THE main purpose of the Union of the
Parliaments of Scotland and England, which was consummated in 1707,
was, of course, political, to obviate the possibility of a renewal
of the old conflicts between the kingdoms which had proved so
ruinous for three centuries. For full discovery of the other
advantages and disadvantages time was required. The material gain
was not all, by any means, upon the side of Scotland. The Union, for
instance, opened the rich Scottish fisheries to English enterprise.
It also enabled England to take a hand in the Scottish wool trade.
Hitherto, by the export of Scottish wool, the industrialists of
Holland and Sweden had been enabled to establish in these countries
manufactures which competed severely with the woollen products of
England. On the other hand, while Scotland benefited in many ways,
the advantages were not at all equally distributed. Edinburgh, for
example, lost much of the prestige and wealth which accrued from the
meeting there of all the most notable people of the country to
attend the Parliament. The harbour towns of the East Coast, too,
which once prospered so greatly upon their trade with the
Scandinavian countries and the Baltic, began presently to find their
commerce diverted into other channels. Little is left to-day, at
Culross and Pittenweem, Crail and Anstruther, of the busy traffic
which tempted James V. to describe Fife as "a rough Scots blanket
fringed with gold." The part of Scotland which profited most from
the Union was undoubtedly the west, and especially the city of
Glasgow. Other towns in the west, such as Dumfries and Ayr and
Dunbarton, had an equal opportunity with the ancient archbishop's
burgh on the Clyde. Indeed, Glasgow had many handicaps, chiefly by
reason of its inland position. But the imagination, shrewdness, and
enterprise of its citizens enabled them to see and seize the happy
chance. As the trade with America opened to them, they rose to the
occasion, and began to lay the foundations of a great business
overseas. This development of
trade did not, of course, come about quite immediately. In common
with the other royal burghs of the country, Glasgow continued for
some time to suffer from severe depression. The Union at first,
indeed, rather increased than diminished its burdens. Of the four
burghs, Glasgow, Rutherglen, Renfrew, and Dunbarton, which united to
send a member to Parliament, Glasgow was much the most important.
Probably for this reason, at the first election, on 26th May, 1708,
the Provost of Glasgow, Robert Rodger, was chosen as representative,
[Burgh Records, 25th May, 1708.] and from that date onward constant
entries appear in the records of considerable sums paid by the city
for its Provost's attendance in London.
That attendance had a serious effect
upon the private fortunes of at least one worthy citizen upon whom
this somewhat doubtful honour was conferred. In 1716, after the
death of Thomas Smith, merchant and Dean of Guild, who had
represented the four burghs in Parliament for several years, his
widow was reduced to petition the magistrates and council for
assistance on the ground that her husband's attention to public
business, and frequent long absences in London, had brought about
the neglect and decay of his private affairs, so that nothing
remained for the subsistence of herself and her son. After enquiry
the Town Council authorised the investment of 2000 merks for behoof
of the boy, then seven years of age. [Ibid. 27th Aug. 1716.]
The city itself, just after the
Union, petitioned the Convention of Royal Burghs for help, and
actually obtained a gratuity of 1000 merks on the curious ground of
respect for Robert Rodger, its Provost and Member of Parliament.
[Convention Records, iv. 466.]
The reading of the Council minutes
gives one the impression from time to time that the city fathers of
those days were by no means ashamed to "make a poor mouth" when the
performance seemed likely to prove profitable. At the time of the
Union, however, they seem to have had fair reason for their
complaint. In an appeal made to the Convention of Burghs in 1711
against an addition of £1 10s. to the proportion of the tax roll
payable by Glasgow, the commissioner for the city recounted some
considerable disheartenments. He estimated that the city merchants
had made a loss of more than £30,000 in their trading during the
three previous years, and he pointed to the fact that during the
current year they had lost four of their West India ships, and
feared the loss of more. [Ibid. v. 7-9; Burgh Records, 30th Aug.
1711.]
