Berwick upon Tweed

COMPARATIVELY quiet year passed under Drury, when on 23rd August, 1568, Henry, Lord Hunsdon, Queen Elizabeth's cousin, succeeded to the difficult post of Governor and Warden of the East Marches. Hunsdon was well fitted by many qualities for this position. He was severe, rough, and boisterous, yet a man of considerable humour. He had difficult work before him, as the Borders, for some years after his assumption of office, remained in a most disturbed state. Directions were sent to him for his guidance. The appointment to the offices of the garrison was in his hands. He was to hold the musters, view the munitions and ordnance, and cause perfect books to be kept. He was to fill up vacancies in the pensioner list with those of the old guard of horsemen who were unable to serve. As Warden of the Marches, he was to confer with the other wardens, to view his charge, to see to the reparation of his various castles, to put in execution the Statute of Enclosures, and to prevent the conveyance of horses out of the realm. He was allowed to levy 100 horsemen as a guard, whereof fifty may carry shot.

Four days after his arrival he wrote to Cecil to send on his patent as soon as possible, and added a postscript: 'On Wednesday was killed within twelve miles of this town, sixty porpoises and whorlpools, whereof he ate part this night to supper.' 'Whorlpools' are supposed to be porpoises of a large size. He had little leisure to contemplate such matters. Early in September he wrote:

He had scant laid down in bed but there was great alarm in the town, whereuppon they repaired to the castle with all speed, where within twelve score [yards] was slain one of the scouts, having four wounds of the greatest he ever saw in his life, besides divers others.' 'Next morning, Sunday, September 5th, Rowland Forster came to him with some who had been at the killing of the scout, and brought him the names of divers others, who, in preying upon him, had killed one of his men 70 years old, and hurt divers others, and carried away the cattle with Kill and slay.* 'Was not so soon come down to church but he had six other complaints as ill as that, and some poor man crying out that they must live upon him, for all that they had was taken by the Scots. No night escapes without killing of the Queen's subjects.'

He finished his note with the usual cry, 'Money! more money!'

The Papal party at present was strong in Scotland, and were aided and urged on by the Queen; hence the boldness of the Scots, who were coming up to the very walls of the castle, and taking horses and cattle from the fields immediately adjoining the town. Murray, the Regent, came to Berwick in the month of September, with 300 horsemen, and passed along the Borders to try to quiet them. This had a temporary good effect. He thought when at Jedburgh to have done more justice; for there was a great fair being held, and he thought he might apprehend the most part of the chiefest offenders; but they had some hint of his coming, so he missed those he would have taken. However, he got sixty, whereof he executed three/

Other evils than thieves were troubling the Borders. Small-pox is so plentiful here, there is but this house and the Marshall's free of it. At Newcastle they have a burning ague, cousin german to the plague, for they live not past twenty-four hours. At Edinburgh the plague is rife. Hunsdon added a postscript again, Have a new disease here called the Hyves. It is akin to the small-pox, and a younger son of the plague. The grudging of money on the part of the Queen and her advisers led to great peculation among the officials in Berwick. At this time it was recorded by Hunsdon, that if Sir R. Lee, who had been Surveyor for a long time, had been as willing to have set forward the strengthening of Berwick as he was for his own gain, it had been in better forwardness. His doings here shall be better known!' Brown, the Treasurer, was accused by Johnson, Surveyor under Lee, of embezzling £5,000. Bennet, late Master of the Ordnance, was declared guilty of selling shot, powder, and all manner of things that any man would give him money for. It is quaintly added that the Queen must be contented with the loss, for he died not worth a groat. Thomas Sutton succeeded Bennet, and was very anxious to make his post a mere sinecure, and fill it with a deputy. Hunsdon wrote indignantly of this: 'He heard that Sutton was going to send one Coke of Newcastle as deputy, who was as fit for it as he himself was to be a Bishop/ The Governor's post was not a sinecure. The Scots were troublesome; he was surrounded at the present time by the plague, small-pox, and hyves; he had servants given to peculation on all hands, and little to the purpose for good service.

As the year wore on, matters assumed a more serious aspect. In November a proclamation was issued, in which the soldiers and inhabitants were warned, on pain of their allegiance, that they must, neither by word, nor fact, nor countenance, speak or utter any misliking of the Queen's most royal person or her most gracious proceedings, or to the favouring or supporting of any traitorous, mutinous, or seditious fact or practice against her Highness. No person was to be allowed to depart out of the town or bounds without the consent of the Deputy. These orders were evidently anticipative of some unusual commotion, whose origin can be traced in the fact that the great Northern Rebellion arose immediately thereafter. Murray was still on the Borders when the rebellion was broken up. Having a large body of men with him, he was able to apprehend Northumberland and carry him off as a prisoner. Murray shortly after this met a violent death. The clan Hamilton, being enraged at him for some real or supposed injury, determined on a most resolute measure of putting an end to his life. On January 23rd, 1570, he was shot while passing through the streets of Linlithgow. The Earl of Westmoreland, who had joined Northumberland in rising against his Queen on behalf of the restoration of Papal power, threw his hat into the fire for joy at the Regent's death. On his death the whole evil passions of the district were let loose, for Murray had a strong controlling influence over the Border thieves. The Papal party among the Scots, having joined themselves to the same party in the North of England,-seemed for a while not unlikely to go on to greater victories and more widespread renown. But, fortunately, Hunsdon was able to cope with their forces, which he met in the open field, and over which he gained a complete victory. The army was led on by Leonard Dacre, of Gilsland. That victory had further-reaching consequences than is commonly imagined. A writerf says, if Dacre had been the victorious general, it might have led to such a combination of Papal power, both of Scotland and of England, as would have hurled Elizabeth from the throne. The English Court thought the circumstances of a grave character, for Sussex was immediately sent to the North with 3,000 troops to quell all attempts at rising and to punish the rebels. But, before this could be done, the Scots had made some notable raids into England. Led by Ker of Ferniehirst, Scott of Buccleugh, and the Earl of Westmoreland, they came to Mindrum and took away 5,000 sheep and 140 head of cattle to Kirknewton, and took 400 head of cattle, besides horses, mares, and insight gere, and above 200 prisoners, besides hurting of divers women, and the throwing of sucking children out of their clouts.'

