V.
MOM SIMLA, HOME.
Recruited by his tour in the hills, Mr Russell
started again for the plains, to join Lord Clyde's force for another
campaign in Oude. He passed again through Umballa, of which he
says:—"Like all the native cities I have seen, it is in a state of
ruinous decay. It has never yet been my fortune to look at a new native
house, or even a middle-aged one. Have they ceased to build houses of
late days? At one time or other they must have erected edifices, but
that time is certainly not the present." He was, however, "gratified to
perceive that Mr Melville, unlike some of our civilians, did not think
it beneath him, or too much trouble, to return the salutations of the
people, who salaamed to him universally."
One of the most interesting portions of his work
describes his visit to Puttiala at the express invitation of the Raja,
who saw in him, perhaps, like many other natives, the "Queen's
news-writer" (a familiar personage in the East), and received him with
marked distinction. Puttiala is about eighteen miles from Umballa, the
road thither being very bad—in several places quite impracticable. Mr
Russell, however, found the villagers " a little better clad" than in
the Company's territories ; while the local authorities in particular,
''fat and well-clad, salaamed to us as we passed, and blessed their
stars, if they have any, that my excellent friend by my side" (Mr
Melville) "was not their sahib collector." The Raja he found a large,
good-looking man, with powerful jaw and mouth, and "sagacious and deep
forehead;" and "though he be a 'nigger,' he seemed to me a right
gracious and noble sort of monarch." The city seemed to Mr Russell as
large as Dublin; the court, he says, was "rich enough and splendid
enough to astonish me." What the Raja of Puttiala has done for us, it is
need that we should bear in mind:—
"It is universally admitted, as far as I know, that
whatever might have been the exertions of Mr Montgomery and Sir John
Lawrence from the Punjaub, we must have lost Delhi if the Raja of
Puttiala had not, in conjunction with the chiefs of the neighbouring
states, kept open our communications with the Punjaub, and rendered the
despatch of supplies practicable. By the gradual accumulation of nearly
the whole of the British forces in the Punjaub, to the denudation of the
North-west, .... the authorities in the Punjaub were able to hold their
own, and to organise that remarkable system of supplies which enabled us
to remain before Delhi till we got force sufficient to strike the rebels
a death-blow. But that system must have utterly failed if the Sikh
states south of the Sutlej had revolted, for we never could have
maintained the communications with the Punjaub; and the political
effects of such a rising would have probably paralysed the efforts of
Sir John Lawrence and his able colleagues to raise the Sikh levies which
gave us such invaluable aid. . . .
''Had the state of Puttiala been annexed, .... we
should have seen, no doubt, there, as in all other parts of India, the
natives rise to restore their mediatised or deposed prince to his full
rights and powers, and to the throne of his ancestors.....In such a
case, I have heard it said, over and over again, by good authority,
India would have been lost. . . . But the Raja of Puttiala never
hesitated. . . . He at once equipped and raised a large force, in
addition to his regular army, and placed it at our disposal, to clear
the road, to escort baggage, stores, and munitions of war. He gave us
all the transport animals and carts he could collect; and he opened his
coffers, and, at a low rate of interest, and on security which, to any
but very keen eyes, was inappreciable, he lent us money when silver was
worth its weight in gold. . . . There can be no question that all the
physical power of his state was devoted to the re-establishment of our
rule, and to the overthrow of the rebellion."
Surely the very highest honours at our Sovereign's
disposal—-that garter which is the pride of kings, and which has ere
this been bestowed on an effete Turkish sultan—would not have been too
much to reward so invaluable an ally. Some strips of territory are, I
believe, the best part of what he has received. But the Raja, writes Mr
Russell, ''is most anxious to visit England, and he alluded to his
intention several times during the durbar" (court). "With that
view, he has applied for the repayment of the money which he lent to our
Government during our necessities; but it is very inconvenient to
repay it just now." The writer adds, in a note:—"Since the above was
written, the Raja has, it is said, abandoned his intention of coming to
England, being vexed by small impediments thrown in his way by
Government as to servants, equipage, &c.; and being rather averse to the
selection made by the Government in reference to the English official in
whose charge he was to be placed."
