|
THE Battle of Biggar is a
theme well known to all readers of (HI , Blind Harry’s renowned poem, 4 Ye
Actis and Deidis of ye illuster and vaikeand Campioun, Shyr Wilham Wallace,
Knycht off Elriale,’ and of the metrical abridgment of it by Hamilton of
GilbertfielcL Much discussion has taken place regarding the actual
occurrence of this battle; but whatever opinion may be entertained regarding
the veracity of the Minstrel, it nevertheless becomes us, in a work of this
kind, to give a detail of the incidents of the conflict as he has recorded
them.
In 1297, Sir William Wallace,
to revenge the murder of his wife, attacked the garrison of Lanark under
cloud of night, and by fire and sword put almost every one of the English
who composed it to death. This notable exploit soon resounded over the
country, and brought together a large number of men who were desirous of
striking a blow for the freedom of their country. Wallace was unanimously
chosen their leader. The English garrisons who had been left to keep the
country in subjection, were of course much alarmed by these warlike
demonstrations, and Aymer de Vallance, then dwelling at Bothwell, despatched
a courier with intelligence of them to Edward. The king having set his heart
on the entire subjugation of Scotland, and having been at infinite pains to
effect this object by artful schemes of diplomacy, as well as by several
military inroads, was excessively grieved and enraged at this intelligence,
and instantly resolved to march again into Scotland, to chastise the
insolence and audacity of the Scots, and put them under more rigorous
bondage than ever. The queen vainly endeavoured to persuade him against this
expedition, representing the outrage and injustice he was attempting to
perpetrate on Scotland, by depriving it of its ancient sovereign power, and
reducing its people to slavery. Deaf to all remonstrances, the king
despatched his heralds over the country to summon his vassals to meet him in
warlike array, and to follow him to Scotland. One of Edward’s pursuivants,
by birth a Scotsman, and well known in Scotland afterwards by the name of
Jop, on learning the intentions of the English king, left the court and
hastened to Scotland to give information of them to Wallace, whom he found
in Ayrshire. Wallace lost no time in setting up his standard at Lanark, and
sending notice to his friends, especially in Ayrshire and Clydesdale, to
join him without delay. Adam Wallace, the young laird of Richardtown, Sir
Robert Boyd, the ancestor of the , Earls of Kilmarnock and Errol, Sir John
Graham, Sir John Tinto of Ciympcramp, Sir Thomas Sommerville of Linton and
Carnwath, Sir Walter Newbigging of Newbigging, near Biggar, Nichol
Auchinleck, and other men of note, hastened with their followers to obey the
summons. On mustering their united forces, they were found to amount to 8000
horsemen, well equipped, and a considerable number of foot; but these were
in a great measure destitute of arms. The Scots, learning that Edward was
approaching with a powerful and well-appointed army, and being aware that
they could not cope with him in the open field, betook themselves to a
strong position on the hill of Tinto, about four miles from the town of
Biggar.
The English army marched up
the Tweed from Berwick, and after winding among the hills of Peeblesshire,
desoended on the plains of the Upper Ward of Lanarkshire, by the ancient
pass of Orosscryne. The Scots, from their elevated encampment, no doubt
beheld this ‘awful oet,' as the Minstrel calls it, defile over the
mountain's bitow. It amounted to 60,000 warriors, clad in complete armour,
led 'on by the most warlike and politic monarch of the age, and supplied
with everything that could contribute to their comfort, or inspire them with
confidence and courage. Still the little patriotic band on the side of Tinto
manifested no symptoms of fear, nor thought for a moment of dispersing
themselves and providing for their safety. The English pitched their camp
near Biggar, on a piece of ground rising gently from the valley traversed by
Biggar Water, and having a deep and inaccessible morass on the south and
east. Here
'Yai planytyt yar feild with
tents and pailzooia,
Quhar claryouns blew full mony mychty sonis:
Plenyst yat place with gad wittaill and wyne,
In carta brocht yair purwiance dewine.'
From this place Edward
despatched two heralds- to Wallace, commanding him to submit to his
authority, and. promising if he should do so to take him into his service
and favour, and to confer upon him the most ample rewards; but in case of
disobedience, he threatened to hang him the first time he should fall into
his hands. Wallace, after consulting his friends, wrote back to the king
that he rejected his offers with disdain; and that, so far from being
intimidated by his threats, he was determined to contend against him until
he was driven from the kingdom; that the Scots would sacrifice him without
mercy should he ever become their prisoner; and that they would be prepared
to offer him battle at no distant period.