Severe punishment of the Scots followed close upon this raid. All along the Borders, Hunsdon and Sussex swept with an army bent on wasting, slaying, burning. Ninety castles were ruthlessly destroyed, three hundred villages burned to the ground. Buccleugh anticipated the English at Branxholm. When Sussex reached this stronghold, he found it as cruelly burned as if he had done it with his army. It was a very strong house, and well set with very pleasant gardens and orchards about it, but all destroyed.' Howick burned easily, so many thatched houses were in it. Hume Castle fell into English hands after a siege of nine hours. The garrison, after the surrender, walked out with their lives, save two Englishmen, 'Kelliard' and 'William God-Save-Her,' alias 'Lions,' who were executed at Berwick. Fast Castle surrendered to the same force, but at the first summons. Drury says that fourteen men were sufficient to defend it against any invader. After all this was done, one can scarcely be sorry to read that 'Sussex is much pained in the head by reason of a great cold taken on these journeys,' and Hunsdon adds: 'The extreme travail of body, with lying on the ground and hard rocks in Home and Tividale, has brought the Lord-Lieutenant into an extreme of cold and fever.'

Immediately this raid was finished, and every possible harm had been inflicted from Berwick to Carlisle by all the Wardens on the English side, Sussex sent Drury, Marshal of Berwick, into Scotland, to assist the Protestant Lords against those that sided with the Queen's party. With 1,200 men and five engines he marched to Coldingham the first night, then to the Peece, near Dunglass, whence they continued to Stirling to see the young King. At Glasgow Drury was nearly assassinated:

'When Drury came alone on horseback within reach, they most dishonestly shot at him with great despite, meaning to have killed him, without any regard to the law of arms or the fear of God. The worthy knight bestowed his pistols so freely at them as they did their harquebuse shot at him, and escaped back to his company without any bodily hurt. This unworthy act was done by Lord Fleming and his soldiers. Geo. Carie wrote to him and challenged him to fight a duel with Drury, otherwise he "will baffull his good name, sound with the trumpet your dishonour, and paint your picture with your heels uppermost." Fleming wrote in answer: "I have read your brainless letter, making mention of my treasonable dealing, which is altogether false and untrue," adding that he won't fight with anyone but the General. Carie again replied: "Often the Fleming's afternoon answer smelleth more of wine than of wit;" and ended thus, intil Lord Fleming meet him: "I shall account you devoid of honesty and honour, unworthy to march upon ground and keep company with men."

After reading this correspondence it is very evident to us that these worthies could retort upon one another with considerable force.

What suffering must have been in the district that winter! When 1570 had gone, we are told that on the 9th of January of the following year a severe storm had lasted for nine weeks, and snow was still falling. The storm continued till February. When it broke up, the bridge gave way, and there was no passage for boats on account of the 'multitude of ice.' This severe winter succeeded to the burnings and wasting of the summer. Wheat by the end of the year had risen to excessive prices, and was likely to be dearer than had been known for twenty years. It was selling at 40s. per quarter—a very high rate considering the value of money at that time.

After Murray's death, the Earl of Northumberland was detained in Scotland, and it was not till 1572 that he was delivered to the Governor of Berwick by the Laird of Clyshe:

'He was convoyit be sum Scottes men to Berwick, and thare tane to London. The quhilk was done for £10,000, quhilk was delyverit to the Erie of Mar, regent, and erle of Mortoun, quha mycht have had from the same Erie xxiij pundis, to have remanit in Lochlevin at thair command. This fait was done for some other cause nor we know, to the great schame of the realme to steal sa noble a man ane presonar, that cam in this realme for saiftie of his lyff, quha was sone efter his cuming to Londunt heidit, quarterit and drawn.*

Clyshe brought him to Berwick and got £20 for his trouble; the Queen was advised to give him £100 for his great travail. Hunsdon did not get so easily quit of him as the narrative would lead us to believe ; he says of his charge:

'Has had little talk with the Earle; but he truly seems to follow his old humours, more ready to talk of hawks and hounds than anything else. He hopes for a discharge of the Earl, for he has slept few quiet sleeps since he had him; for, as there is no strong house to keep him in, he is fain to keep watch and ward about the house night and day/

And, on June 8th, he marvels that he has no orders for sending the Earl up. He got quit at last of this weary burden. It took £12 8s. to find the Earl clothes at Berwick, £109 for his charges there, and £66 13s. 4d. to send him to York. The autumn of 1573 was very wet. Valentine Brown reported to Lord Burghley, Here is such tempest of weather and rain as has not been seen these forty years. It has continued without intermission eight days and nights, besides much like weather thirty days before. There has been a marvellous spoil of the corn on the ground through all these parts where the harvest standing ungathered is like to perish. The vehemence of the tempest has broken away one hundred yards of the old wall of the town towards the river, whereby he stands in great fear the sea shall break into the storehouses ere the winter pass/ Again, about six weeks later, he wrote: 'By the great hurt to the old walls of the town, by great rages of fresh water and tempests from the sea, the prison is so undermined as it is in great danger to fall and so let the sea into the storehouses and lower parts of the town. If it fall, it will take £10,000 to repair the damage, £1,643 actually repaired this piece of old wall. These notices are interesting in this particular, as, from Hunsdon's Mount to Meg's Mount, the wall by the river has always been in the position in which we find it to-day. According to tradition, the Edwardian wall did not enclose the lower part of the town, viz., the Ness and Bridge Street; while really it was the Elizabethan wall that shut out these parts. It will be noticed that not only were the storehouses of the garrison and the Governor's House situated on the Ness, but the Prison was also there. This is evidently the prison on the wall, afterwards mentioned in the Guild Books.