"I could not help thinking, as we drove home, how
harsh the reins of our rule must be to the soft skins of the natives.
The smallest English official treats their prejudices with contempt, and
thinks he has a right to visit them just as he would call on a
gamekeeper in his cottage. Lord Clyde and others have said they were
often pained by the insolence and rudeness of some of the civilians to
the sirdars and chiefs in the North-west after the old war. Some of the
best of our rulers administer justice in their shirt-sleeves, (which, by
the by, are used as a substitute for blotting-paper all over India,)
cock up their heels in the tribunal, and smoke cheroots to assist them
in council; and I have seen one eminent public servant with his braces
hanging at his heels, his bare feet in slippers, and his shirt open at
the breast, just as he came from the bath, give audience to a great
chieftain on a matter of considerable State importance. The natives see
that we treat each other far differently, and draw their inferences
accordingly."
There is only one term to apply to such conduct. It
is as un-English as it is ungentlemanly; it is but ultra-American
vulgarity.
Through Meerut, the scene of the first outbreak,
where Mr Russell found it impossible to comprehend how it should not
have been stifled at once, he proceeded to Agra, and saw that "pearl of
architecture, the wonder of the world," the Taj, a monument erected by
one of the Mussulman emperors to a dearly-loved wife, and of which one
"who loves not India or her races" said to our writer, ''If the people
of this land really built the Taj, the sooner our English leave the
country the better. We have no business to live here and claim to be
their masters." Mr Russell devotes eight pages to this monument, without
being able adequately to express his admiration of it; "for it is alone
in its loveliness—pure, and chaste, and graceful—among all the
architectural triumphs of man." Passing through Cawnpore, he rejoined
Lord Clyde at Allahabad, in time to hear Lord Canning read the
proclamation of the transfer of the government to the Crown (1st
November 1858). The advent of the change, he declares, produced ''no
alteration in the external aspect of affairs," and excited no interest
in the minds of the servants of the State;
strangest of all, the Company's servants shewed "little regret at the
transition;" and none, so far as he was aware, openly declared their
conviction that it was a mischievous measure. Yet there was underworking
against it evidently, since he was told ''that the people were actually
prevented or dissuaded from coming to listen to the royal promises of
pardon, forgiveness, justice, respect to religious belief, and
non-annexation." The ceremony itself was "cold and spiritless," as well
as the banquet which followed it. So callous were some of the civilians
to the most ordinary notions of loyalty and fair-dealing, in respect of
its pledge of unconditional pardon or submission before the 1st January,
that Mr Russell heard that "an officer of the civil service—a most
distinguished and able administrator, one of the first public men in
India—suggested at Allahabad that we ' should knock down a few of those
fellows' forts, and give them a good shelling,' without waiting for the
proclamation to have its effect!" Lord Clyde, however—always on the side
of uprightness and truth, always tender of human life and British
honour—was determined not to proceed to extremities against any of the
chiefs till there was full ground for knowing that they had received
copies of the proclamation. He '' has but one wish," writes Mr
Russell,—"to put an end to the disaffection in Oude, and to enforce
obedience to the British rule; and if we can do that without shedding
the blood of misguided men, and without sacrificing the life of a single
British soldier, his greatest ambition will be achieved."
The story of the campaign of 1858, one of the chief
events of which was the reduction of Amethie, has less exciting interest
than that of the previous ones, in which the fate of our empire might
still seem to be in question. The following description of the more
fertile portions of Oude, and of the effects of the march of an army
through them, deserves, however, to be quoted:—
"The country is of exceeding richness. . . . There is
nothing Oriental in scenery or vegetation in the general aspect of the
fields. A vast plain, green as the sea, covered with crops of dall," (a
kind of lentil,) "young wheat, peas, vetches, grain, sugarcane, amid
which are numerous islands, as it were, of mangoes, peepul, tamarind,
and other trees, which, till closely examined in detail, differ nothing
in broad effect from clumps of oak, elms, and sycamores, spreads to the
remotest verge of vision, set in a circular fretted framework of topes,"
(groves,) "condensed by distance into the appearance of a solid belt.
