VI. 'And this poor distressed place (as in all due allegiance it might) was that Port a Parts to his Majesty's first footstep into this English Kingdom, and is now most happily become the very heart of great Britain united, being an ancient, a famous and renowned place both in war and peace.'

Such reasons and motives laid before the Council had weight with it. We have good reason to know that their suit was successful, and that the transportation of wool and hides went on as before.

Sir William Bowyer was annoyed by some of the soldiers when the garrison was dissolved. It seems that there was a petition of 250 soldiers, late of the garrison, to the King against him, with a memorial of his crimes, corruption, cowardice, and profligacy committed during the late and the present reign. These were serious charges, and it is not till 1623 that we discover that the accusations were false. Captain Thomas Jackson, ringleader of the band, made confession to Secretary Conway in these words: ' Failed in my hope of seeing you in London. Acknowledges that his conduct upon the dissolving of the garrison of Berwick was more violent than became him, but prays not to be for ever cast out of the favour of his Majesty, whose supernatural and Christian virtues he acknowledges. Sends Conway two sermons: (1) "The Midland Soldier," by Samuel Briggs, and (2) "The Soldier's Honour," by Thomas Adams, and encloses this petition of Thomas Jackson to the King. Is a simple soldier unversed in State affairs, but thanks God for patience to bear his miseries, being calumniated to his Majesty, and banished his presence. Begs forgiveness of his former follies, his heart being ever free from a wish to lift himself up against his sovereign.' Jackson, likewise, wrote to Lord Chancellor Egerton: 'Lived retiredly at Cambridge till called to serve the State in training soldiers—a service now neglected and he in disgrace. Although the cause thereof—the union of the two kingdoms—is one which must rejoice all, yet he is ruined, not through ambition or crime, but in a good cause.' He was proclaiming the same fate for himself as befell Berwick—ruin through the union.

James VI. died in 1625, and was succeeded by his son Charles. During the first year of his reign the country remained at peace, but soon afterwards rumours of war spread abroad, and fears of an invasion, again, took possession of the people. This fear originated from a double source—viz., from the Dunkirkers, on the one hand, and from the Spaniards, on the other. Of the Dunkirkers we learn something in this petition (March 26th, 1627) of all mariners and poor seafaring men of the ports and sea-coast towns between London and Berwick to the King. It sets forth the many miseries which the petitioners groaned under for want of ships of war to guard the coasts. 'Many thousand persons, whose living depended on the employment of the petitioners, were much discontented. None of the Dunkirkers but were furnished with divers Englishmen, and the towns and villages were much affrighted as they saw the Dunkirkers daily traversing the shores, which were quite at their mercy. They begged the King to take measures to curb the over-daring enemy.' Further, we learn from another petition of mariners on the sea-coast from London to Berwick: 'At Lynn there were about 1,000 men out of employment, whose 3,000 wives and children were in great misery. If they adventured to sea the Dunkirkers burnt or sank their ships. Fishing was put a stop to. The towns on the sea-coast were greatly frightened. At Ipswich, where twelve ships have been built yearly, shipbuilding was at a stand. Many of the petitioners had had their ships employed in the King's service for thirteen months past, and had not received any part of their pay.'

But the Spaniards were also a terror at this time. In a letter which William Muschamp wrote, August 20th, 1627, to Sir John Fen wick, he has notice from the Mayor of Berwick that the Spaniards have landed at Caithness, where they put all to the sword, and that many of their ships are on this coast, and have sunk many ships in their passage southward. It is reported they will put in at Berwick or Holy Island. The Mayor requested military assistance. Then the Berwick authorities return to the Dunkirkers. The Mayor, in a letter to Henry Lord Clifford on August 30th, sent * tidings of a contest between certain English and Scotch convoy ships and fourteen Dunkirkers who were believed to be still on the coast.'

But Clifford, enclosing this letter to Secretary Conway, adds ' that he cannot believe that fourteen ships intend to invade a whole kingdom. He sends indentures of soldiers levied in Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Cumberland. Those from Westmoreland not received. They come in with great difficulty. They refused press money, and began to ask Quo Jure they were to go. The Deputy-Lieutenant was forced to keep them all in prison.' Frightened in this double fashion, the Berwick authorities began to look out their armour, and found that they were able to provide sixty-eight men with muskets and rests. Thirty-five men possessed pieces of their own, fifty-five pikemen were provided with arms, and, in that way, they were prepared for the enemy. On 24th September, 1627, they made a long appeal to the loyalty of the inhabitants, and urged them to give a special gift to the town to help to repair the fortifications, and put some of the remaining pieces of ordnance in order. This appeal resulted in a subscription of £26, paid with no little difficulty.

Next year, 1628, Sir William Bowyer died, and an inventory of all the armour in the town was made in the names of his lady, l Ales Bowyer/ and his son George, ' which inventory was delivered to the maior and bailiflfs, and signed and sealed by order of Guild, the true copy whereof followeth, viz.:

(Of Ordnance.

'I. On Megs Mount, one iron peece broken from the trunnions back.
'II. In the Middle Mount Stanker, one barrel and hooft peece of iron.
'III. In the two 3tankers at Search House Mount, one iron peece called a culvering, and one barred iron peece without a chamber.
'IV. In the Milne Mount Stanker, one playne iron peece, and one barred iron peece with hoops of iron.
'V. On Houndson's Mount, one demy cannon of iron, and one demy culvering of iron, and one murdering peece of iron.
'VI. On Conyers, one long brass haker, three shorter brass hakers, one brasse falcon, two brasse falconets, and two brasse robbenetts.
'VII. At the Marigate, one great murdering peece of iron.
'VIII. Upon the wall nere the Shore Gate, one iron peece barred and hooft with iron, without a chamber.
'IX. Of poulder in the storehouse there were 2,323 lbs., and one barrel of serpentine poulder, 125 lbs. without the cask.

'Armors in the Storehouse,

In the great room above the stair, 278 backs, 135 pointed breasts and vambraces, 120 plaine ditto, four horse-faces, six gorgetts, and 500 murrions, one banner, two peeces of-hare-cloath, all unserviceable.

In the Low Great Room of the Storehouse.

(One brasse peece broken, one pair of way-scales with an iron beam, one barrel of saltpetre with some remains in firkins, one wooden girne, five willow planks, eight short willow peeces. Eighty unserviceable cickles. Eighteen hundred and sixty old and unserviceable arrows. 28 cwt of good Matrq (?), and 5 cwt. naughtie and condemned.