Next year, 1575, there happened the last of the great raids into England—the raid of the Reidswire. It does not concern our story. Hunsdon seemed interested in it, but in reality it did not touch our border. After this raid had passed, some petty pilferings went on, but excessive punishment was meted out to the thieves by all the Governors who had, after this, to do with Berwick. Hunsdon was more given to 'hanging than either hunting or hawking'.

During all these busy years, up to the end of the last raid, Brown was Victualler of Berwick and Treasurer as well. He had spent large sums of money, and had, as usual, great difficulty in obtaining repayment. He was driven to borrowing from the Berwick merchants, some of whom must have been wealthy men. He obtained by loans in the year 1570 as much as £14,933 6s. 8d., while the expenses of the garrison for the same year were more than £17,000.

While Brown was Treasurer and Victualler, very strict regulations were laid down as to the manner in which he was to execute his office, and the amount of victuals to be given to each man. This agreement between Brown and the Queen was made:

'To the intente that the soldyors and workmen of the said garyson and town moughte be victualled from hensforthe at such rates and prizes as maye be reasonable for them to live on (!)' Here are the rates: 'Bread, called Cheate bread, for every ij men, by the daie, one two-penny lofe, the same to waye into the ovens Lij ozs., which will make xxiiij oz. of breade for a man by the daye. Beere: to be rated after one pottell for a man per diem, the price thereof to be after xixs. per tonne; the same tonne of bere to be made of xij busshells of make and one busshell of wheate flower for head come, and the same to contain ccxl gallons full, delivered at the brewhouse dore. The said Vail. Brown to find the casks and the soldyors to delyver the same emptye and hole again, or els to pay for it after the rate of xs. per tonne. Beiffe fFreshe or mutton, rateinge ij lb. weighte for eucry man per diem, the price betwen Easter and Mydsomer of befc and muton, one with another after, jdobq [ifd.] the pound waighte; from Mydsomer till the first daye of Januarye after, jd q [ijd.] the pounde; and from the saydc first day of Januarye till Skroftyde after, jd obq [ifd.] the pound waighte. Butter and Cheese : Ffor fFysche dayes,* after one pounde waighte for euery man per diem. The butter to be sold after Liij tiijd the barrell, and chese after xxxiiijs the waye; between the last of June to thende of October. And againe betwen the last daie of October and the last daie of June, viz., butter after lxs the barrell, and cheese after the rate of xl the waye. The price of the other provisions alone is given. Sake fische after the rate of xd the pece; linges at xiiijd the pece; white herringes of the best, at xxvis viijd the barrell. Becade herrings of the beste, at xij8 the cade. Vynegar after vito the tonne. Tallow roughe .after ijd the pounde. Otes for horsses, at iiij' viijd the quarter. Beanes for like purpose at xij the quarter.

'It is agreed the goodnes, waighte and ussyes of the premisses shalbe monethlie vewed by suche as the Governour and Counsell of the saydc towne shall appointe, and vpon varietye to be judged by iiij discrete indifferent persons, viz., ij for the sayde Vallentine and other ij for Garyson.'

Brown, thus guided in all his work, ought to have been closely overhauled upon any default; yet, it has been seen, he was not free from peculation, and the provisions were not always the best. He retired from his post in 1576, and was succeeded as Treasurer by Robert Bowes, and as Victualler by Robert Vernon. A new Collector for the Customs was at this time appointed, viz., Robert Ardern. Sir Robert Constable was appointed Chief Marshal, under Hunsdon. In the Treasurer's instructions he was informed that he should receive £15,000 from different counties in England for payment of all charges in Berwick. Rules were laid down for the certification of all payments to the garrison and its different officers, and he was on no account to exceed the allowances prescribed. In addition to his own pay, he was to have £26 13s. 4d. as house-rent; a further allowance of 20s. for every £100 by him received for transportation of treasure. The Surveyor of Works was to be paid according to a scale regulated by the amount spent in any one year upon the works. If it exceeded £300, he was to have 3s. 2d. per day. If over £500, 4s. 2d.; and if over £1,500, 5s. 10d. The new Victualler was to regulate the amount given almost identical with the last:

'Every man to get per day one loaf of bread at id.; one pottle of beer, after 30s. to the tun of 240 gallons, at id. Every man 2 lbs. of mutton per day for ifd., from Midsommer to January and for the other half of the year at 1½d.; ½ lb. of butter for one man per day, and 1 lb. of cheese. Oats and beans as before ; and he shall make provision for 500 horses, and victual to serve 1,500 men for a year. He was to be paid for his trouble 20s. per diem.'

The Collector of Customs was instructed thus:

'As there is no tanner between Berwick and Morpeth, and no bark to be got on account of the scarcity of timber, the Free Burgesses are to be allowed to export raw hides, and the rate of the Customs was to be considered. For four "daker" can be bought here for the price of one further South. Likewise for wol fells, for these are both small and very coarse. The import of wines he must likewise consider, as wine was a kind of provision and necessary for stores. No tonnage or poundage was to be exacted in Berwick.'

Not long after the Collector of Customs was appointed, he complained of the evasion of the customs here by smuggling between England and Scotland. There was a constant transference of goods both ways. Wools and fells, leather and wines were sent from England to the north ; and linen cloth, woollen caps, steel caps, short swords, Scottish daggers, spurs, and horse harness were sent southwards, and he pleaded for redress by his wish to enforce the absurd statute of Edward IV.

One other matter of interest at this period remains to be mentioned. The harbour mouth, always difficult to enter, was now causing considerable trouble. Constable and Johnson reported concerning the haven, and suggested for its improvement a great wall of rough stone, to be built at a total expense of £701 9s. They further reported that the haven mouth was, in its narrowest place, at low water, 340 feet in breadth and 2 fathoms and a quarter in depth.' This report was given in on May 15th, 1576, and on May 31st of the following year Constable again reported that the Pier is now begun, and they have found hard by them a quarry of stone, as the like has not been seen for good. It lies so in order as it bene laid by the handy work of man, and it is so very hard that it is like marble in colour and otherwise; and rises so abundantly that they cannot wish to have better/ Thus was Queen Elizabeth's Pier built, the remains of which were visible when the present pier was erected, about seventy years ago.

