal of their habitations, which they will not, so far as it lies in
my power to prevent, be permitted to effectuate."
The British government had every
assurance of the undivided support of all Scotland in its attempt to
subjugate America. It also put a strong dependence in enlisting in the
army such Highlanders as had emigrated, and especially those who had
belonged to the 42nd, Fraser’s, and Montgomery’s regiments, but remained
in the country after the peace of 1763. This alone would make a very
unfavorable impression on the minds of Americans. But when to this is
added the efforts of British officers to organize the emigrants from the
Highlands into a special regiment, as early as November, 1775, the rising
of the Highlanders both in North Carolina and on the Mohawk, the enlisting
of emigrants on board vessels before landing and sailing by Boston to join
their regiments at Halifax, and on the passage listening to the booming of
the cannon at Bunker Hill; and the further fact that both the 42nd and
Fraser’s Highlanders were ordered to embark at Greenock for America, five
days before the battle of Lexington, it is not a matter of surprise that a
strong resentment should be aroused in the breasts of many of the most
devoted to the cause of the Revolution.
The feeling engendered by the acts
of Scotland towards those engaged in the struggle for human liberty crops
out in the original draft of the Declaration of Independence as laid
before Congress July 1, 1776. In the memorable paper appeared the
following sentence: "At this very time, too, they are permitting their
chief magistrate to send over, not only soldiers of our common blood, but
Scotch and foreign mercenaries to invade and destroy us." The word
"Scotch" was struck out, on motion of Dr. John Witherspoon, himself a
native of Scotland; and subsequently the whole sentence was deleted.
The sentence was not strictly true,
for there were thousands of Americans of Scotch ancestry, but principally
Lowland. There were also thousands of Americans, true to the principles of
the Revolution, of Highland extraction. If the sentence had been strictly
true, it would have served no purpose. even if none were alienated
thereby. But, the records show that in the American army there were men
who rendered distinguished services who were born in the Highlands; and
others, from the Lowlands, rendered services of the highest value in their
civil capacities.
The armies of the Colonies had no
regiments or companies composed of Highland Scotch, or even of that
extraction, although their names abound scattered through a very large
percentage of the organized forces. The only effort [See Appendix, Note
N.] which appears to have been made in that direction rests on two
petitions by Donald McLeod. The first was directed to the Committee for
the City and County of New York, dated at New York, June 7, 1775:
"That your petitioner, from a deep
sense of the favors conferred on himself, as well as those shown to many
of his countrymen when in great distress after their arrival into this
once happy city, is moved by a voluntary spirit of liberty to offer
himself in the manner and form following, viz: That your said petitioner
understands that a great many Companies are now on foot to be raised for
the defence of our liberties in this once happy land, which he thinks to
be a very proper maxim for the furtherance of our rights and liberty; that
your said petitioner (although he has nothing to recommend
himself but the variety of calling himself a Highlander, from
North-Britain) flatters himself that if this honorable Committee were to
grant him a commission, under their hand and seal, that he could, without
difficulty, raise one hundred Scotch Highlanders in this City and the
neighboring Provinces, provided they were to be put in the Highland dress,
and under pay during their service in defence of our liberties. Therefore,
may it please your Honors to take this petition under your serious
consideration; and should your Honors think proper to confer the honor
upon him as to have the command of a Highland Company, under the
circumstances proposed, your petitioner assures you that no person shall
or will be more willing to accept of the offer than your humble
petitioner."
On the following day Donald McLeod
sent a petition, couched in the following language to the Congress for the
Colony of New York:
"That yesterday your said petitioner
presented a petition before this honorable body, and as to the contents of
which he begs leave to give reference. That since, a ship arrived from
Scotland, with a number of Highlanders passengers. That your petitioner
talked to them this morning, and after informing them of the present state
of this as well as the neighboring Colonies, they all seemed to be very
desirous to form themselves into companies, with the proviso of having
liberty to wear their own country dress, commonly called the Highland
habit, and moreover to be under pay for the time they are in the service
for the protection of the liberties of this once happy country, but by all
means to be under the command of Highland officers, as some of them cannot
speak the English language. That the said Highlanders are already
furnished with guns, swords, pistols, and Highland dirks, which, in case
of occasion, is very necessary, as all the above articles are at this time
very difficult to be had. Therefore may it please your Honors to take all
and singular the premises under your serious and immediate consideration;
and as your petitioner wants an answer as soon as possible, he further
prays that as soon as they think it meet, he may be advised. And your
petitioner, is in duty bound, shall ever pray."
This petition was presented during
the formative state of the army, and when the colonies were in a state of
anarchy. Congress had not yet assumed control of the army, although on the
very eve of it. With an empire to found and defend, the continental
Congress had not at its disposal a single penny. When Washington was
offered the command of the army there was little to bring out the
unorganized resources of the country. At the very time of Donald McLeod’s
petition, the provincial congress of New York was engaged with the
distracted state of its own commonwealth. Order was not brought out of
chaos until the strong hand and great energy of Washington had been felt.