In the Two Inner Rooms.

Two long chests for muskets, seven iron-bound wheels, five unbound and broken, two whole cart-bodies, and two broken, with other peeces of broken timber.

In the Cellar in the Maison Dibu.

One small brasse peece, fifteen strakes for ordnance, two iron peeces without chambers, two hundred and ninety small shot, twenty-one old scythes, four old pickaxe-hands, four old barrels in peeces, all unserviceable, fifty-six old cart-nails, two old boxes, nine round peeces of iron, one old carriage for a brass peece, one old triangle, one pile of great iron shot, good, one draw-boore for boring musketts, and one pile of great iron shot, unserviceable.

In Ravensdale.

Seventy-eight musketts with decayed stocks, forty-three muskett-rests, eighteen partisans, seventeen brown bills, seven chambers, twenty-seven old fellowes for wheels, three pair of old wheels and an odd one, two old bored naves for wheels and two unbored, fifteen peeces of rotten wooden trunks, three old rings for drawing ordnance, two pair of trams for carts, four short trams.'

While Bowyer lived he was Captain of the Town, and had charge of all the ordnance. He was succeeded by Sir Andrew Gray, with a salary of £366 13s. 4d., who was, again, raised to the dignity of 'Governor of Berwick,' with the care of all the goods contained in the above inventory. From it we learn that the only part of the walls, that was in a state of defence, was that part which looked towards the sea; the river-side and haven-mouth were almost totally undefended. When the King passed through Berwick a few years after this, we shall find the walls further dismantled.

Before we narrate this royal visit we have some details and difficulties in the Post-office to recount. In 1619, John Lathom was appointed assistant to Shaftoe in the Postmastership of Berwick. Shaftoe died in 1632, and the Earl of Stanhope, who had the patronage of the office, presented his servant Dallavell to the situation, ignorant of the fact, evidently, that his father, thirteen years previously, had given Lathom the warrant for it. Upon Stanhope's attention being drawn to this, he evaded the difficulty by obtaining the Crewkerne office for Lathom, his servant meanwhile retaining Berwick. Six years afterwards, Thomas Carr succeeded Dalavell, but with greatly diminished wages. Thomas Withering had been granted by the King the 'Letter-office of England and of Foreign Parts,' in which office it was part of his duty, and not that of the Exchequer, as formerly, to pay provincial postmasters. Carr's salary, under this arrangement, was at once reduced from 2s. 4d. a day to is. a day. Withering, likewise, employed a separate agent to carry the letters forward from Berwick to Edinburgh for 20s. per week. Carr wrote to headquarters asking for increase of pay to is. 8d. per day, and for the privilege of sending on the letters to Edinburgh as usual, and that he might be a sworn servant of the Crown, as others had been in his office. The official who had been appointed to carry the mail to Edinburgh from this town was not to be depended on, as we learn from a letter of Sir James Douglas, of Mordington, to Secretary Windebank: 'He who carries the running Post between Berwick and Edinburgh plays the rogue with all the letters that come from Edinburgh to me, so I have prohibited any to write to me that way.' Carr must have got satisfaction sufficient to enable him to carry on the work, as he remained a number of years in this responsible office.

In 1633, Charles I. paid a visit to Scotland, and arrived in Berwick on his way north on the 2nd of June. He remained there till the 12th of the same month, having with him a brilliant company. Laud was in his train, as well as Secretary Coke, Thomas, Earl of Arundel, and the Earl of Surrey. Sir Harry Vane, who had been Comptroller in Berwick, went on with the King to Edinburgh. He wrote on the 10th: 'His present employment is now almost at an end, for within forty-eight hours he shall leave his (Comptroller's) staff in that town, and shall not resume it before the King's return.' Letters, dated from his Majesty's Palace in Berwick, had been despatched by the King from Berwick to London, which took four days to reach their destination. He had examined the state of the fortifications, and had ascertained the numbers and quality of the cannon on the walls. He had likewise become acquainted with some facts that the Guild authorities of Berwick would rather have concealed. He was welcomed to Berwick by a speech from Sir Thomas Widdrington, Recorder, who had succeeded James Smith in November, 1631, on the recommendation of Sir John Fenwick, who was knighted by the King during his stay in the town. The whole of the harangue would be tedious, but we give space to the paragraph which concludes the speech:

c We well know (as indeed who knoweth not) that Royal Blood running in your Majestie's veins to be extracted from the most renowned kings of both these kingdoms, and by those kings (most dread sovereign), especially by your Royal Father of ever-blessed and happy memory, hath this town, though in the skirts of either kingdom, been richly embroidered with many privileges, franchises, and immunities ; and, therefore, we doubt not but your Majesty, in whom each man may behold the worth of all your ancestors, you being no less rightful Inheritor of their virtues than of their crowns, will gratiously maintain what they have most benignly granted. But few words are best to be used to kings, especially when they are spoken by an unskilful orator. We dare boldly say (most gracious and mighty King) that our hearts are better than our tongues, being most of all unhappy in this, that they are linked with so bad expressions. Your Majesty is now going to place a diadem upon your most sacred head, which God and your own right have long since given into your hands.'

The King took his journey from Berwick upon the 12th day of June, attended with his retinue, the English nobilities and others, and was met at the Bound Road, near Barwicke, by most of the nobility of Scotland, and by the gentry, of the Sheriffdomes of Barwick and Tivedale and the three Lothians, and many more of the gentry of Scotland, in very noble equipage and well mounted, amongst whom were a troop of six hundred of Mers gentlemen related to or dependent upon the Earl of Home, in green satten doublets and white dimity scarves. That night he lay at Dunglas (an house belonging the Earls of Home), served by his own furniture and provisions in respect there was at that time none to represent the Earls of Home; there being pretentions for the said estate by different heirs.

The King returned to Berwick on the 16th July, having left Edinburgh on the 14th; but there are no details concerning his doings on this occasion. Secretary Coke wrote a letter, dated from Berwick, to Lord Grey:

'Certifies that by his Majesty's command sixteen pieces of brass and iron ordnance were fetched to Berwick from the Castle of Werk, belonging to Lord Grey. The brass pieces are to be sent to London, and the iron to be kept at Berwick for defence of the place.'