Immediately after the events narrated, we have from the pen of Robert Bowes, Treasurer, in a letter, dated October, 1579, to Lord Burghley, an account of the plague, which had, at last, visited Berwick: The plage in this towne increased something in thend of the last mone, and is now dispersed into 16 or 17 houses. Yett ther are not above 42 dead thereof, and not one soldier in pay. The brute of this sycknes maketh much feare in Scotland, as all Scotyshmen are restrayned by proclamation publyshed not upon payne of death to resorte to that town; or to receyve or deall with any person or stuff thereof, whereby I find greatt difficulty to send or receyve any letters or messages to or from that realm.' Next year, on 9th July, 1580, in another letter to the same, he wrote: 'The same sickness (as in Edinburgh) raigneth generally in this towne, beginninge with paynes in the head or eyes, sores in the throte, and brest in nature of a colde. None have dyed thereof as yet in this towne. The symptoms of this disease seem more of the nature of an influenza than of what is commonly understood as the plague.

Sir Harrie Widdrington came to Berwick about the year 1580 as Deputy-Governor under Lord Hunsdon. He and his lady were very useful in Berwick during this decade. Very friendly to the Protestants and Scottish Nonconformists, they harboured many of the preachers who were exiled by the extraordinary endeavours of King James of Scotland to thrust Episcopacy upon an unwilling people. Sir Henry seemed, however, to have been, like many another kind man, very short-tempered and overbearing. Rather a ludicrous incident happened in Berwick, in which the Mayor and he figure prominently. Valentine Brown, late Treasurer, had forced a man out of his house, and Hugh Fewell had obtained possession. He again sold it to Edward Merry. Merry was in possession when the Mayor and he were summoned to the presence of the Deputy to show cause why the house was not given up to Sharpe, its original owner. After some altercation between the Deputy and Merry, the Mayor, standing quietly through all the interview, now interfered in these words:

'I said unto him, Sir, if and please you I was in the Councell house with divers of my neighbours, when I did heare my lord say that Sharpe had not to doe with the house but with Browne, and that your Lordship would deal with Browne, whereupon he burst forth in great ire, and said by God's heart I leyed in my throat. I answered him again : And if it please you I do not lye, my neighbours and I will prove that it was my lord's words. Who answered me again, By God's heart I would rather thee and them were hanged. I said, if it please you these are very hard words to give me without cause, considering who I am. Who answered me again, Who are thou, knave? I said, I am the Mayor of Berwick, and her majesty's leutenant here in causes. Who answered me with a great oath, If thou tell me what thou art, I will take thee in the mouth with my fist, and take thy staff* from thee, and lay thee by the heiles. Does thou know, knave, where thou are and to whom thou speakest? I answered and said to him, Sir, and if it please you, I do know you to be one that hath the government here under my Lord, and soe I trust I doe use you; and I said further, I am very sorry I have troubled you at this time, and if it please I will depart and trouble you noe longer. So I took my leave of him reverently and ran my wayes, and by this means the matter was broken off. So I thought to make known unto your lordship the somme and substance of the speeches, for they doe discourage me in my office.'

The answer of Hunsdon to this letter was sharp and incisive. Sir Henry got a good scolding in very plain language:

'Your hard and sharp speeches to the Mayor are so far past reason and with soe small discretion as I do not a little marvell at it, and indeed is not to be borne by them. For both I and all the Queenes Councell there, are to uphold and maintaine the Mayor in all his privileges and jurisdiction, and to punish any man that shall dare either infringe their liberties or use any unreverent speeches towards them. I am afraid you follow somebody's advice and counsell in these matters that will do you no good, and therefore I pray you take heed of it. I have said to you heretofore, soe must I write to you again, and I pray you thinke of it. You are not Sir H. Widdrington only, but you arc Marshall of Berwick, and in these matters you are to answer to the Queen and her Counsell. Thus I am forced to write you otherwise than I did think I should have cause to have done, which I doubt not you will take in good part as from him that means well unto you; and soe, with my commendations to your wife, I bid you farewell.'

After he gave this castigation to his deputy, we hear no more for a year of Hunsdon; but, in 1582, there were evidently some uprisings of rebellion or of treason in the town. A ' amflett' had been found in a corner where it should not have lain, and one Ayre, Captain Carvell's man, was supposed to be the guilty person. But there is no certainty of this, and Hunsdon wrote to Widdrington:

'I require and charge you to call the said Ayre before you, and such other of the Counsell, if any be there, and such other of the captains as you shall think fitt, and examine him upon some presumptions as you write to me of; and if he will not confess the truth you may threaten him with the rack. If that will doe noe good you may use some other torment unto him, as mannickeling by the fingers, or by putting his feet in the stocks with a pair of new shoes, and put them to the fire. If all this will not serve upon advertisement from you, what likelihood is there he doth know and will not confess? You shall have authority to wrack him, which may not be done without six of the Councells hands to it. You must examine where he came from, most likely out of Scotland. Let this be diligently and severely looked into, as I doubt not you will doe.'

The cruelty of this proceeding is evident. All this was to be done to prove the man innocent.

At this time Hunsdon was absent from Berwick, and he stayed away so long from his charge that the Queen grew annoyed. On the 8th June, 1584, she asked his son Robert to write him and tell him of her displeasure. Sir Robert's letter is too good to omit:

'May it please your Lordship tunderstande that yesterday yn the afternoone I stoode by hyr Majestie as she was att cards in ye presens chamber, she cawlde me too hyr, and after askte me when you mente to go to Barwyk. I towlde hyr that you determynde too begyn your jorncy presently after whytsontyde. She grew yntoo a grete rage, begynnynge with God's wonds that she wolde sett you by the feete and send another yn your place, yf you dalyed with hyr thus, for she wolde nott be dalyed withall. I towlde hyr that with as much possyble spede as myght be, you wolde departe.'

