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His elevation to the peerage gave to him the right
to take a seat in the House of Lords. There is probably no chamber in the
world which, on special occasions, presents such a spectacle of gorgeous
splendor as that gilded chamber. What a change from the rude hut, built of
logs, in which he had passed so many years, to this place, the scene of
wealth and magnificence and nobility. There, on great occasions, would be
seen the flower and cream of Britain's nobility and the most eminent men
in all ranks of life. Into this great legislative hall, this assembly of
illustrious men, representing the proud traditions and inheritance of the
British people, Lord Strathcona came and took his place. Others were there
by virtue of their birth. It was for them an inherited privilege, but his
presence there was the recognition of those sterling qualities which he
had developed in a hard and strenuous life. It was, besides, an
acknowledgment of the great services he had rendered to the Empire, the
bold constructive genius which, in a new land, had found and used its
opportunity, and the generous philanthropy, which had marked his
possession of great wealth. Alone and unaided, he had pushed his fortunes
till he found himself an honored member of the greatest aristocratic
assembly in the world.
In his new position he was not idle. He would have
been false to his own nature and to the habit of his long life if he had
become merely an indifferent spectator. In accepting the honor, he also
assumed the responsibility which attached to his position. For some time
he took no part in proceedings. For nearly two years he was a silent
member of the house. He was not one to thrust himself forward and he
waited for the occasion and in the summer of 1898 it presented itself and
he made his first speech as a peer of the realm. It is worth noticing that
when he rose to make his first speech in the House of Commons at Ottawa,
it was to speak to a crowded audience on a question of national interest.
So by a remarkable coincidence, when he first addressed the house of
Lords, the chamber was crowded with the aristocracy, the galleries being
filled with peeresses and ambassadors and representatives from all
nations, while among other distinguished visitors was the heir to the
throne.
The subject on which he spoke was one that was the
cause of much social friction and heart-burning, and in the Colonies
caused much discontent. According to the English civil and ecclesiastical
law, marriage with a deeased wife's sister was interdicted and the
children of such a marriage were in Great Britain declared illegitimate.
For a generation a bill known as "The Deceased Wife's Sister Bill" had
been before the Parliament, but had failed to become law. The situation
was ludicrous and is a striking illustration of the anomalies of the
English law, for while such marriages were illegal in England and the
children illegitimate, in the other parts of the Queen's dominions they
were, under laws signed by Her Majesty, declared legal, so that what was
all right, proper and legitimate in Canada was all wrong, improper and
illegitimate in England. Time and again the Bill had been presented to the
Parliament and debated, only to be rejected, amid the outspoken derision
of all civilized nations.
It was on this question that Lord Strathcona first
spoke in the House. It was a question of such social interest that the
mere fact of its introduction was sufficient to draw an audience and the
fact that it was to be introduced by the new Canadian peer, whose deeds
were widely known, gave additional interest to the occasion. It is worth
while to quote some parts of his address. It was, even for him, an
exceedingly momentous and trying occasion and he acquitted himself with
credit.
"My lords," he began, 'I have very great diffidence
in appearing to address you at this time. It is the first occasion on
which I have had the privilege of addressinng you as a member of this
House. Notwithstanding, it is also with very great confidence that I come
before you, my lords, for I know that you will have much consideration for
one in the position I occupy." He then proceeded to explain the purpose
and object of his bill, after which he continued: "Why should the children
of such marriages, when they come home, bear a mark of disgrace? Why
should they be legitimate in one part of the Empire and illegitimate in
another, when marriage is perfectly legal under laws passed by local
Parliaments and assented to by the Queen? Is this a creditable state of
things in our present civilization? For some years past the different
parts of the Empire have been drawn close together. The troops of the
colonies have fought shoulder to shoulder with those of the Motherland.
Her Majesty's subjects in the Colonies have shared in the joys and sorrows
of the Motherland. Clad people from every part of the world where the
British flag is paramount came last year to London to do honor to their
beloved Sovereign. In fact, we are doing our best to develop the Empire of
which we are so proud and to strengthen the ties which bind us together,
and the removal of this grievance cannot fail to further consolidate the
union. Let me, therefore, appeal to your lordships to express your
approval of this measure, which seeks to remove what is regarded as a
grave anomaly in the Colonies, to remove a restriction which operates
against one of their most sacred rights, and to free the children of your
colonial brethren, who contract perfectly legal marriages, from the stigma
which now attaches to them when they come to their Motherland. I may also
be permitted to address a word to the most reverend and the right reverend
lords in this House. It is that the clergy, both of the Established
Church, of the other Protestant denominations, and of the Catholic Church
in Canada, and I believe also in the other Colonies, have accepted this
Bill, and unquestionably many of them approve of it. I would now, my
lords, desire to say that I stand here—it is by the gracious will of the
Sovereign that I have the privilege—as a Colonist, as one of those coming
from the Colonies. Every man in the Colonies looks upon himself as being
as much of an Englishman as if he were born within the bounds of the
United Kingdom. He glories in the name of Englishman, and he has the
aspirations that you and all those who are loyal to the Empire have. This
measure affects—and affects very gravely—many in the Colonies, from the
Ministers of the Crown to the artisan, and many of them the most worthy
and most loyal. No, I would withdraw this last expression, 'the most
loyal.' Throughout the Dominion of Canada—indeed, my lords, throughout all
the Colonies—there is now but one standard, but one measure of loyalty.