Right across the centre, in a tapering diameter, streams the army,
baleful as a comet, its course marked by a wall of dust, through which
glint forth the lance-point and bayonet. Whether the head or the tail of
a comet be most harmful, I know not; but certain it is, the wide,
fanlike tail of the Indian army is more terrible to our friends than its
artillery or its sabres. Those insatiable 'looters,'—men, women, and
children, all are at it; a field is gobbled, crunched, and sacked up in
ten minutes. In vain Lord Clyde himself charges among them with a thick
stick in his hand and thrashes the robbers heartily. In vain Colonel
Metcalfe zealously aids his chief, and displays immense vigour in
executing the duties of Provost-marshal. It is to no good end that
police cavalry and flankers of hussars and carabineers make raids here
and there against the more conspicuous bands of plunderers. If the whole
available force of this army of Europeans were turned out against the
camp-followers, they could only check their depredations by
mitrailade," (grape,) "and then the survivors would either run away,
(in which case, it is not too much to say the army would be as helpless
as the Foundling Hospital or an infant-school,) or they would return to
their work to-morrow." It is somewhat consolatory to be able to add,
that " all these deeds are perpetrated by natives. The European soldiers
are always closed up in columns of march; but Sikh and Belooch stray
away from their baggage-guards." On the other hand, it is impossible not
to see that the number of these marauders is multiplied by the luxurious
habits of Anglo-Indian warfare, by the already described ''myriads of
animals and men, and heaps of tents and baggage and furniture," which it
drags with it. We have already seen this on the march; shall we glance
at a halt? "As soon as the tents are pitched, the coolies deposit a long
wooden box with sloping lids, slung from poles, which, being raised,
uncover a goodly array of cold meat, plates, bread, butter, tea,
patties, cold fowl, and other luxuries. Another servant has arrived with
soda water and pale ale, a brisk fusillade of corks is opened, and the
camp servants have already selected a favourable spot for a fire close
at hand, over which a kettle is placed, while other fires are lighted to
warm up curries or cook chops and steaks. A table-cloth is spread upon
the grass; each man's syce" (groom) "puts his
horse-rug by the side of it for him to lie
down upon. The table is profusely covered with a Homeric banquet, a huge
caldron of tea is in readiness, and the feast proceeds to its
termination under a heavy fire of pipe and cheroot smoke."
Such being the luxuries of war in India, one is
tempted to ask—What may be those of peace?
On the other hand, ''How our servants exist, I cannot
ascertain by any reference to my own experience. No English servant
could—or if he could, he certainly would not—exhibit the patience and
powers of endurance of these bearers, syces, and grass-cutters. My syce
follows me all day, for six or seven hours, at a jog-trot, not a sign of
fatigue on his dusty face, or a drop of perspiration on his dark skin.
He is heavily weighted too, for he carries a horse-cloth, a telescope, a
bag of gram," (a kind of pea)—"part for himself, and part for his
horse—and odds and ends useful on a march. When we halt, he is at hand
to hold the horse. At the end of the march, there is no rest for him ;
he grooms the horse with assiduity, hand-rubs him, washes out his
nostrils and ears and hoofs, waters him, soaks his grain, and feeds him;
then he has to clean saddlery, and boots and spurs; finally, at some
obscure hour of night, he manages to cook a cake or two of wheat flour,
to get a drink of water, to smoke his hubble-bubble, and then, after a
fan-or so on the tom-tom, aided by a snuffling solo through the nose in
honour of some unknown beauty, wraps himself up, head and ail, in his
calico robe, and sleeps," (in the open air,) "till the first bugle
rouses him out to feed and prepare his horse on the march. If any true
Briton maintains that beef and beer are essentials to develop a man in
stature, or strength, or 'lasting,' let him look at our camp-servants
and own his error. The grass-cutter has an equally hard existence; the
kelassies, or tent-pitchers, keep pace with the camels; and your bheesty"
(water-carrier) "is ready with his mussuck" (water-skin) "the moment you
ride into camp. And here, at this moment, is my bearer, with a clean
snow-white turban and robe, sliding into my tent to tell me dinner is
ready, to wait on me till I go to sleep, and to wake me betimes in the
morning."