The real difficulty at issue was that of pay. Hunsdon, like the others we have seen, could not get money at all. He had plenty of fair words and fair promises; no man had more. When he conquered Dacre on the Borders the Queen wrote him thus: 'l doubt not, my Harry, whether that the victory was given me, more joyed me, or that you were by God appointed the instrument of my glory.....I can say no more. "Beatus est ille servus quern cum Dominus venerit inveniet faciendo [sic] sua mandata." But that you may not think you have done nothing to your profit, though you have done much for your honour, I intend to make this journey somewhat to increase your livlihood, that you may say to yourself: "Perditum quod factum est ingrato.",

Hunsdon was somewhat facetious over this. When nothing but lair words came of it, fond of using proverbs, he says: 'While the grass grows, the steed starves.' Later he adds, with more bitterness, ' that he is fed on the pap made from the yolk of an owl's egg.' He came to the north shortly after his son's letter was written, but not to stay, for he was in London again, after the death of the Queen of Scots had so seriously disturbed the peace of Europe.

Before this crisis occurred a few interesting particulars may be noted, Rowland Johnson, who had long served the Queen here, had continued to knock at the door of the Government for an increase of pay year by year, which was never granted. He had served in Berwick for upwards of twenty years, as Overseer of Works of the new walls, of the pier built at that time, of the frequent repairs of the old bridge. He now succumbed to old age and to hard work badly paid. The Earl of Leicester, whose influence was now becoming of great value, immediately after Johnson's death obtained the office for his servant, William Spicer. This appointment was for the tearme of his lief, to be exercised by himself or his sufficient deputye, with such fees and profittes as Rowland Johnson latelie had.' Scotland, at this epoch, was cruelly vexed by the King, who was determined to enforce Episcopacy upon those who were either Knox's contemporaries or his immediate successors. Andrew Melville, the most influential of them all, and perhaps the ablest scholar among them, had already left Scotland and taken refuge in England. His nephew James was obliged the next year, 1584, to follow his example. James escaped by stealth, dressed as a sailor, in a small boat, in which he sailed from St. Andrews by St. Abb's Head to Berwick. James has left an autobiography^ of very considerable interest, and from it we learn the incidents of that sea voyage, written with graphic particularity. The following extracts will show the difficulties he had to encounter:

'To keipe the sie all night in an opin litle bott it was dangerus, and to go to Dumbar we durst nocht; sa, of necessitie, we tuk us toward St. Tab's Heid. Bot we haiffing but twa eares, and the boot slaw and heavie, it was about alleavin houres of the night or we could win ther. Howbeit, na man was ydle; yea, I rowit my selfF till the hyd cam af my fingars, mair acquented with the pen nor working on an are.

They came to the little harbour at Pettycawick, and refreshed themselves with water and wine, and in the early morning, wakened by the noise of the birds, they were forced to sail out. They had then to pass Coldingham and Eyemouth, where Alexander Home, of Manderston, had his residence:

'This put us in grait feir; but our gude God gardit us, making a swek thick mist till arysc,' so that none could see them from the land. 'Sa we cam on hulie and fear till we wan within the bounds of Berwik, whar we was in graittest danger of all, unbesett in the mist be twa or thrie of the cobles of Berwik, quhilk war sa swift in rowing that they ged round about us, bot we being fyve within burd, and haiffing twa pistolets, with thrie swords, and they na armour, they were fean to let us be, namlie, when they understood that we was making for Berwik.'

When he landed in Berwick he was welcomed by several friends already in town. His uncle Andrew, James Lawson, Walter Balcanquall, Patrick Forbes, and some other gentlemen, all of whom passed southwards, and left James Melville to 'pretche in thair rowm.'

Being in Berwick, he remembered ' the sweit tender-harted young las that he had maried/ So he resolved to send for her, that they might take part together in their exile. Then he says:

'I taried in Berwik about a monethe, and teatched twyse everie ouk,' whereby I gat verie grait friendschipe, namlie, of a maist curteus and godlie lady, my Lady Widdringtoun, spouse to Sir Harrie Widdringtoun, Knight, and Maister Governour of the Toun, under my Lord of Houndes-dean, wha defreyed me of all my charges during the tyme I was ther, and offrit me ten crownes of gold at my parting; bot I haid na neid of tham, and therfor refusit tham thank full ie. I haid also offered me by divers guid men and weimen of the town; bot, haiffing of the bountiful liberalitie of my God aneuche brought with my wyff, I wald nocht incur anie liklihead of a mercenar ; but trewlic I fand sic fectfull professioun of trew Christianitie in Berwik as I had never seen the lyk in Scotland.'

After this, Melville went south, and disappeared for a while among his friends in London. But, next year, Scotland was seething in discontent, and the people began to think that all the evils, which were sweeping over the country, were the consequence of the banishment of the protesting lords and ministers. There had been a most destructive pestilence raging in all the large towns during the summer. The harvest that followed was destroyed by sic tempest of weather and rean. Then, according to Melville, what finally determined their return, was the murder of Sir Francis Russell, J son of the Earl of Bedford, late Governor, at a day of 'Trewe,' held 27th July, 1585, at Hexpethgatehead, near the Cheviots. This murder was supposed to be planned by Arran and Ker of Ferniehirst. The Queen was 'sae crabbit' about this murder that she licensed the return of the ministers of God and the noblemen to assist the Protestant section against that which still held rule under the name of the Queen of Scots' Party. The whole company returned to Scotland by Berwick, to take the places of power and influence, which they had formerly left to escape imprisonment, or even a worse fate. Melville returned to Berwick after some time, and died there in the beginning of the next century, 20th January, 1614-15. His will was made in the previous February, and witnessed by Michael Sanderson, William Fenwick, and James Lanye. An inventory of all his household goods is given, which shows the furnishings of a house at that early period.