On the 17th, Coke wrote the Mayor of Berwick:

'The King, being informed that the officers of that town had in charge arms, ammunition whereof no account had been given, and that the Iron Gates of the Town, with a great Bell* belonging to the Bell Tower, had been sold without account, the Mayor is to search out particulars to prepare an account for the officers of the Tower. Ten pieces of brass ordnance remaining upon the walls of Berwick are also to be sent on to London, together with the ordnance from Norham and Wark.'

During the summer John Spencer had been employed by the King to search for pieces of ordnance throughout all Scotland. He discovered eighteen, besides those already in the King's hands from the southern forts. These were all, on the 23rd December, 1633, 'sent on to the Tower on Board the Gift of Gody of Wells, county Norfolk—that ship being specially taken up for the service, and for bringing up the Salmon Fish provided for his Majesty's House/

Before the King again visited Berwick we have a few events to note. The Mayor of Berwick wrote a very characteristic letter to Lord Lindsey in August, 1635, as to the fete of a derelict vessel:

'About the end of August a Flemish fisher bark of about thirty tons, without sail, mast, anchor, or float boat, or any living creature, being found at sea, was entered into by fishermen of Eyemouth in Scotland, who, being perceived by certain fishermen of Spittle, near Berwick, finding her in the English seas, they dispossessed the Scotchmen, and intended to have had her into Spittle. The Mayor of Berwick, to prevent the boat being cut to pieces by unruly people, brought her to the Quay at Berwick, where she lies, being claimed by Lord [Laird] Atkin, of Dunbar, one of the Deputy-Admirals of Scotland, for the Duke of Lennox, Lord Admiral there, who required to have her delivered to him. Requests his direction.'

Atkin threatens 'the English fishermen if he catches them on the Scottish Seas he will lay them where their heels shall rot unless they bring him the bark to Dunbar/'

In the same year we have a very short account of our old town from the pen of Sir William Brereton, Bart.:

'June 25th, we arrived about 5 o'clock at Berwick. A stately Bridge over the Tweed, consisting of 15 arches, was built by King James VI., as it is said cost £17,000. This river is infinitely stored with salmon, one hundred or two hundred salmon at one draught. The Haven is a most narrow, shallow barred haven—the worst that I have seen. It is a very poor town; many indigent persons and beggars therein. Strongest Fortifications—double-walled and outworks of earth, the outer walls like unto Chester Walls. Without the inner walls a deep broad moat well watered; the inner walls of invincible strength ; the stone wall, within and without, lined with earth about 20 yards thick, with bulwarks conveniently placed to guard one another.

'They were begun by Queen Mary and finished by Elizabeth. A stately, sumptuous, and well-slated House was here begun by the last Earl of Dunbar where the old castle stood, but his death put an end to that work.'

We must condense as far as possible the story of local disturbances during the civil war. Charles I., by his determination to enforce Episcopacy upon Scotland, brought the nations, in 1639, to the verge of war, and, as usual in stormy times between the two countries, Berwick became the centre of action. In this contest the Border town prudently remained neutral, although its inclinations were undoubtedly towards the Covenanters. Sir James Douglas, of Mordington, was at first the King's agent in Berwick ; but he was more inclined to advance his own interests than the stability of the King's Government. It was not until Sir Jacob Astley proceeded as a King's scribe to the north that we become acquainted with the real state of affairs. He was anxious to learn about the Scots, so he sent two spies across the Borders to report all their doings within the next thirty hours. He was then, on the 24th January, 1639, between Berwick and Holy Island. On the 25th, he went over to the island, and reported: 'Finds the place strong, and 12 men able to defend it. I have paid the Captain £30 to make a gate at the entrance to his fort and to buy cisterns to keep fresh water in, which is a great want the place has.' On the evening of the same day he reached Berwick, where he was well received by the Mayor and Aldermen, who promised fidelity to the King's service. 'Many of the common people came about me and thought that I came to put a garrison there, and. seemed glad of it. From the espial Is I sent, I find that the Covenanters intend to lay garrisons upon the Borders, as at Berwick, which Lord Hume shall command ; and at Jeaderth (sic), where the Sheriff of Tevydale commands; and by Carlisle, which Lord Johnston shall command.' The Lords of Scotland heard of the English King's intention to garrison Berwick and other Border towns; and they eagerly met the exigency by ordering a levy of troops throughout Scotland, to be put under the command of General Leslie. Astley heard that the Scots were still determined to garrison the Borders and Berwick; likewise, that there were many Covenanters in Berwick ; so he charged the Mayor and others with that fact. William Fenwick, Mayor, replied: 'There are no Covenanters here, for there are no Scots but one young man, whom we told you of, and two others, who are mostly in Scotland on business. We are arming,' he confessed, 'but with old armour lying in the town, for the purpose of simply defending ourselves. Both north and south, we hear of armies approaching ; therefore we are intending to strengthen our position as well as we can.' Henry, Lord Clifford, higher in command than Astley, heard that a horse-race was to take place shortly in Berwick; he wrote straitly forbidding it, for he saw danger in it: 'It was made for the same pernicious end as you (Astley) conceived.' After Astley had been here for a while, he urged the King to possess himself of Berwick before the Scots can possibly arrive, and accordingly my Lord of Essex was hurried forward with 600 soldiers to possess himself of that town. On April the 2nd, Essex passed over Berwick Bridge and gained possession.' He purposed to leave in it 2,000 men with necessary provisions. Carlisle, likewise, was in the King's hands, so he thought all was safe. The Earl of Traquair, Treasurer of Scotland, arrived here after losing Edinburgh and Dalkeith, and was rather rudely received. The English were astonished at not finding in the town, nor even in the neighbourhood, any of the enemy they expected. 'We have met no enemies but what are constant to this place—snow, hail, and violent northern winds, which keep back the main part of our victuals and ammunition. We shall have some leisure to repair the ruins time hath wrought here. Lord Leslie has not got back to Edinburgh, since he received Aberdeen without a blow.' The King's party at Aberdeen left it to the number of 190, and now (April 16th) came to Holy Island, to be disposed of as his Majesty might direct. The Earl of Lindsey f was shortly expected with 2,000 men (whom he pressed in Lincolnshire) at Berwick, having been made Governor there. On the Royalists having heard that Leslie with his troops was within a few miles of Berwick with 1,500 foot and 600 horse, and that soon there would be 10,000 of them, Edward Norgate, who was in the town, wrote that the King said last night at supper that he was told that General Leslie should report that he would meet him upon the Borders, or rather near Berwick, with 30,000 men, and then he would parley with him. Norgate added: 'Most intolerable insolency of so worthless a vassal to such a sovereign!' The weather, as the month went on, moderated, and the Marquis of Hamilton, with a fleet of twenty-six or twenty-seven vessels, arrived off Berwick on the 28th of April, so that provisions were now secure. Lindsey did not reach the town till the 30th, and, on the 1st of May, he wrote to Secretary Windebank: 'I am now with my regiment in Berwick, and in possession of the government of the town/ But he complained that his orders were not understood by the Mayor and burgesses, and he hoped that the Secretary would send on his commission, so that his authority might be acknowledged. The town had enjoyed a long quiet and many immunities, and could not be brought readily to relish a garrison. The King now began to move slowly north from Newcastle. Norgate wrote: 'Morpeth is our first remove, then Alnwick and Belford, all poor contemptible villages. The fields bare and desolate, extremely cold and unhealthy, and if a disease begin in the army we will need no Covenanters.' The King arrived here at last on the 28th of May, lodged in the town that night till his tent was fixed, but slept in his pavilion afterwards. His tent and camp were set up at the Birks (or Birkhill, as it is called on the plan); that is, Yarrow Haugh, celebrated nowadays for more peaceful meetings. The King's tent was at the extreme west end of this level ground, and the main camp was on the ridge of the hill behind. Norgate, very vivid in his descriptions, says: 'This night I took up my lodgings upon the ruslfes on a good hard floor. I cannot hope for straw; it is too precious; here is nothing cheap but fish. The King lodges in his pavilion, but the town is full of soldiers and troopes, who possess all houses, that the King's servants are nothings. There is scarcity of provisions in Berwick, soldiers snatching people's dinners from them.' The first operation of this army was an attempt to drive back the Scots, who had advanced as far as Kelso ; but it was a total failure. Arundel advanced, on the other hand, to Durise, read a proclamation, and retired. Leslie advanced afterwards from Dunglass to Dunse Law, and while his army lay there he commenced negotiations with the King, details of which are found in all histories. The result was the pacification of Berwick without any fighting or any further show of it.