A young knight, the king’s
nephew, either out of curiosity, or for the purpose of ascertaining the
numbers and reconnoitering the position of the Scots, had accompanied the
heralds in disguise; but Jop recognising this youth, having often seen him
before while living at the English court, gaye intimation of his rank and
condition to Wallace. In these chivalrous times, it was considered highly
dishonourable for a true knight to act as a spy, or for any one to assume
the character of a herald who did not belong to that order; and the person
who did so was held to have forfeited all claim to be treated with mercy.
The Scots, smarting under the wrongs inflicted on them by the English,
indignant at the haughty and imperious message sent by the king, and
especially enraged at the duplicity of the young warrior and his companions,
instantly resolved to punish them in a most severe and summary manner. The
knight was conducted to an eminence above the camp, and had his head struck
from his body; the tongue of one of the heralds was cut out, and the eyes of
the other extracted with a pair of pincers. The two heralds, in this
dreadful plight, were ordered to return to the English camp with the head of
the knight, and to inform the king that he might regard what the Scots had
done as a proof that his threats and his powerful army had not been able to
strike them with terror, or bring them to submission. When Edward learned
what had taken place, he was for some time struck dumb with sorrow and
indignation; and at length, when his feelings were somewhat tranquillized,
he vowed not to leave Scotland till he had taken the most ample vengeance on
Wallace and the Scots for the outrage they had perpetrated.
Wallace had now resolved to
take a very daring step. He was quite well aware that his small army was no
match for Edward's in a fair field, and that his only chance of success lay
in some well-concerted and vigorously-executed stratagem. To carry out such
an object, he was convinced that it would be of great advantage were he to
visit the English camp in disguise, and thus ascertain its means of defence,
and the positions occupied by the king and his generals. He communicated his
design only to Sir John Tinto, and enjoined him to observe the strictest
secrecy. He accordingly disguised himself, and left the camp unnoticed. On
his way between Coulter and Biggar, he met a poor man driving a horse laden
with pitchers of earthenware. Wallace entered into conversation with him,
and finding him to be an itinerant merchant, instantly entertained the idea
that he might gain admission into the interior of the English camp by
pretending to be a hawker of earthenware. He accordingly purchased the man’s
horse and his stock in trade; and still thinking his disguise not
sufficiently complete, proposed an exchange of garments—a proposal which
greatly increased the man’s astonishment, but to which he readily assented.
Equipped in the hawker’s habiliments, consisting of a threadbare hood, a
grey doublet, and hose daubed, or, as Harry says, ‘claggit’ with clay,
closing one of his eyes as if it had been deprived of vision, and driving
the mare, he set forward, to the great amusement of the old hawkter, towards
the town of Biggar. In this guise, tradition says that he passed along the
old narrow bridge which crosses Biggar Burn; and that from this
circumstance, as we have already stated, it first got the name of the
‘Cadger's Brig,' which it still retains.
About twilight he entered the
English camp, and while seemingly intent on the sale of his commodities, he
was, at the same time, carefully observing the arrangement of the
encampment,
‘Quhar lords lay and had yair
lugyng maid,
Ze kings palzone quharon ye libards baid,
Spyand full fast quhar aw&ill suld be,
And couth weyll luk and wynk with ye ta e.’
The soldiers, no doubt struck
with his singular appearance, soon began to treat him with considerable
freedom. Some of them broke his pots, while others indulged in jokes upon
his blind eye. It is a tradition, that one man declared that if the hawker
had not been blind of an eye and lame of a leg, he was certain that he was
Wallace himself. This declaration was afterwards put into rhyme, and is
still well known at Biggar. It is as follows:—
'Had ye not been cripple o’ a
leg, and blind o’ an ee,
Ye are as like William Wallace as ever I did see.'
Wallace finding his situation
becoming perilous, made haste to retire without exciting further suspicion.