The population, nevertheless,
continued to increase. According to the census ordered by the
magistrates in 1708, a year after the Union, it was 12,766—only 818
more than it had been in 1688. But four years later, in 1712, it had
increased to 13,832. In this latter year the rental of the built
portion of the city was £7840 sterling, while that of the burgh
roods, lands, mills, and New Green was £1068, altogether £8908
sterling. [Ibid. 27th May, 1712; Convention Records, V. 54; Brown's
Hist. ii. 88-97.] In the national tax roll of 1714, the proportion
payable by Edinburgh was £40, that of Glasgow £16 14s., while
Rutherglen's was 5s., Irvine's is., Rothesay's 4s., and Dunbarton's
and Renfrew's 6s. each. [Convention Records, v. 139-40.]
As a matter of fact, though the city
was suffering from serious depression at the beginning of the
eighteenth century, the seeds of prosperity had been sown and a
spirit of enterprise was in the air. In 1699, for example, `William
Cochrane of Ochiltree, John Alexander of Blackhouse, William Dunlop,
Principal of the University, Mungo Cochrane, merchant, and a number
of others, applied to the Privy Council to have the privileges and
immunities of a manufactory granted to a woollen mill they proposed
to set up in Glasgow. Their intention was to produce damasks,
half-silks, draughts, friezes, druggets, tartans, crapes, russets,
etc., from Scottish wool, as good as any imported and "at as easie a
rate," and they expected by this means to keep within the kingdom a
vast sum of money—as much as £10,000 a year—then being sent abroad,
chiefly to Ireland, for such stuffs. [Reg. Priv. Council, 21st Dec.
1699.]
In the same year a similar
application was made by a company of English traders, who had
brought English workmen to the city, and proposed to set up a
hardware factory for the production of such articles as pins,
needles, scissors, scythes, tobacco boxes, and knives. And in the
year following a company of Glasgow merchants applied for and
received a licence for a factory of similar goods, by which they
expected not only to retain much money within the country, but to
give employment to " many poor and young boys who are in these hard
and dear times a burden to the kingdom."
Then in February 1701 the privileges
of a manufactory were granted to two other sets of petitioners.
Matthew and Daniel Campbell, merchants in Glasgow, proposed to
establish an additional sugar refinery, and in connection with it a
work "for distilling brandy and other spirits from all manner of
grain of the growth of this kingdom." For their purpose they had
brought foreign experts to the city, and they pointed out that "the
distillery will both be profitable for the consumption of the
product of this kingdom, and for trade for the coast of Guinea and
America, seeing that no trade can be managed to the places foresaid,
or the East Indies, without great quantities of the foresaid
liquors."
The other proposal which received the
sanction of the Privy Council was for a soap-work in connection with
a glasswork. A Glasgow merchant, James Montgomery, younger, pointed
to the cost and hazard of bringing bottles from works at Leith and
Morison's Haven to the west country. He also pointed to the
abundance, in the West Highlands, of ferns and wood ashes, "which
serve for little or no other use, and may be manufactured, first
into good white soap, which is nowhere made in the kingdom to
perfection, and the remains of these wood ashes, after the soap is
made, is a most excellent material for making glass." [Reg. Priv.
Council, 1701. Chambers's Domestic Annals, iii. 126-8. Two of the
persons chiefly concerned with these proposals were among the most
notable Glasgow citizens of that time. Daniel Campbell of Shawfield
was the future M.P. for the city, who built, before 1712, the famous
Shawfield Mansion opposite the Stockwell in Trongate, which was to
play a considerable part in Glasgow history, and who afterwards with
its compensation money purchased the island of Islay. Mungo Cochrane
was the purchaser, along with Andrew Gibson of Hillhead, of the
great estates of the unfortunate Provost Walter Gibson. He was also
lessee of the city's great property of Provan, part of which, at
Riddrie, he enclosed with a stone wall. He had, besides, many other
prosperous interests in Glasgow.—Burgh Records, 19th Dec. 1712,
etc.]
Instances like these show that the
spirit of industrial enterprise was already kindling in Glasgow, and
waiting only the breath of opportunity to burst into vigorous flame.
Meanwhile several of the matters which came up for decision in the
management of the public affairs of the city throw interesting light
on the everyday life of the time.
One of the most serious blemishes in
the public life of the early eighteenth century is more than hinted
at again and again in the burgh records of Glasgow. Officials of the
Government were clearly not above accepting gifts from parties
bringing requests and disputes before them. The value of the gifts,
too, appears to have become more considerable as time went on.