After these negotiations were finished, the King removed his camp to Berwick, where he remained for a month, and then departed for the south. While he remained in the town a council was held with the Covenanters, to which neither Argyle, nor Loudon the Chancellor, nor William Dick, the Provost of Edinburgh, would come for fear of treachery. The King commanded those who did appear, 'that without further dispute he expected they would slight and demolish the fortifications at Perth and elsewhere, that they would restore all his cannon and ammunition, dissolve the tables of conventicles, and repeal Leslie's commission of Generalship.' At length, on the 28th July, the King left Berwick, being afraid to go north at the request of the Scotch lords, 'for there was not quietness enough in Scotland.'

Sir Michael Ernie was left in command at Berwick during the ensuing winter, and he commenced at once to put the fortifications in better order and to establish a permanent garrison once more in the town. Before proceeding further we may ask what the following incident means? Sir James Douglas wrote to Secretary Windebank, one of the King's Secretaries of State,

4 That, on the 22nd August, not quite a month after the King left Berwick, there was a most violent tempest of wind. At Berwick Bridge, the end next England, there is put up a very strong gate ; at least there are three, which are shut every night. The Sentinel walking over the Bridge about one o'clock in the night, there came towards him, as he reports, a black cat, which he did push at with his pike, yet could not stay it, but it went to the gate, which, at that instant, was blown up, the hasp breaking that received the bolt of the lock. At 3 o'clock the Governor of Berwick went, and finding it so, examined the soldier, who was in great amazement, and upon the 25th the poor man died with fear. Some report that the fort next Scotland was blown up that same night, but no such certainty for it.'

For some weeks after this there was a considerable sickness in the garrison, and about eighty soldiers died. But, on winter coming on, their health was re-established. The fortifications were proceeded with throughout this winter, and as long as the garrison was continued. The main additions were, 'a drawbridge at the Cowport Gate, a new gate at the St. Mary Gate and at the New Gate'. A wall of considerable height was built round the top of the high bank of the river from the back of Tweed Street along Gillies Braes to the West Mount (Roaring Meg). Charles I., after his return to England, acted foolishly towards the Scottish leaders. 'He found that the report which they had issued of his conversations with them at Berwick was circulating in England. He ordered that it should be burnt by the public hangman'. This and other acts of the King's roused the Scottish nation to action. Leslie, during the summer, invaded England by way of Coldstream, routed the English forces at Neuburn and took Newcastle, stayed in England for*a year till further negotiations were settled, when he returned to Scotland on the 25th September, 1641. By this act of pacification the garrisons of Carlisle and Berwick were to be reduced to their respective positions before the war began. Only for a short time did the latter town remain in this condition and go quietly on in its course.. Next year the civil war broke out, which shortly afterwards affected Berwick and the North.

The first indication of new trouble coming to the town and its burgesses was a determination of the Guild to set a careful watch at the Bridge and at Marigate in October of this year. On November 2nd,  dark rumours and fears' began to trouble them, so that they set a nightly watch, and i every inhabitant able and well' was to attend the watch when summoned. William Wedo, a confessed Papist, was ordered out of town immediately. On November 7th,  All burgesses and inhabitants able to carry arms shall appear in the best arms they have in the Storehouse upon the 16th inst., by nine of the clock in the morning, before Mr. Maior and his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, to the end they may be put in the best position they can, for the defence of the town in case of any assault to be made upon them/ Next spring they acted with vigour. Sir George Muschamp received a commission from the Earl of Newcastle to raise a regiment of soldiers in the north for the King, and he sent to the Mayor of Berwick to know if he will allow him to beat a drum for recruits in Berwick. He had to ask for this permission, as Berwick was not named in his commission. The Mayor, in the name of the whole Guild, answered, 4 That neither Sir George Muschamp, nor any other for him, shall have liberty for beating of a drum for raising of any soldiers in this burgh.' This was a heroic answer for the Mayor and his friends to give.