Such being the case, and feeling as they do that they are, equally with
these in this country, members of the great Empire to which we all belong,
I am confident that you, my lords, will on this occasion send those who
are in the position I have referred to a message of good will, that you
are desirous of doing full justice to them."
The Bill passed the house of Lords, but failed in
the Commons. Two years later Lord Strathëona made another attempt, and, in
an impressive speech before a distinguished audience, made another earnest
appeal: "This measure has not been sprung upon Parliament suddenly. It is
in no sense a movement of impulse. For twenty-four years the Colonies have
been pressing the matter upon the attention of the Imperial authorities.
It affects, my lords, the most important and sacred of all contracts and
affects communities not less attached to the Christian religion than those
of the Mother Country. The present time seems to me a singularly
appropriate one for such action on the part of your lordships, as I have
ventured to recommend. For the last few years there has been a great
awakening of Imperial sentiment. The different parts of the Empire have
vied with one another in demonstrating their loyalty to the Crown and to
the Empire. They have shown not only the desire, but the determination to
share both in its joys and in its troubles, and we have at the present
time, in South Africa, an object lesson to the world of the practical
unity of the different parts of the British Empire, which has awakened
enthusiasm both in the Motherland and every part of the world where the
British flag flies never witnessed before. Your favorable decision would
be regarded in some parts of the Empire as a message of good will to our
fellow subjects, who are so closely connected with us by common ancestry,
by common patriotism, by common love for the Empire, to which we are all
proud to belong, and by common loyalty and veneration for our gracious
Sovereign."
The Bill again passed the House of Lords by a
majority of eighty-five, but the Government refusing to take the matter up
in the house of Commons it was again deferred and it was some years before
it was finally passed and the anomaly removed. But the speeches of Lord
Strathcona and their reception indicate both his unfailing interest in
Canadian affairs and the high place of influence he had reached in the
Imperial Parliament.
We have spoken of Lord Strathcona as an
"Imperialist." As there are several varieties of Imperialism, it may be
well to have a clear understanding of what he meant by it. He made a
reference to it in an address which he delivered in 1900 as Lord Rector of
Aberdeen University.
"We have glanced at some of the milestones along the
road which has led to the cross roads we are now facing, and the question
before us is, which of them must be taken? Shall it be the one which
points to the maintainence of the existing order of things, or the other
which will lead to closer unity for Imperial purposes, for commercial
purposes and for defence? There seems to be a general feeling in favor of
the latter, which will assure the different parts of the Empire full
liberty of self- government, while giving them a voice in the Imperial
policy, the desire for which is becoming stronger every year. There are
some who think the solution of the problem is to be found in the
representation of Canada and the Colonies in the Imperial Parliament. I am
not one of those who share that view, at any rate, until a truly Imperial
Parliament to deal with Imperial affairs can he established.
"In times to come, it is within the bounds of
possibility that there may be local Parliaments to deal with local affairs
in England, Scotland and Ireland; and we may also then have a Parliament
with representatives from the different parts of the Empire, which will be
Imperial in name and in its work. We are approaching a period when all
parts of the Empire will seek to have a voice in the foreign policy and in
other subjects affecting the well-being of the community in general. That
some way must be found of meeting the aspirations of the Colonies does not
admit of doubt. I have made some reference to the question of an Imperial
Parliament. That may be the ultimate solution, or it may not. But in the
meantime the constitution of an Imperial Council in conjunction with the
Colonial Office, consisting in representatives of the Imperial Government
and the Colonies, has been mentioned as a preliminary step, even if the
Council were only consultative at the commencement." This address reveals
that practical turn of his mind and also the breadth of view and judicial
habit which he brought to the consideration of all great questions. Though
a very old man, he was as mentally alert as ever and kept in close touch
with the political and intellectual movements of his time. |