John Carey, the second son of Lord Hunsdon, was made Chamberlain of Berwick in 1585, and resided on the Borders for a number of years, and formed one of the Council of Berwick. Robert, the more active and ambitious son, was employed, at first, more in carrying occasional tidings than in doing any fixed duty here. He brought the news of Queen Mary's death, and was commanded by Elizabeth to convey the tidings to King James. The King, knowing of Mr. Carey's arrival at Berwick, sent him word to stay his progress, as he could not guarantee his life if he ventured within the Borders, so great was the indignation of the Scots at the execution of their Queen. After negotiations, it was settled that Carey should communicate his intelligence to commissioners from James, who would meet him on the Borders. The meeting took place in Foulden Kirk, about a mile within the Scottish Borders. Sir James* Home, of Cowdenknowes, Governor of Edinburgh Castle, and Sir Robert Melvill, Under-Treasurer, were the Scotch Commissioners, to whom Carey delivered his message and his letters.

In 1588, King James, in the same manner, visited Berwick, or rather looked upon it from the same point, as his mother had done some years previously. James came by Langton to Wedderburn, then to Halidon Hill, and so passed on. Hunsdon, writing to his Deputy, Widdrington, refers to this visit:

'After my hearty commendations I have received your letter by my son, touching the King's being upon the Border, as also of his coming to Hallydoun Hill, which was very well used by Mr. Treasurer and yourself in suffering my sonne to goe to him, as alsoe in showing him that honour as to shoot off all ye peces in the town, which her Majesty being informed of doth take in very good parte.......I thinke my return to Barwick will not be so soon as I thought for, unless any Spanyiards land in Scotland, which I hope they shall not be suffered to doe ; and soe, having noe other news to write unto you at this tyme, I commit you to the Almighty.'

This letter is dated 9th May, 1588, the year of the Armada. Hunsdon did not return to Berwick during that summer. Events in the south were too stirring to allow of his absence from Court. On the ist of August he wrote to Sir Harrie Widdrington a most interesting account of the Armada, and urged upon him to send south every man he could spare from the garrison, his own men, about seventy, at any rate. The only local reference in this long letter is a single paragraph at the end. Sir John Selby, Master Porter, had laid claim to Lonsdaill Anney to be his inheritance. Hunsdon says:

'It seems very strange to me that either he or anybody else cann make any claim to any land in Scotland.......I was contented Sir John Selby should have it for a time, but not knowing what occasion I should have to use it myself, having found great lacks of hay at my last being there. Mr. Selby might have had it longer, but since he lays claim to it, I do not intend to be so bad an officer to the Queen as to suffer land to be carried away without words. Mr. Selby was given to actions like this, for when he had Norham under me he sank a colepit, and now claims it for his inheritance.'

Hunsdon had not hurried back to his charge at this time, for, on March 6th, 1590, he wrote to Widdrington:

'After my hearty commendations, these are to let you understand that Mr. Bowes, her Majesty's Ambassador in Scotland, hath written to my Lord Treasurer that there is a woman witch of Scotland in Berwick, either in prison or otherwise, wherein the Scottish King is very desirous to have her delivered to him. His Majesty's pleasure is, that, if there be any such there you should keep her safe in prison and advertise some of the King's ministers thereof, that when the King shall send for her she may be delivered unto him.'

In a postscript to this letter, he says:

'Since the writing hereof I understand certainly that the said witch is in Berwick and was taken about Inysed [sic], whereat I greatly marvel, considering I never heard thereof from you; and therefore pray let her be safe kept till you give notice as aforesaid, and that she be sent thither at the King's pleasure.'

From what we know of the King of Scots' character, there would be every probability of a thorough search into the root of this matter. Another case of a witch occurred in 1598, under the Governorship of Lord Willoughby:

'We find and present that, by the information and oath of credible witnesses, Richard Swynbourne's wife hath of long time dealt with three several women witches for the bewitching of one William la-------[sic], garrison man, who did answer that they could not hurt him, but that a man witch must do it; which the said Swynbourne's wife hath confessed to this presently, that at length she had gotten a man witch for her purpose. The further examination herein we refer to the Lord Governor and Council.'

This is the only case of witchcraft mentioned in the Local Records. More care was now paid to the auditing of accounts under Queen Elizabeth. Several of her servants had been guilty of gross peculation; and now Sir Robert Bowes, Treasurer, could not get his accounts passed, for items in them were disallowed. He pleaded Lord Hunsdon's orders; but was firmly told that the Establishment was of greater force than Lord Hunsdon. Upon promise not so to offend again, he was allowed the full amount. Bowes was not much in Berwick after this. He went to Edinburgh, where he was employed at the Scotch Court, and Under-Treasurers were appointed to pay the garrison. This did not seem to work well; for Sir John Carey complained much of it. The old paymesters were regular and juste in their payments, such as, first, old Mr. Clopton, then jonge Mr. Clopton his sonne; after them, Mr. Astreton, and then yonge Mr. Ralph Bowes. But the present Mr. Shepperton does as he likes;' and he adds, that 'I never had so much complayninge by the Garrison of beinge reeved from their paies and so much exclaminge of the town for beinge undon for want of payment. I am not able to redresse it, which is my grief, to here men complayne and can do them no good.' It will be the ruin of this town,' he says, if a Governor is not appointed worthy of the place, of sufficient authority to restore order and credit to the town.' Before a new Governor of the town was appointed, we have to record the death of Hunsdon. He died on July 23rd, 1596, and was buried in Westminster Abbey at an expense of £1,097 6s. i^d. He had been nearly thirty years Governor of this town, and ten years General Warden of the Marches. He was Captain of the Pensioners and Lessee of the Royalties of Norham and Island-shires under the Crown. He was a very popular Governor, and the King's Mount was called after him 'Hunsdon's Mount.' Sir Robert was, shortly after his father's death, advanced as General Warden of the Marches; and Sir John, as Marshal of Berwick, had the entire charge of the town. As such, he had enough to do to keep the peace with the garrison, and to restrain Border thieves. To bring this fully out, and to show the utter barbarity of the Borders at so late a period as 1596, we have from Sir John's pen the following notices:

'There hath bene many injuries and dishonours offired me and to the toune of Barwick by the Skottes, as by stealinge of things owt of the bowndes, and divers other wares, whereof I have in some sorte revenged parte, and other parte I have sate with all. But now thus it is, my good Lord, upon Candlemas eve last, there came at night four Scottes, their names were these : John a Daglisse of Wideopen, in Tyvydale, Robyn Daglisse and John a Daglisse of Lynton, both brothers, and one Tom a Pringle of Howname. These foure men came into the Bowndes, and owt of the Snooke and Mawdlen Hides they toke sixe horses, whereof there was but one of them myne, the rest were other men's. This injurie I tokc to be very greate, beinge evin under the Wales of Barwicke; whereupon I made greate searche, and knew streight whoe had them. When the thieves knew that I had discovered them, they were fain to have returned them or satisfied me; but I did not wish it ended thus at first but at length agreed to it. But the horses were not delivered even till the present time (the crime happened on 1st Feb., and it is now July 3, 1596). So I took advantage of the Musturs, and sent 50 men to Scotland to punish the theeves. They came upon John a Daglysse at his house at Wideopen, and there they broke upon his house, and emit himself all in fecesy and so came their wayes. I would gladly have got them all four together.'

This summary justice upon Daglisse was resented by Queen Elizabeth. She took this to be verie barbarous, and seldom used among the Turckes. Then Sir John defends himself in an original fashion, and in one that sheds light upon the old Borderland:

'Of the slaughter by Sesford of these poore men in Wollor, and one other subject of her called Will Storie, and all this but for one shepe hogg that was taken from Sesford's shepherd, nor of the slaughter of a verie honest yeoman goinge at his ploughe without intent to hurt, being slayne by Sir John Carr, who came first to the poore man's wief, and askt where he was, who shewed him where her husband was goinge at the plowe among manie others; and Sir John, asking among the poore men which was Bowl ton, came to the poore man himself and asked his name, whereuppon the poore man, in good manner, put of his hatt, tould him his name was Bowlton ; presentlic Sir John verie valientlie drewe out his sword, and cutt him three blowes upon the head, and left the rest of his companie to cutt him all in peces.'

He goes on to tell how the same Sir John fetched two Scotsmen out of England, and drowned the one going over the water, and hanged the other in Scotland; and of certain Scots going into Mr. John Selby of Tyndale's house, and, without any known quarrel, cut him all to pieces; and how the young Mr. Haggerston, Thos. Burrell, and manie others were most cruelly mangled, besides destroying and laying waste many towns on her Majesty's Borders;' and adds, 'if all these crimes will not serve for the killing of one theif, then lett me receive such punishment as her majesty may please to inflict upon me'. This is enough to show what state the Borders were in when Sir Robert Carey came into full power to govern them. In his first year the well-known Buccleugh incident happened. Kinmont Willie had been taken by the English on a day of Trewe, and lodged in Carlisle Castle. Buccleugh, being Warden, resented this unjust seizure of the freebooter; and, after exhausting all means to liberate him from Lord Scrope's hands, he made a night-expedition to the castle, and freed Kinmont by force. Elizabeth was greatly incensed at this and other misdemeanours of Buccleugh's and Cessford's.

A meeting of Commissioners was appointed at Berwick to examine into the misgovernment of the Borders; and nothing would satisfy but that Buccleugh and Cessford should be delivered up to the English as prisoners at large, as hostages for the good behaviour of the Borders. Buccleugh at length came to Berwick, and gave himself up to Sir William Selby, and Cessford gave himself up to Sir Robert Carey. Such confidence won Carey's friendship; so they remained fast friends during the rest of his government of the town. Buccleugh, it is said, was presented during his stay in England to the Queen, when she asked him, 'How he dared do such a deed?' The 'bauld Buccleugh' at once retorted, 'What is there a man dared not do?' The Queen added, to a Lord-in-Waiting, 'With ten thousand such men our brother in Scotland would shake the firmest throne in Europe.' After this, Carey controlled the wild forces of the Borders to some extent; and he is credited with having largely reduced their thievish and murderous propensities, by severely punishing some, and by treating others in a spirit of generous confidence. But Sir Walter Scott says very truly, 'It was not until the union of the Crowns that any material alteration took place in the manners and customs of the Borders. Upon that great event, the forces of both countries, acting with more uniform good understanding as now the servants of the same master, suppressed every disorder of consequence.'

Sir John Carey was relieved of his grievous burden of governing Berwick in 1598, on the appointment of Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby, as his successor. J Sir Robert Bowes, who had long been Treasurer of Berwick and Ambassador at the Scotch Court, died on December 23rd, i597,§ just before the change of Governors. Sir William Bowes succeeded as Ambassador, and brought Peregrine and Elizabeth his Queen into difficulties with James of Scotland. He had conveyed cunningly away one Ashfield, a dangerous fellow, to Berwick; and the King swore that if any harm came to him, or that he be not restored, he would be revenged on his head. The Queen had ordered both Sir William Ashfield's and Sir William Eure's imprisonment for holding secret communications on the succession. This was always a sore point with the Queen. She justified Ashfield's seizure and imprisonment in quite forcible language: As for his taking out of your contry, it was utterly without our privitie, and done only by our Governor of Barwycke to redeeme his owne error; but, being done, and the partie fallen into our hands, we had no reason to omytt the occasion to chastyse so lewd a CaytyfTc'll What became of this 'Caytyfle' is not known.