On the 9th March, 1643, it was reported that the officers and commander in the county of Northumberland had determined to plunder Berwick. The townspeople knew that there were many cavalier troops in the district, therefore € all persons that have any towns muskitts, culvereens, or fowling-pieces of their own shall forthwith provide themselves with poulder, bullets, and other furniture/ so that they might be ready if occasion required: and all who had not pieces were to go to 'Mr. Maior' to be provided. On the 17th, the Mayor received a letter from those officers and commanders of the north, complaining seriously of them and of their town, 'that it is a common receptacle of all malignants who think thereby to escape justice, because Berwick is regarded as a place of privilege, exemcion, and imunity.' above the King's prerogative, and wishing the authorities not to persist in their mistakes, making one error good with another. They assert ' that the town is encouraged in its present course by the traitorous, rebellious, and seditious sermons that are preached either in church or in private conventicles with great applause and connivance'. They then appeal to them 'not to foment and give fire to this unnatural war that is kindled in the bowells of the kingdom, threatening the blotting out this famous monarchic in letters of blood.' They finish a long letter by a threat that if the Mayor and inhabitants do not their desires, they will be compelled to seek them another way.

The answer was sent next day from the town, and the gentlemen were to take notice that our care and diligence hath been such towards the furtherance of his Majesty's service that we always were, now are, and ever shall hereafter be, ready and willing to further the same,' and that they do not make the town a receptacle for any malignant soldiers, nor for any in his Majesty's pay,' and they finished their answer with the hope that they will continue their good opinion of them. On the 20th March, the High Sheriff of Northumberland, Gilbert Swinhoe, sent a message to the authorities for arms or muskets which they may have to spare. But Mr. R. Muschamp, the messenger, was told, l that they have no arms in Berwick to spare, and no muskitts of his Majesty's ; for the late garrison took everything- with them, save a few muskitts of Queen Elizabeth's reign, which were only of use in a walled town, and twenty-seven bucketts which the guild ordered to be hung up in the Tolebooth in case of sodden fire.' Why this last sentence was added to such an order seems difficult to understand, unless it was intended as a kind of broad hint to these country gentlemen that the buckets might be used to cool their ardour if they approached nearer the town.

On the 3rd of April, the same gentlemen tried a more pacific plan of winning Berwick. They have no commission to spoyle, plunder, or beleaguer the town, but would be pleased if the place or chamber above the Bridge Gate and the Centry might be removed ; and that they do not press for money from the town, but would gladly have a contribution from them, as good subjects.' The Guild, however, were firm, and returned a negative to all these demands.

The Mayor and his friends received aid at this juncture from the Earl of Warwick, who came with some vessels along the coast and left one of his fleet to help the burgesses to sustain any attack that might happen from these cavaliers in the north.

On the 5th of June, an attack was expected from divers troops of horse about Belford, and it was ordered by the Guild that the vault under the chamber in the wall should be built up with all conveniency, and that a general view of the walls be taken, and all repairs be immediately completed. Every burgess shall again come to the watch under a fine of is. every time he is neglectful, and that a general muster be taken next morning at six of the clock on the parade with all arms that can be had, that all may be in readiness if such occasion should arrive.' The gates of the town were ordered to be locked at nine o'clock at night, and opened at five in the morning.

Another letter was sent to the 'Maior* on the 10th of June, asking for the old 'Muskitts' of Elizabeth's time, for a certain levy of soldiers from the town, and for a money contribution. The Guild answered these questions in Scotch fashion. Provisions from the English side of the water had been hindered for some time from entering Berwick by the troops and 'Cavalleers' in his Majesty's service; so the Guild asked the Commander the reason 'why these provisions were hindered'. This letter was signed by the c Maior' in the name of the whole Guild.

And now, when they were being squeezed rather tightly by these 'Cavalleers,' a new phase of the question turned up. The Guild determined to send to the 'Counsell of Scotland' to see what help can be had in that quarter; in short, they threw themselves unreservedly into the arms of the Scots. In July they thought they were safe ; for a ship, the Hopeful Looky lay in the harbour prepared for action—ready to afford them arms and ammunition if they stood for defence of the King and Parliament. To carry out the Scotch negotiations successfully the c Maior' and Mr. Crispe were sent on to Edinburgh to confer with the Council. Henry Darby was sent back to Berwick with them to propose certain articles of agreement. The Guild were anxious to know if the Scots were acting for the Parliament, how many men of a garrison were to be sent, how the garrison was to be paid, if their rights and liberties and c Pollitique ' government should be preserved. All which being answered to their utmost satisfaction, they agreed to come to terms ; and a garrison was to be provided in good time, which, however, really came to mean that they were ungarrisoned for at least another year.

On the 9th of May, 1644, a great fear fell upon the Mayor, burgesses, and inhabitants of Berwick, for the Cavaliers of the North were attempting to join issue with Lord Montrose and others of the Scotch 'Banders,' and to march into some part of Scotland; 'so it is to be feared what danger may fall upon us.' * All horsemen are to be in readiness for this present expedition, and those that have no horses to bear equal share with those that have.' And all the inhabitants of the town shall, at beat of drum, be ready with wheelbarrows, shovells, spades, or some other instruments for the building of a Breastwork at such places on the Walls as shall be thought convenient for our better safety.' The soldiers, with the Governor's consent, were to assist the town. Those that were backward at this work were to be treated as malignants and delinquents to the King and Parliament, and punished accordingly. Finally, it was determined to get sixty horses at £5 each, for the good of the town against the Cavaliers. This sudden fear passed quickly by: we hear no more of it.

The next item in the story is an inquiry made to the Governor of Berwick by Lord Callander, if the Berwick authorities will make contribution for the garrison and assist the soldiers with quarters, or help in some equitable manner as seems to them best. The Mayor and Aldermen, considering the needs of the garrison, lent £100 on proper security for six months. They could not easily give more, since, only six months previous to this demand, they had already sent £215 as a contribution to the Parliamentary Forces in England to aid them in the struggle. They gave this sum on the plea 'that we have been free from all plundering taxes and assessments, and that we are still safe in our persons and estates, as few or no other towns and corporations in England were'.