And the confidence generally reposed by Anglo-Indians
in their own native servants, stands in strange contrast with their
loudly proclaimed distrust of the natives in general. ''Here is a friend
of mine," writes Mr Russell, at a later period in Bengal, "in a state of
pardonable anger against Government and all mankind, because the
'niggers' have just murdered some unfortunate gentlemen who were
surveying a railway close at hand. If they had been shot in a
boundary-row, or on a Minister jaunting-car, he would think little of
it. 'I would,' he exclaims, ' hang every scoundrel within ten miles of
the place.' A moment afterwards, he is eulogising the syce who has fed
his horse. The syce says, he has relations among the rebels who killed
the engineers, Further on I meet a man going out to shoot.
'I can't try the best places, about five miles
from this, .... because there are a lot of rascally rebels there.' 'But
suppose they came down on you ?' ' Oh ! my fellows' (all natives) ' will
keep a sharp look-out, and they would all fight for me to the
death.' 'Can you trust them, after all that has happened ?' 'Well, I am
going out alone—they carry my guns and everything, and I have five
hundred rupees also, but they won't do me any harm.' 'What
is the difference between them and sepoys?' 'Well, as to that,
you know, they're all niggers alike, but I can trust my fellows,'
" &c. &c.
Surely, if there be any ground for such confidence as
is thus expressed, the natives of India cannot be the race of fiendish
traitors which we are fond of representing them as being; if they are,
it must be our own brutality, our own blood-thirstiness that makes them
such. Of which, let two final instances suffice.
In camp, on the march to Amethie, Mr Russell "heard a
man tell a story," he says, "which astonished me—not the tale so much,
for I had heard many of them, as the way he told it—a very worthy man,
no doubt, but what he said was this:—On a certain occasion, in a recent
celebrated action, a place, to which I shall not more particularly
allude, was strongly occupied by the enemy. Our men carried it with
great gallantry; and bursting in, proceeded to kill all whom they found
inside. The work was nearly completed when this officer perceived a
number of sepoys crouching upon the flat roof of the enclosure. They had
been firing on our men, but seeing the terrible fate of their comrades,
they sought to escape notice, and had taken to this place of refuge.
They made signs to the officer that they would surrender; and he ordered
them to come down the narrow staircase leading from the roof, and as the
first sepoy appeared, he told the man to take off his belt and pouch and
to lay it with his musket down upon the ground. The same thing he did
with each succeeding sepoy till he had got them all, fifty-seven in
number, 'upon which,' he said, ' I fell them in against the wall, and
told some Sikhs, who were handy, to polish them off. This they did
immediately, shooting and bayoneting them, so that altogether they were
disposed of in a couple of minutes.'"
Of which cowardly butchery, horrible as it is, it
must nevertheless be observed that, having been perpetrated in heat of
blood, it must yield the palm to Mr Frederick Cooper's well-known
massacre at Meean-Meer, of which he himself has had the audacity to
boast as of the ''ceremonial sacrifice" of a Christian.
The other instance which I shall quote involves no
loss of life, but is no less ominous as a sample of the tempers and
habits out of which such atrocities as above mentioned have grown, and
must grow whilst indulged in. When the rebels had been driven into
Nepaul, Mr Russell returned to Lucknow, and was thinking of a tour
through the indigo-plantations, when his home-news determined him to
return to England. At Cawnpore, returning from the railway office to the
hotel, '' there were a number of coolies sitting idly under the shadow
of a wall: suddenly there came upon them, with a bound and a roar, a
great British lion—his eyes flashing fire, a tawny mane of long locks
floating from under his pith helmet, and a huge stick in his fist. . . .