He returned to his own camp
just in time to save the life of his friend, Sir John Tinto. A great
discontent had arisen among the Scots when it was known that Wallace had
secretly left the camp, as it was conjectured that he had, after all,
deserted his friends, and might betray them to the enemy. As he had been
last seen in communication with Sir John Tinto, that knight was called on to
disclose what he knew regarding the movements of their leader; but as he
positively refused to do this, he was put under restraint, and a cry was
raised that he should forfeit his life for his obstinacy. When the
excitement was at the very height, and Tinto was expecting nothing else than
that he would fall a victim to the general indignation, Wallace made his
appearance, ordered him to be set at liberty, and commended him highly for
his unflinching fidelity to his obligation. The chiefs gathered round
Wallace to hear an account of his adventures, the recital of which afforded
them much amusement; but it called forth a strong expression of
dissatisfaction from Sir John Graham, who maintained that such conduct was
unchieftainlike, and altogether unbecoming the commander of an army.
Wallace, in reply, said that before Scotland was free, it would be necessary
for them all to subject themselves to far greater hazards, and to perform
still more daring exploits.
The Scottish army retired to
rest, but with instructions that every man should be on foot before
daybreak, and ready for the march.
When the trumpet, at the
appointed time, blew a rallying blast, they all sprang up, ready armed, and
eager for the fray. They were immediately drawn up in three divisions. The
first was led by Wallace himself, and under him were Sir Robert Boyd and
Nicol Auchinleck; the second by Sir John Graham, and under him were Adam
Wallace, younger of Riccarton, and Sir Thomas Sommerville of Carnwath; and
the third by Sir Walter of Newbigging, and under him were Sir John Tinto,
and David, son of Sir Walter. The foot, being badly armed, were drawn up in
the rear, and received orders not to engage rashly, but reserve themselves
till a fitting opportunity, or till they were properly supplied with arms.
Wallace then summoned the chieftains around him, and strictly enjoined them
to prevent their followers from being allured from the combat by the pillage
which the English camp might present. He reminded them, that those who
betook themselves to plunder before the victory was gained, generally lost
both their life and their booty. He expressed the utmost confidence that
they would, on this occasion, strike a blow worthy of freemen, and exert
themselves with all their might to inflict punishment on a false tyrant who
had come to wreathe fresh chains on the necks of their countrymen. All of
them readily consented to attend to his orders.
They had scarcely commenced
their march, when, through the feint gloom of the summer's morning, they
beheld a body of armed men approaching from the south, which naturally
filled diem with alarm. These, however, turned out to be a party of three
hundred hardy and stalwart borderers, under the command of Thomas Halliday
and his two sons, Wallace and Rutherford; and with them also came Jardine of
Applegirth, and Rodger Kirkpatrick, Lord of Torthorald; the whole being on
their way to join the Scottish patriots who had taken up arms in defence of
their country. This welcome accession of strength was hailed with great
satisfaction, and still further raised the spirits of the Scots.
The combined force now
proceeded with the greatest celerity towards Biggar. The English, to prevent
surprise during the night, had posted pickets at some distance from their
camp; but as dawn began to appear, these had been withdrawn. The English,
being aware of the comparatively small number of the Scots, entertained no
suspicion that an attack would be made upon them by day. When the first
division of the Scottish horsemen, led on by Wallace himself, therefore,
rushed upon them, they were taken somewhat by surprise. The knowledge which
Wallace had acquired by his visit to the English camp, was of the greatest
use, as he knew the ground, the disposition of the tents, and the best mode
of conducting the assault. He therefore rushed with his division into the
very heart of the camp, with the view of reaching the tent of the king; but
he found this was impossible, as the English soldiers in great numbers
rallied round it, particularly the Earl of Kent, with a detachment of 5000
men. The Scots, finding themselves encumbered with their horses, dismounted,
and carried on the affray on foot. As they were all stalwart men, expert in
war, and animated with a deadly resentment to the English, they fought with
the most desperate valour, and made a prodigious havoc among their
terrified, disordered, and half-armed antagonists.