The town continued to be garrisoned by the Scots during the time that their army was in England aiding the Parliamentary Forces against the Royalists. The Earl of Leven led the Scots' army into England for the second time on the 19th of January, 1644, and continued about Newcastle and York till January 8th, 1647, when they finally left England. In 1646, Sir James Ramsay, Governor of Berwick, was made a freeman for his many favours shown to the town. Under this Governor a most remarkable project was contemplated, which will be explained in the following letter addressed to Widdrington, the Recorder :

1 We are glad to hear of your safe return to London, and do perceive by letters (praised be God!) there is not the least scruple of a breach between the two Kingdoms. But that all things are concluded of, for our brethren the Scots, and their march out of England, which God grant speedily ! For if they continue here this Winter they will not leave the houses on our heads unburnt The last Winter they left not a doore or any tymber they could come to, but took them to their tyres. They kept fourteen guards, so they have fourteen fyres day and night It is reported by a Scotsman t lately come from London, that it was absolutely resolved our old stone walls should be razed down to the very foundation, which would be sad newes to this place. But we have no confidence to believe any such thing, and trust the Parliament's care over us is such as we need not fear. Upon the last occasion of the King's force here, the workes they made was slighted to the content of the Scots. On the General viewing them, our walls and gates were approved to continue. In sleighting the fortifications of earth our water-course lyeing neere the walls stopt the passage, so as it was a great charge to us to recover them. But if the stone walls be demolished (which would be noe little charge to the State) would overthrow all, and where wee can scarce keepe our goods safe, much lesse if our walls be raced down.'

And then there follows a clinching reason why the walls should not be razed:

'This place was once the recepticle of all goodt people, both from Newcastle and elsewhere. And when Montrose prevailed so farr with his army as on coming betwixt us and Edinburgh, wee then received most all the nobilitie of Scotland and a great part of the Gentry of that Kingdom, where otherwise they knew not whether to flee for refuge, Newcastle being then in the Enemy's hands. So as of any forrein enemy or other happen in the like case, the place will be noe shelter if our walls be razed.'

'A city of refuge' was its claim; 'a receptacle of malignants'.Swinhoe called it. The settlement of the country in the following winter—1646-47—proceeded on the grounds that neither Carlisle nor Berwick was to be garrisoned but by the consent of both kingdoms.f Early, however, in 1648 (April 28th) Sir Marmaduke Langdale, with 1,000 foot and 800 horse, took Berwick on behalf of the Cavaliers, garrisoned it for a few months, and billeted the soldiers free upon the inhabitants. Many of the people, * since the surprisall of their place by the Cavaliers, who lay upon them by Free Billet, are driven to such extremities as many of them can scarce provide beds for themselves and families.' The Governor during the Cavalier occupation was Colonel Charles Brandling. He, along with Langdale, Colonel Edward Grey, Colonel James Swinhoe, Colonel Raphe Hebburne, and Colonel William Strother, were on June 20th enfranchised into the Burgh. Very shortly afterwards the town was evacuated by these Cavaliers,§ and given up to the Scots, who took possession under Sir Arthur Haselrig as Governor. He must have remained for a very short time in this capacity, since, shortly after —viz., 15th September, 1648—when Cromwell appeared in the neighbourhood, Ludovic Lesly was Governor of the town.|| It was this Governor who was dilatory in his answer to the demands of Cromwell for the delivery of Berwick into his hands. The Estates of Edinburgh were quite prepared to give this stronghold to the Lord^General, but they had sent to consult the Earl of Lanark before it was formally surrendered. The Earl gave command for this to be done, and Berwick seemed joyfully to have returned to the authority of the English. Cromwell placed in it a regiment of foot, and soon afterwards added a regiment of horse. He commanded Sir A. Haselrig to provision the town with all necessaries both of food and ammunition. Sir Arthur had become Governor of Newcastle by this time, and could only act in Berwick by deputy. This furnishing of the town was very badly performed, whether from carelessness or inability it is impossible to determine. The soldiers were not paid, and their free billet upon the inhabitants brought great misery upon them. Hear the Mayor and burgesses, 7th November, 1648:

'We have since the joining of this garrison maintained them at free quarters. Surely our poverty of late is much increased. Not many that knew the place would believe our estate were so distressed as it is, so as thereby not only many of the poor are enforced to pawn their clothes, but likewise many have already cast up house. Indeed, our condition is more lamentable than can be expressed. Nay, it can scarce be imagined the misery we are fallen into.'

This letter was addressed to Sir William Armyne; but similar letters were sent to both Members of Parliament, who all promised amendment. But not only were the people this winter burdened with the soldiers, but the excise duties were exacted with great rigour. This was something new, and the cry against this exaction was as vehement as against the other burden:

'The people here doc esteem the Excise what present is so rigorously exacted upon the impoverished inhabitants, to be a maine cause of the people's misery here. They, for the most part, have no other livelihood to maintaine themselves and their famillies, and be enabled for the better accommodation of the soldiers billetted upon them, butt the brewing of a bushel or boll of malt to sell again, and if they get the small drink for the famillies and the graines for their cattle free, they think they are well. We have no trading or imployment for labouring to gett meanes as in most other parts of the Kingdom. It hath been our hard hope to find the proverb made good, " After a desolution of a long continued garrison cometh a desolation.

As spring and summer advanced, hope began to rise in their breasts that something substantial would result in their behalf. Colonel George Fenwick became their Governor and good friend in the autumn of 1649. They were then undoubtedly under powerful protection. Even in the spring of this year some aid was forthcoming. The sequestrations of all delinquents' fines, and compositions for new delinquents were being dispersed among friends, and Berwick got its share. The sum of £500 was promised as the fines of Sir James Ogle and Mr. Gilbert Swinhoe. Only £162 of this came to the hands of the Guild, since Swinhoe died before his composition was paid. The money received was almost wholly spent upon the bridge. But the warlike expectations and preparations of this summer led to great activity in the town. Ordnance of various kinds was sent to Berwick in May from Pontefract Castle, and, later on, from Wallingford Castle as well, which was delivered to Colonel George Fenwick. From the Tower were sent to Berwick twelve mounted brass guns for fortifying the town. Captain Dolphin, at the same time, was ordered to send on twenty good horses from Blackwall for friends in the north. On February 2nd, 1650, provisions were being hurried up in great quantities to the old town. Better still, Mr. Jackson, the Collector of Customs, was told that henceforth the town of Berwick should hold and enjoy the privilege and Customs according to ancient usage, and Colonel Fenwick wrote to him in these words:

'If you knew the necessity of it as much as I do, you would not only allow what the House has done, but assist for its continuance. If the State does not keep the town as low (in Custom) as Scotland, the trade will wholly be lost, the town left desolate, and the Scots enriched by our ruin. The place is of great consequence. I entreat your allowance of the order of Parliament in the discharge of the new impositions, or else excuse me of being so fully assured of the intentions of the House. I prohibit the Customers from collecting any but the ancient Customs.'