Evidently the city fathers and their agents in Edinburgh in the
seventeenth century were fully assured that business could be
expedited, and probably decided in their favour, by a timely gift to
the persons in authority, and there are accordingly frequent entries
of payments for a keg of herrings and the like, sent as presents to
"the town's friends." After the seat of government was removed to
London a keg of herrings was apparently no longer regarded as a
sufficient gift. A hogshead of wine was now de rigueur, and the
hogshead cost two hundred merks (£11 5s. sterling). [Burgh Records,
18th Sept. 1707.]
Another questionable proceeding,
which might have proved dangerous to the liberties of the burgh if
carried too far, was a disposition to grant valuable public favours
at the mere request of some nobleman or person of importance. Thus
again and again individuals were admitted to burgess rank and
privileges, without payment, at the desire of personages like the
Duke of Montrose, Lord Pollok, and the Duchess of Hamilton. [Ibid.
17th Sept., 18th Dec. 1707; 1st Jan., 1st Oct. 1709; 30th Sept.
1710.] Among these personages the Duchess of Hamilton had a special
pull upon the city by reason of the fact that she was High Sheriff
of Lanarkshire, and so entitled to act as returning officer at the
election of a member of Parliament by the four burghs of Glasgow,
Dunbarton, Renfrew, and Rutherglen. [Ibid, 24th Oct. 1710. The
Duchess had also a claim upon the goodwill of the city by reason of
her gift, already noted (page 49), of 18,000 merks for college
bursaries. This great lady was the last of the original house of
Hamilton. By her marriage to a younger son of the first Marquess of
Douglas her titles and estates passed into possession of that great
house, and on the extinction of the senior line, in the person of
the Duke of Douglas in 1760, her descendant inherited the honours
and chiefship of the Douglases, which the Duke of Hamilton holds at
the present day. The Duchess died in 1716.]
By virtue of the ownership of Provan
the magistrates and Town Council also claimed the right to appoint a
commissioner to vote for a member of Parliament for the county. This
right was refused on one occasion, the landed heritors probably
resenting the intrusion of burgess influence into county affairs. It
is indignantly recorded in the Town Council minutes that "at the
last meeting of the freeholders of the said shire at Lanark for
electing of their commissioner to serve in the ensuing parliament
the commissioner for this burgh was most unjustly and illegally
turned out, and the vote for this burgh as freeholder of the lands
of Provan refused to be received by a majority, of whom several were
not qualified conform to law." [Burgh Records, 27th Oct. 1713.] The
magistrates took measures, however, to enforce the burgh's right,
and were apparently successful, for, at the next election, Thomas
Smith, Dean of Guild, was appointed, "for the lands of Provan and
others," to attend a meeting of the barons and freeholders at Lanark
to elect a "commissioner," or member of Parliament for the county.
[Ibid. 22nd Feb. 1715.]
It will be noted that the people at
large had no voice in the election of their representatives.
Democracy had at one time been the order of affairs, but had been
found wanting, and had been abolished. Down to the year 1469 the
whole community had voted in the election of the Town Council. An
Act of Parliament in that year, however, narrated "the gret truble
and contensione" which occurred at elections, "throw multitud and
clamor of commonis sympil personis," and ordered that at the yearly
elections thereafter the old Town Council should choose the new. A
full account of the method of election was furnished in 1711 in
response to an order of the Convention of Royal Burghs, that each
royal burgh should send in its "sett," the rules under which it
conducted its election. According to this "sett," the Glasgow Town
Council then consisted of a provost, three bailies, thirteen
councillors of the merchant rank, and twelve of the trades rank.
There were a dean of guild, a deacon-convener, a treasurer, and a
master of work, who might be chosen either from the members of
council or from outside. In the latter case they became additional
members of council. The elections began on the first Tuesday after
Michaelmas, and were continued on the following Friday and
Wednesday. First the old council elected the new provost and two
bailies out of the merchant rank, and one bailie out of the crafts
rank ; then the new provost and bailies, with the provosts and
bailies of the two previous years, and others brought in, if
necessary, to make up the number of twelve, chose thirteen merchants
and twelve craftsmen as councillors, and afterwards the new
magistrates and councillors, along with the deacons of the fourteen
crafts and an equal number of merchants, chose the dean of guild,
the deacon-convener, the treasurer, the master of work, the bailie
of Gorbals, the water bailie, and remaining office-bearers. [Ibid.
22nd Oct. 1711.] |