Graham and Newbigging, with
their divisions, followed by the foot, who had now obtained an abundant
supply of weapons, also pressed hastily forward, overturning the tents in
their way, and slaughtering every opponent they could reach. The battle
still raged round the king's person with great obstinacy; and the Scots,
having joined their forces* began to drive the English' back towards the
valley, covered with deep marshes on the south, and in the confusion the
royal tent was overturned. The Earl of Kent,' proud of displaying his
martial skill and prowess in the presence of his sovereign, rallied his
troops once and again; and, with a ponderous battle-axe, committed great
havoc among the Scots. Wallace, finding the course of victory arrested by
the powerful arm of this intrepid and indomitable warrior, sought him out
amid the throng, and engaged him in single combat When these two
distinguished champions had fairly encountered, the surrounding warriors, on
both sides, almost suspended the work of death, to watch the issue of a
conflict so tremendous and heart-stirring. Both fought with great fury, but
with admirable courage and dexterity, till, at length, Wallace, with an
irresistible stroke, smote him lifeless to the ground. At this sight the
English were discouraged, and mounting the king on horseback, forced him,
much against his inclination, to quit the field. In this encounter 4000 of
the English were cut down, and the remainder, in terror and confusion, fled
from Biggar, taking the direction of Coulter by the Causeway, which crossed
the moss on the west The Scots pursued them to Coulter Hope, about four
miles distant. Here the English rallied in great force, and Wallace, knowing
that he was no match for them in the open field, withdrew his followers to
Biggar, after they had slain 7000 men in the pursuit, as no quarter was
given. Here, finding provisions and valuable commodities in abundance, and
being exceedingly hungry and fatigued, they sat down to a sumptuous repast ;
and after regaling themselves with bumpers of wine, proceeded to take some
repose. Their rest, however, was of short duration, as Wallace was afraid
that the English, apprised of the smallness of their numbers, would return,
for die purpose of recovering their camp, and therefore deemed it prudent to
draw off his forces to a place of strength and security, called Davis Shaw,
and to convey the booty obtained in the camp to AEsops’s Bog.
The English were now drawn up
in Coulter Hope, on a place called John's Green, and were lamenting the
disaster that had befallen them, and the loss of their comrades and
commanders, among the latter of whom were the king’s son, his two uncles,
and the Earl of Kent, when two cooks, who had concealed themselves in the
camp, and skulked off after they saw the Scots indulging in repose, came and
informed them that the Scots were lying in the camp, overcome with sleep and
intoxication, and might easily be overpowered. The king was unwilling to
credit this story, as he considered it unlikely that Wallace would be so
remiss and unguarded in such circumstances. He therefore declared it to be
his determination to retreat, as there was little hope of recovering their
provisions at Biggar, and no adequate supplies could be obtained amid the
mountains by which they were surrounded. The Duke of Lancaster urged, that
the circumstances in which they were placed rendered it imperative that an
effort should be made to regain the camp ; and though the king himself would
not return, he requested to be furnished with a strong detachment, with
which he hoped to recover the supplies, of which they would soon stand so
much in need. The king was prevailed on to allow him to take 10,000 men, and
promised to wait on him till next day, expecting to be able to supply the
wants of his troops with such bestial as he might find among the hills. The
Governor of Calais and the Lord of Westmoreland resolved to accompany the
Duke, and each of them obtained the command of 1000 men; Sir Aymer de
Vallance also joined them with a considerable reinforcement. These united
parties marched back to Biggar, but found the camp plundered and deserted,
and strewed with dead bodies that had been stripped bare. For some time they
were at a loss to conceive what place the Scots had retired to, but some
scouts soon brought intelligence that they were posted at Davis Shaw, which
is supposed to have been situated on the sloping sides of the hill of
Bizzyberry, little more than a mile from Biggar. They accordingly marched in
that direction, but were descried by the Scottish videttes, who gave the
alarm. Leaving their horses in the Shaw, the Scots passed on foot into Hop's
Bog, as a place of greater security from the attacks of the English
division, which consisted principally of cavalry. The 'English seeing them
pass into the bog, and being deceived by its fair and solid appearance, rode
towards them with great impetuosity. The consequence was, that the front
line of horse was soon embogued in the morass, and overborne by those that
pressed on behind. In this state of confusion the soldiers were assailed by
the Scots, and, being unable to extricate themselves, were slaughtered
almost to a man. The Scots, emboldened by this success, crossed the bog and
fell upon the English, who were bewildered and intimidated by the fate of
their comrades, and the boldness and success of their opponents. The
conflict, however, was sharp and long-continued, and great valour was
displayed on both sides. The mode of fighting at that time generally
rendered a battle a series of single combats. Some notable encounters of
this kind took place during the engagement. The Governor of Calais, clad in
complete armour, and expert in all warlike exercises, assailed Sir John
Graham, who, with his trusty blade, warded off his attacks, and, at length,
struck him such a blow as pierced his harness, and laid him lifeless on the
spot. Wallace, espying Aymer de Vallance, one of Edward’s most active and
resolute captains, and noted for his cruel oppression of the Scots, was
anxious to engage with him; but the Earl of Westmoreland, coming between
them, received a stroke from Wallace on his steel basinet, which instantly
deprived him of life. Bobert Boyd encountered the Governor of Berwick, and,
after an obstinate combat, also succeeded in slaying him by a ‘straik awk-wart
ye crag,’ which cutting
'Throuch all hya weid in
sondyr straik ye bane.’