The burgesses had, at last, found a friend indeed. The summer of 1650 grew to great activity as it passed into autumn, through the furnishing of Berwick with supplies for Cromwell's army, which was coming up against Scotland to fight the disastrous Battle of Dunbar. On the 20th June, 3,000 tents were sent to Berwick for the marching army; 3,000 quarters of wheat and 800 of oats were sent for provisions; 800 tons of shipping were registered to carry provisions. Again, on July 26th, 400,000 pounds of biscuits, 180 tons of cheese, 2,000 quarters of oats, above what had been already sent, were despatched here for the army. On August 6th, Sir A. Haselrig was ordered to try and keep the road open from Berwick to Edinburgh, for which purpose 2,500 men were sent on to aid him. The Thomas, Patience, and Comfort of Yarmouth, the Wolf and the Prosperous of London, were now being freighted with provisions. The officers of the Customs of the Ports were ordered to let all these vessels go free; and their masters were ordered to get away with the first fair wind, that no unnecessary delay may be made therein. The prices of some of the provisions which these vessels carried were as follows: 557 quarters of oats cost £458 7s. iod., or 16s. 5d. per quarter; Cheshire cheese was valued at £33 per ton, and Suffolk at £28 per ton; butter at 21s. per firkin; hand-mills, of which twenty-five were bought, were worth £2 each; 1,495 kettles cost £389 4s., and weighed 5,838 pounds; 500 cloaks cost £1,122; shoes for the men were 2s. 6d. per pair; boots for the horsemen 14s. 6d.; tents were valued at about £1 each; Cromwell's, however, was a valuable pavilion worth £4.6 4s. These vessels were hurried away, yet they were late in arriving at Berwick, and they had to sail to Musselburgh to deliver their goods at that port. Their freightage from London to Berwick amounted to £424 7s. 11d., and demurrage was claimed to the extent of £84 10s. on account of being sent on to the Frith.

Cromwell's army moved northward, with the Lord General at its head, in the month of July, and on the 13th entered Berwick. The Mayor and Corporation received him graciously, July 12th, 1650. It is thought fitt and so hereby ordered that all the Burgesses who have borne office shall be in their gownes, and all other the free burgesses to accompany Mr. Maior and the Justices to-morrow morning to attend the General at the first muskitt when he cometh in/* Cromwell passed on through the town to Mordington, where his headquarters had been two years before. He seems to have regarded this house with special favour. The army lay there for two days waiting upon provisions being sent forward. It does not lie within our province to describe the Battle of Dunbar. Cromwell went to the north ; the bustle and excitement of the summer soon passed, and the town again returned to its wonted quiet. One change must be noticed before we pass on. It will be remembered that after the Battle of Pinkie the sick and wounded were allowed to lie on the streets uncared for and unhoused; at this time 'the Gallery and Roomes in the Castle where Mr. Lovell now liveth are desired for the sick and wounded from the army. Mr. Lovell, at once and willingly, complied with this request, and lived in the lowest room himself. A committee was likewise appointed to bring in a list of all the houses in the difierent quarters where accommodation can be had, and of all sick persons now in the same. We record this awakening of humanizing influences with great pleasure. Fifty years' peaceful intercourse between the peoples of the Borders was beginning to have a wonderful effect.

To return a moment upon our narrative, the soldiers were said in 1649 to be one of the causes of the town's poverty; possibly they were, but in a way quite different from what was meant. Whether the dunghills or 'middens' were offensive or not to the Roundheads does not appear, but they determined to make gain of them at the expense of the town. A huge dunghill had collected on the Parade and the soldiers offered to clear it off for £18; the Guild offered £12, and it was done. The Colonel offered to clear off another lying in the Newgate, but the Guild could not afford it. A third was again bargained for at £4, and cleared away from the Eastern Lane. The Roundheads were not fond of idleness; they would do even scavengers' work rather than nothing. The water-supply to the town was closely connected with its cleanliness ; and here I may diverge a little to chronicle what is to be learnt about the early supply to the town. About 1570 we learn from the Town Records that Sir V. Brown, victualler, had laid a pipe from iSt. Cuthbert's Well in Tweedmouth, across the river, for supply of the lower part of the town, where the Government Offices chiefly were. Vernon, Brown's successor, removed these pipes, which rendered the town entirely dependent upon what came from the fields or from the wells in the town. It was thought at this early date (1580), that, with small labour, the water from the well-springs in the bounds or fields, issuing from the south side of Halidon Hill, and from the Nine Well Heads, might be drawn together for the service of the town. Before 1607 a cistern had been placed in the Calf Hill, for, in that year, the Earl of Dunbar obtained liberty to lay a pipe to that cistern to supply water to the site of the Castle. In 1617, the watercourse from Pittakote or Pethcar Lough (the town's present reservoir) came to this cistern on the Calf Hill, as well as the courses from 'Nyne well Heads.' The water from this cistern was conveyed, partly, along open ditches and, partly, through clay pipes to the various pants in the town. Some of the water had flowed through the stanks at the Greens, for, in 1626, great abuses are done by those who lay their lynt and hemp on the stanks, wells in the greens, and in other places, thereby filling the water full of worms and such like filthy beasts and corruptions.' From all or most of those places the water serving the whole town was taken and thereby made unfit for any man, without great danger and prejudice to the users thereof. In 1642, water was allowed to be taken from the town pipes, and carried into private houses oh payment of 3s. 4d. per annum. The pants were badly kept and were very troublesome. In 1652, the well in Cross Gate was to be built up handsomely, with a trough, and made sweet and wholesome for the convenience of the neighbours and the danger of young children.' The allowance of the water had injured the watercourse, and 20s. of a fine was demanded in October, 1652, before any other person was allowed to have a private supply, and they must pay 2s. 6d. a year afterwards. The millers had been in the habit of drawing off water at the sluice at the Jingling gate,and greatly 'damnifying' the watercourse. The sluice was to be absolutely removed and the offenders severely punished. On 15th October, 1651, the old clay pipes had been removed, and leaden pipes put in their places. These sources continued to supply the town until quite recent years, when an additional supply was obtained from a spring in'Tweedmouth, forced into Berwick by pressure. The supply is now good and generally abundant.

To proceed to matters of more public importance, the Commonwealth succeeded to power shortly after Cromwell's last appearance in town, where this form of government was very popular. On 10th September, 1651, the Governor's House and other houses in the Palace were given to the Commonwealth of England, and they were permitted to do what they liked with them. The maces and towne seales were converted, and the Commonwealth and the town arms were set upon them. The present halberts date from 1685,! and it is just probable that the Commonwealth arms had been permitted to remain till that time, when new insignia would be required. The Guild, likewise, granted the Governor and officers of the garrison a small piece of ground for a bowling-green, and, at the request of the Commonwealth Parliament, collections were made in the town and the churches for the Protestants of Savoy. What the town gave is not recorded, but £2 5 10s. yd. was collected in the church and forwarded to London by John Sleigh.