He rushed among the coolies, and they went down like grass, maimed and
bleeding. I shouted out of the gharry, 'Good heavens, stop! why, you'll
kill those men!' (One of them was holding up an arm as if it were
broken.) A furious growl—'What the------business have you to interfere?
It's no affair of yours.' 'Oh yes, sir, but it is. I am not going to be
accessary to murder. See how you have maimed that man ! You know they
dared not raise a finger against you.' ' Well, but these lazy scoundrels
are engaged to do our work, and they sneak off whenever they can ; and
how can I look after them?' Now, I believe, from what I have heard,
these cases occur up country frequently; in one place, there has been a
sort of mutiny and murder among railway labourers ; and, in fact, the
authorities have issued injunctions to the railway subordinates to be
cautious how they commit excesses and violence among their labourers,
and warn them they will be punished. A ganger, or head-navvy, accustomed
to see around him immense results produced by great physical energy and
untiring strength, is placed over hundreds of men, remote from
supervision and control; he sees the work is not done—'a
good-for-nothing set of idlers,'—and so he takes to stick and fist for
it." And, as Mr Russell observes, in India, "if Europeans are not
restrained by reason and humanity from giving vent to their angry
passions, there is little chance of their being punished for anything
short of murder—and of murder it has been oftentimes difficult to
procure the conviction of Europeans at the hands of their countrymen."
And now let us see what are Mr Russell's own
conclusions on leaving India.
"I confess that the present aspect—the aspect of the
outward and visible signs of our rule in India—to me is not very
encouraging. Towns, villages, and public works, monuments, temples,
tombs, tanks, reservoirs, and buildings of all sorts in which the
people of India are deeply interested, are in decay. In the late
mutiny, the people took their revenge by burning our stations, our
barracks, our bungalows, and our hotels.....When I was at Agra, I
observed that a wild fig-tree had taken root in the cupola of the Taj,
and threatened it with destruction; a few rupees would have cleared it,
but there was no one to order the work to be executed, though there is,
indeed, an officer appointed to survey public buildings in Agra. The
great tombs all over India are falling to pieces ; the revenues
appropriated to them being misapplied or absorbed for other purposes.
Many of them are now the refuge of wild beasts.. We may point to the
Ganges canal and to our railways; but the iron road and the iron wire
pass over crumbling cities, by prostrate monuments and deserted
villages; and even the canal itself has not produced, according to the
statements of the people, the benefits which were expected to be derived
from it. As to the state and extent of the internal communications in
the oldest of our possessions, they are all summed up by one of the
inspectors of schools, who declares that no one would dream of taking
wheel conveyances sixteen miles from Calcutta, as metal roads fade into
the mud at that distance in Western Bengal, and in all his district, for
one hundred miles, he did not see a single bridge even of bamboo.
"But these may be said to be small matters, provided
that we have increased the sum of general prosperity, security of life
and property, contentment, and virtue. I am not in a position to
determine if such has been the case; but I believe that the actual
physical happiness of the natives has not been augmented by the change
of rulers. Sir Henry Lawrence, who had long and varied experience, told
Sir Robert Montgomery, on whose authority I repeat the statement, that
he was persuaded, on the whole, the people were happier under native
government than under our own. There is the whole difficulty of our
position. We have, by this very effort, which effected the reduction of
India, satisfied ourselves that the drain on our resources is too great
to be submitted to permanently without ruin to the empire at home. There
is but one way left to retain it. Let us be just, and fear
not—popularise our rule—reform our laws — adapt our saddle to the back
which bears it. Let us govern India by superior intelligence, honesty,
virtue, morality—not by the mere force of heavier metal—proselytise by
the force of example—keep our promises loyally in the spirit, nor seek,
by the exercise of Asiatic subtlety, to reach the profundity of Asiatic
fraud. Otherwise, the statesman was never born who can render India
either safe or profitable ; and our arms will be paralysed in the
money-market, for the cost of keeping that glorious empire will be far
greater than the profit we derive from its possession ; and such a
result, in these days, is considered quite sufficient ground for the
relinquishment of the greatest heritage that the devotion, courage, and
energy of her sons ever bequeathed to a nation."
J. M. L.