The English, now
panic-struck, left the field to the victorious Scots, and fled back to
John’s Green.
Such was the Battle of
Biggar; and if Harry is at all to be credited, it was productive of most
important consequences. Edward considered it prudent to return to England,
without gaining the object of his expedition. Many persons of distinction
came and ranked themselves under the banner of Wallace, and, in a short time
after, that undaunted and inflexible patriot was chosen Warden of Scotland,
at an assembly of his countrymen held at Carluke Church, then called Forest
Kirk.
The spot on which the English
are supposed to have had their encampment, and on which the Battle of Biggar
was fought, lies to the east of the town, and comprehends what are now
called the Back Well Park, the Stanehead, Guildie’s Oxgait, and the Borrow
Muir. A little farther to the east is the extensive morass, then called (Bop’s
Bog,’ and now Biggar Moss, a right to it having, at a later period, been
conferred on the town. A small stream, which runs out of this bog, is said
to have been dyed with blood on the day of the battle, and, therefore, got
the name of the 1 Red Syke,’ by which it is still known. A little to the
north is the hill of Bizzyberry, on which the wood called Davis Shaw is said
to have been situated, on which evident traces of military works are still
to be seen, and which has some parts of it associated with the name of
Wallace to this day.
The story of the Battle of
Biggar, as is well known, has been regarded by historians as a mere fable,
and has brought down on the head of the poor Minstrel a perfect torrent of
contempt and abuse. The main cause of this is, that no historian or state
document of the period mentions the expedition of Edward I. which ended in
the Battle of Biggar. It is stated, too, by some historians, and among
others by HoLLnshed, that Edward was in France in 1297, the year in which
Harry says the Battle of Biggar was fought. Now, all these circumstances do
not put the Battle beyond the bounds of probability. Documents of that
period, whether written by statesmen or historians, were neither very
detailed nor accurate, and were often, in the course of a few years,
destroyed or lost. Supposing Blind Harry's narrative to be correct, it is
far from unlikely that the king was at pains, so far as he possibly could,
to obliterate every trace of an expedition so disappointing to his hopes,
and so damaging to his military reputation. It is not a decisive statement
to say that Edward was that same year in France, because he may have gone to
that country shortly after the battle was fought; and even supposing that he
was the wljaoie of the year there, the details given by Harry may be
perfectly correct, although he may have made a mistake as to the exact date.
Several reasons might be assigned in favour of attaching credit to the
Minstrel's story. The causes which are said to have led to the battle, viz.,
the sanguinary proceedings at Lanark, do not rest on the testimony of Harry
alone. They are recorded by Fordun in his ‘Scotichronicon*’ and by Wyntoun
in his 'Ckronykill of Scotland;' and are generally regarded as facts beyond
all cavil or dispute.. The slaughter of Hesi-rig, Thorn, and the English
garrison at Lanark, and the gathering together of the Scots, under Wallace
and other competent leaders, were certainly events sufficient to rouse
Edward to make a fresh inroad into Scotland. The complete subjugation of
this country was regarded by that monarch as a matter of the last
importance. For the attainment of this object he had plotted and contended
for years; he had held important national assemblies; he had overrun the
greater part of Scotland; he had vanquished its armies.;' he had destroyed
or carried off the memorials of its national independence.;, he had filled
its strongholds with his troops; and he had foraed its king and its barons
to submit to the most bitter mortifications, and to bend before him as their
lord superior. Though detachments of English troops were stationed in
different parts of Scotland, it does not appear that there was at that time
any concentrated force that oould effectually cope with the patriots who had
banded themselves together^ In these circumstances, nothing was more likely
than that Edward should again march into Scotland at the head of a large
army.