Governor Fenwick had been their good friend for several years. He was elected Member of Parliament in 1654, but this Parliament was dissolved on 22nd January, 1656, and, on the nth August following, he was elected a Member of Oliver's Packed Parliament. He did not leave town till 8th September, when the Chamberlain was ordered to take sugar and wine to his house, and the Guild would drink with him before he left. This was the final leave-taking. He died on the 15th March, 1657.

In the same year the Corporation bought the Manor of Tweedmouth and Spital from Theophilus, Earl of Suffolk, for £570, which sum was paid out of the sequestered estates of Lord Mordington. The conveyance was completed and possession delivered on 28th September. The royalties consisted principally of a salmon fishing in the Tweed, called Bailiffs Bat, which was let for £58 ; a colliery of the annual value of £30, with the other mines and minerals and wreckage; an extensive tract of moor of about 100 acres (now enclosed and arable), upon which the freeholders and copyholders had right of pasture, and several small rents] arising from the copyhold tenements. This, manor, situated on a detached portion of the County Palatine of Durham, called Islandshire, and within the Manor of Norhamshire, belonged originally to the Bishop of Durham, but, during the reign of Elizabeth, it became the property of the Crown. James I. granted it all to the Earl of Dunbar, through whom it came to the Earl of Suffolk. As early as 1652 the Corporation made a proposal to the Earl to purchase the manor, their sole professed object being to rid the district of the numerous company of disorderly, uncivil, and lawless persons, principally Scotswomen of evil fame, who were harboured there. The purchase of this property was, undoubtedly, the best bargain the Corporation ever made.

On the 17th August, 1657, a proclamation was to be read that the Lord Protector Cromwell had become Chief Magistrate of the United Kingdom. When it was ordered that 'the Proclamation shall be made with all possible solemnity, that there shall be a sermon that day, and all the general Guild warned to attend Mr. Maior and the private Guild in their gownes. The Bells to ring, the town's colours to be sett on the Tolbooth Turrett. A great Bonfire shall be made in the Market-place. The Maior, Governor, and Burgesses to be served with all sorts of wine that can be had, after the Proclamation, at the town's charges: That the Town's drums and what other things the Maior and Bailiffs shall think fit to prepare against that time be made ready.' Lord Howard (one of the Howards of Naworth Castle) was Governor, and was succeeded, in 1658, by Lieut.-Colonel Mayer, when news came to the town that Richard Cromwell had succeeded to the Protectorate on the death of his father. The Guild sent a letter of congratulation, which was presented by John Rush worth. On June 8 th, 1659, a terrible fire wasted Berwick. The loss was estimated at £3,000, and a brief was granted to enable the burgesses to collect through the whole country for the sufferers. Richard's Protectorate did not last more than a year, when the Long Parliament was again summoned together, and then the rumour spread that Fleetwood was attempting to interfere with this Parliament, and General Monck from Scotland was throwing in his lot with the Parliament against Fleetwood. The burgesses could not understand their true position in the midst of these changes. But whatever might happen, they determined to arm themselves. A company of burgesses was formed and a company of volunteers, and the old armour of the Civil War period made ready for use ; and so the town stood on the defensive. Nothing serious happened. In the end of the year Lady Monck came to town, and wine and sugar were once more at hand to smooth matters. General Monck lay at Millfield December 21st, 1659, and the Mayor sent his respects and congratulated him, and offered to do any requisite service in his power. The wheel of fortune turned very rapidly. In the course of three years they hailed Cromwell, they congratulated Richard, and thought they ought to rejoice over the recall of the Parliament, but were not quite sure. They received Monck with marked respect; and now, in 1660, they cried, 'All hail to Charles and the Restoration!'

'Whereas it hath pleased God in a most miraculous manner to restore our Royal Prince, King Charles II., to the exercise of his Royal power in these his three kingdoms, which, through the late great distractions and distempers that hath happened hath been denied him, and for that his happy arrival on English ground it hath been the great desire of this Guild to draw up a congratulatory address expressing their joy for his Majesty's happy return to and enjoyment of his just rights, crowns, and dignities'.

The address was drawn up in London by the town's best friends, and presented. In Berwick bells were rung; and 'Bone Fyers' blazed in honour of this joyous event.

On May 29th, 1661, the town again manifested its joy at his Majesty's birthday and restoration. Bells were again rung. The Mayor and his friends again attended the church; a great bonfire was again lighted in the market-place, and other signs of joy were visible because his Majesty was 'wonderfully restored to his kingdom and people.' But the Guild were not altogether given over to monarchy and tyranny, as these rejoicings might make us fancy. Commissioners came from Parliament next year for the purpose of administering a new oath instead of the Solemn League and Covenant. Only fifteen of the whole Guild took the new oath. The rejoicings had been mere outward displays to lull suspicion.

Little of public interest took place for some years. The Plague in 1665 disturbed their equanimity. Ships had to lie for six weeks in the river if they came from suspected places. 'The Centenall at Bridgegate shall take care of travellers, and allow none to pass but those that have certificates of the safety of the place whence they come.' In 1666, Governor Lord Widdrington, who succeeded Mayer, obtained the two Gate Steads of the Castle to put up as an ornament to a house he was about to build on the bridge for the watch. The Guild granted these on condition that he would make a room large enough where the authorities could come and sit down when they were going to meet any great person coming to the town.

In 1670, Captain Applegarth, Collector of Customs at Berwick, was determined to collect a tax of 5s. per quarter upon Scotch corn, which tax had never previously been taken ; it was hence the Guild's duty to resist it, but the best plan they could fall upon to rid themselves of the burden was to send ten gold 'Gennys' to Sir George Downing, of his Majesty's Treasury, when the order was reversed, and the town was cleared of this vexatious tax. This imposition was again tried a few years later, again to be successfully resisted. The trade in corn was very considerable at this time. In 1676 as many as 6,000 quarters of bigg, 4,000 quarters of oats, 300 of wheat, 200 of pease, 50 of rye were imported from Scotland; 54,000 salmon were exported in the same year. Wood and fir deals were complained of as lying and encumbering the harbour.