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HEATED debates in the
Chambers, violent Party spirit, a widespread distrust of the Court,
regiments infested with émigres, privileged bodies, in which the best
places were prostituted to boys who had scarcely left school, while
mature and excellent officers, bending under the weight of years, and
scarred by honourable wounds, were vegetating on half-pay, ignored and
almost despised by the new-corners —such was the general condition of
affairs. The State could no longer profit by the revolutionary
confiscations, for a simple ordinance had replaced the members of the
royal family in possession of the lands not already sold.
Although the principle of
the measure was just, the form in which it was introduced was wrong. An
entire repeal of all the laws of the Revolution respecting national
property should have been proposed. The ordinance of restitution,
therefore, excited great discontent and much alarm. The former
possessors worried and threatened the purchasers, amongst whom the most
timid consented to friendly arrangements, transactions and indemnities,
but they were not even then quite reassured. The majority kept
possession, and threatened in return. The clergy, who since the
Consulate had only been salaried, now wished to recover their property
but there was a great difference they only had the usufruct of it, and
so they were allowed to complain notwithstanding the insults and attacks
that were uttered from every pulpit, the threats of eternal perdition
made in every confessional to the weak or the dying, if they did not
restore their lands and bequeath them to the Church.
On the other hand, the
soldiers murmured at having lost their extra pay for service abroad, and
saw with jealousy their more favoured comrades who retained theirs on
the canals Of course, those in the highest places made the loudest
outcry. All positions are relative; like them, I had lost the endowments
that had been given me in Naples and Poland, but I had had the good
sense to treat this increase of my means as merely temporary, and I
regretted it the less therefore.
The Government seemed
utterly indifferent to this state of things, and did nothing to
remedy-it. It only appeared to be carrying on constant petty underhand
intrigues on behalf of its supporters, and more avowed ones on behalf of
its members. One of the boldest among them insulted France and the
national army with its 'right line,' in the Chamber; another, weak,
wily, and ambitious, issued a police order which covered him with
ridicule; an ex-minister of the Empire, so servilely, so abjectly
devoted to his master, but not less ambitious than the other, ventured,
in the Chamber of Peers, to pronounce these words, so agreeable to
absolute ears
'What the King wills, the
Law wills.' ('Si vezit le Roi.' si veut la Loi )
Amid these various
conflicts and discontents, and this feeling of discomfort, moderate men
of sensible and conciliatory dispositions united, and sought means to
calm the effervescence. The best plan, it was thought, to restore
confidence and tranquillity, to revive security, and provide a guarantee
for purchasers, and to improve the positions of donces, would consist in
an equitable indemnity for all goods sold, the restitution of
unalienated goods, and the division of the indemnities among the donees,
beginning with the most needy. The State had profited by the
confiscations, therefore the State owed the indemnities; nothing could
be more rigorously just.
I felt this, and perhaps
expressed it more strongly than others, and was consequently requested
to make a proposal to the Chamber of Peers, where it was thought that my
voice would be better heard, that, my words being listened to more
favourably, would produce more effect, rally more supporters round the
proposal, and do much to ensure its success. I fought against the
proposal for a long time, but yielded at last to the consideration that
I might he able to render a real service to the public and to the
unfortunate soldiers.
A Director of Customs had
the kindness to furnish me with an important memorandum, showing how the
lands had been valued to the prejudice of the emigre's, those condemned
to death or transported. Several of the people— M. Ouvrard among the
number—gave me excellent suggestions, which were of value to me for the
development of the proposal. Everyone contributed his utmost. Sémonyule
and Monsieur de Castellane gave me the benefit of their experience and
opinions, as did also the Due de Levis, who was my colleague in the
Chamber. He and I had several interviews upon the subject; the Duke,
being hard pressed by his creditors, was personally interested in the
success of the proposal.
It has been since said
that Sémonville took the principal part in this matter, and there is
some truth in the statement, as it was he who first mentioned the idea
of indemnities to me. But other persons were interested in it, and it
was in consequence of their union and their common support that I
undertook to introduce the subject, as reporter of the commission which
commanded the opinion of the majority.
After hearing the
proposal, hope rose in many breasts, but several people were much
disappointed. People who hid cherished the idea that the Restoration
would mean absolute restitution with interest came to me, the Duke of
Fitz-James among others. He said
'All or nothing!'
'Very good, Duke,' I
replied 'then it will be nothing.'
Then the soldiers,
especially Marshal Ney, complained that I had restricted the indemnities
to the humblest classes, whereas, they said, the rich had equal rights.
'I have thrown down a
plank,' I answered; 'everyone will get across in turn. Had I done
otherwise people would have been afraid. Besides, observe the
difference: they who have been dispossessed by confiscation demand
justice, while they who have been endowed have lost through the fortune
of war, which also brought them their wealth. Their fortune was simply
an act of favour, whereas the others had everything torn from them by
the Revolution, with its blood, its horrors, its persecutions, its
injustice, and its iniquities. It rests with you to bring up amendments
and support them I shall make no opposition.'
My proposition was
afterwards referred to a committee, of which I was naturally one of the
members; but after a few meetings it was found impossible to come to any
con- elusion, for the torrent of claims for indemnification opened such
a chasm that Europe itself would have been inadequate to fill it. The
final result was the law of December 5, 1814, allowing restitution for
unsold property; the rest was adjourned.
During the session I had taken more or less part in political
discussions. The following one was no less fertile in important debates,
into which I was naturally drawn by my position.
Secret discontent was
increasing, especially in the army. The Congress of Vienna 'dansaif et
n'avançaztpas,' as the Prince de Ligne wittily remarked. Austria showed
herself haughty, vain, ambitious, and pfetentious. Monsieur de 'I'alleyrand,
the French plenipotentiary, recommended his Government quietly to make
some military dispositions, to send some troops to the frontiers under
pretext of change of garrisons.
The Princes of the Royal
Family made various journeys through the departments, the object of
which was to attract supporters to the royal cause. But wherever they
went they failed by their own fault, in spite of the prodigality of
their promises and the prostitution of decorations, especially of the
Legion of Honour, which grievously hurt old soldiers who received none.
They were all given to intriguers, and to partisans of the moment. To
such an extent was the abuse carried, as well as the indifference to
every good feeling, that they were distributed by dozens to prefects and
sub-prefects, who decorated their friends, their flatterers, and their
creditors with them The Princes were only surrounded by men of their own
party, saw none but men of the old regime, and displayed the barest
politeness to those authorities who had not been removed merely for want
of men to replace them. 'Thus their Highnesses learned nothing, saw
nothing, since they viewed everything only through the eyes of people
who were passionately attached to the old order of things; hence arose
violent murmurs and discontent.
The Duke and Duchess of
Angouléme were sent to Bordeaux, and had to pass through the departments
belonging to my government. I went to the chief town in order to do the
honours to them, on their journey. I received their Royal Highnesses at
the frontier of the department of Cher on February 28, 1815, and
accompanied them to the boundaries of that of Dordogne. I was very
kindly received by them, especially by the Duchess. The recollection of
her misfortunes bound me strongly to this Princess, and I vowed to her a
devotion which has never faltered for an instant; until now I have
always had cause to be gratified by her constant marks of kindness.
There were perhaps rather fewer decorations than usual during this
journey, and some of them, owing to my intervention, were well placed. |