It serves somewhat to confirm
the statement that Edward was at Biggar, and fought a battle there* that
fragments of ancient, armour, according to report,'have been repeatedly dug
up in the neighbourhood of the town; and coins of his reign have been found
in the adjoining fields. One of these, found on Gum's Meadow, by Adam Wyld,
Esq., Biggar, is still, in .the possession of that gentleman; and another,
found some forty years ago by Mr Peter Williamson on the Borrow Muir, is now
in the possession of William Ballantyne, Esq:, manufacturer, Glasgow, a
native of Biggar. A few years ago, aA immense number of these coins were dug
up at a spot on the sodth side of Crosscryne, about three miles from Biggar,
which tradition points out as lying on the exact line of the march of the
English army. That zealous antiquary, Mr Sim of Coulter, visited the spot,
and he found the coins scattered about in such abundance, that he was led to
entertain the opinio* that a portion of Edward’s military chest had been
there deposited, either from the circumstance of a waggon breaking down, or
for the purpose of concealment. As might be expected, Mr Sim has in his
repositories a number of these coins, which he delights to show to his
friends, as forming, it may be, a slight corroboration of the old Minstrel's
narrative of the Battle of Biggar.
The details given by Blind
Harry are by no means improbable. The visit of Wallace to the English camp
cannot be a matter of great surprise, when we know that the Duke of
Wellington, one of the most cautious of generals, was in the habit, both in
Spain and France, of going alone, and in disguise, almost dose to the
pickets of the enemy, to ascertain, with his own eyes, the nature of the
ground, and the best modes of carrying out his movements. The disparity of
numbers is, no doubt, very great; but the battle is not described as a
regular engagement in the fields, but as, in the first place, an unexpected
assault on the enemy’s camp, and in the second, a stand against an attack of
cavalry in a bog, in both of which a small body of powerful and intrepid men
might successfully oppose and overcome five or six times their own number.
The removal of the booty by the Scots to a place of security, the return of
the English to Biggar, and the position taken up by the Scots on a piece of
ground defended by a morass, are all circumstances most likely to occur;
while the nature of the ground, and the relative position of the places
mentioned, are accurately described, and lend additional confirmation to the
Minstrel's tale.
It is not to be denied that
there is much confusion of dates, and even of statement, in Blind Harry's
book. In the end he dispenses with dates altogether. His narrative, however,
agrees in many points with that given by old historians, particularly by
Fordun and Wyn-town; and recent researches have tended rather to establish
than invalidate the events which he describes. If he tells the truth in very
many respects, it is rather surprising that he should be guilty of an entire
fabrication in regard to the Battle of Biggar. Harry lived at a time when,
no doubt, much authentic information, both written and oral, existed
regarding the career of Wallace. He refers to various works as his
authorities, which unfortunately do not now exist, such as ‘ The First Line
of the First Stewarts,1 ‘ Con’s Cronykle,’ and, above all, a Life of
Wallace, written in Latin by his chaplain, Robert Blair, and Thomas Gray,
parson of Libberton, in the neighbourhood of Biggar, and confirmed for truth
by Sinclair, Bishop of Dunk eld, who had himself been a witness of many of
the exploits of Wallace. These works may have borne out the Minstrel’s
narrative in very many particulars. As it is evident that he was an
enthusiast in the cause of his hero, he would spare no pains in collecting
the stories
then current regarding his
achievements. He mentions several parties who had supplied him with facts,
particularly Wallace of Craigie, and the Laird of Iiddle. His own
declaration regarding his book bears such an appearance of simplicity and
candour, that it would almost satisfy an inveterate sceptic of his entire
sincerity in the narrative which he has given.
‘All worthy men yat redys yis
rurall dyt,
Blaym nocht ye buk set I be unperfyt.
I suld haive thank, sen I nocht trawaill spard,
For my labour na man hecht me reward.
Na charge I had off king or oyir lord,
Gret harm I thocht hyB gud deid sold be smored.
I haiff said her ner as ye process gais,
And fenzied nocht for freindschip nor for fais.’
We have no intention to stand
up and implicitly maintain that a battle, with all the incidents detailed by
Blind Harry, actually took place at Biggar; but, at the same time, we have
little doubt that in these unsettled times some engagement or another was
fought at this place, on which the narrative of the Minstrel was, in a great
measure, founded. |