Peregrine Bertie was not long Governor. He had held the office only three years, when his death occurred about June 25th, 1601. John Guevara,^f one of the Captains of Berwick, wrote to Cecil on the above date:

'I have to report the saddest accident that could befal me. Lord Willoby is no more. When he saw he must go, he said, " I wish my soul might never enjoy the blessings of the heavenly light if ever my heart were other to my sacred anointed Queen than truly or sincerely faithful, or if I ever even in my thoughts gave just cause to offend her. Whatsoever evil the wicked harpies of the world have shrieked out to my prejudice, God forgive them; and let Mr. Secretary (that most born gentleman) believe me (for I speak the truth in Christ), my heart long since has been with him, as David's was with Jonathan. And if time and occasion would have made me so happy as to witness it in my life, I should have enjoyed great contentment therein; but now I can do nothing but speak. I recommend to him my eldest son, and I beseech him satisfy my desiring soul in his honourable care of him.'

From all we can learn of Lord Willoughby, he seems to have been a brave and good man. He fought valiantly at the battle of Zutphen, and commanded the forces in the Netherlands after Leicester was recalled. His bravery has been handed down to us in an old ballad:

'The 15th day of July, with glistering spear and shield,
A famous fight in Flanders was foughten in the field:
The most courageous officers were Captains English three;
But the bravest man in battle was brave Lord Willoughby.

'The next was Captain Morris, a valiant man was he;
The other Captain Turner, from field would never flee.
With fifteen hundred fighting men, alas, there were no more!
They fought with fourteen thousand then upon the bloody shore.

'Stand to it, noble pikemen, and look you round about,
And shoot you right, you bowmen, and we will keep them out;
You musket and culiver men, do you prove true to me,
I'll be the foremost man in fight," says brave Lord Willoughby.

'And the bloody enemy they fiercely did assail,
And fought it out most furiously, not doubting to prevail;
The wounded men on both sides fell, most piteous for to see,
Yet nothing could the courage quell of brave Lord Willoughby.

For seven hours, to all men's view, this fight endured sore,
Until our men so feeble grew that they could fight no more;
And then upon dead horses full savourly they eat,
And drank the puddle water, they could no better get.

'To the soldiers that were maimed and wounded in the fray
The Queen allowed a pension of fifteen-pence a day,
And from all costs and charges she quit and set them free,
And this she did all for the sake of brave Lord Willoughby.

'Then courage, noble Englishmen, and never be dismayed
If that we be but one to ten, we will not be afraid
To fight with foreign enemies and set our nation free,
And thus I end the bloody bout of brave Lord Willoughby.'

His lordship was the last of the Governors before the union of the Crowns and the dispersion of the famous Garrison of Berwick. It is said that Hunsdon and Willoughby were both great favourites with the people, and that the period of their official life was the final period of the town's prosperity.

Sir John Carey was again left in charge, along with Sir Harrie Widdrington. During the interval between Lord Willoughby's death and the Queen's, the following incident took place: Here was one Mowbray, a Scottish man, accused by one Daniel, a little pigmie Italian fencer, that he wold have suborned him to have slaine the King of Scots. The other denies it constantly. Whereupon he was demanded by the Lord Home to be sent and tried there. The counsaile condescended so far as to send him away with him, and the dwarf Daniel must follow, or was already gon to trie it out to the utterance, if the Scottish King think fit, and will give them Campo Libero' The issue was, that Mowbray suffered death; and the King of Scots granted Daniel* a pension of 90 marks per annum.

Almost immediately after this, the air grew thick with saddest rumours of the Queen's illness. Sir John Carey, Lieutenant-Governor of Berwick, heard of it first as a sleeplessness, with no sickness and no pain, but still a pining away. Sir John had long been striving for leave of absence to come up to Court, but now that was impossible. He must ' arm himself with patience perforce. The news hath sett such a grefe so neer my hart as I fear will not esely be removed, sty 'doutinge the worst.' Sir Robert Carey managed to be in London at the crisis. He sent a messenger four days before her death to King James, who was all expectant and greatly agitated about the state of affairs. The messenger had audience of the King in his bed at seven o'clock in the morning, and delivered his tidings, ' that the Queen was past all hope, and could not live three days.' Sir Robert, in anticipation of this, had posted horses all along the North Road, that he might be the first to bring the news to the King. On the morning of the 24th of March she died; and Carey immediately mounted and rode off to Edinburgh. He arrived there on the third day after the Queen's death, notwithstanding a severe wound on the head which he received by a fall from his horse as he was crossing the Borders, and which caused him great pain the rest of the way. He was at once admitted to audience, and hailed James as King of the British dominions. James, in a proud moment, made Carey a Lord of the Bedchamber, forgetting, or probably being unaware of the fact, that he had ridden off with the news against the express orders of the Privy Council in London. James was obliged soon afterwards to deprive him of the office to appease the wrath of these Councillors. Among the first to congratulate the Scotch King on his newly acquired dignity was the Mayor of Berwick, in name of its Corporation and inhabitants. In these words he wrote:

'Barwick, 16 Mch, 1603. Most gracious and our sole redoubted Soveraigne, Forasmuch as it hath pleased the heavenly disposer of earthly kingdoms to take to his mercy our late most gracious Soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth, and in exchange of a transitory crowne to bcstowe Vppon her an immortal diadem. And where it hath pleased the Lord to settle the hearts of the true-hearted nobilitye and Commonall State of this now your Highnes Realme of England by Mutuall Vnamitye and free consent, to publish and proclayme your most sacred Maiesty the Indubtfate heire and Law-full successore of the Monarchall crowne of the said Realme of England,

'Wee, your Maiesty's most humble and hearty affectionate subiects, the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of his Highnes Towne of Barwick-Vppon-Tweede, immediately Vppon true notice had of her Highnes decease, as well in Loyall zeall to your Maiesty as in full approbation of the said State and Counsells pendent publication, thought it our humble dutyes, and in like sortt did with present expedition publish (and with what solcmnitye the leasure of time would afford) and proclayme your sacred Maiesty King of England, Scotland, ffrance, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, with all other her Maiesty's late Vsuall titles and dignities. In performing of which dutye wee doc in ail humility acknowledge nothing by vs done therein butt what the Lord's Providence, her Maiesty's late pleasure and the right of succession by lineall descent lawfully devolved Vppon your Maiesty necessarilye enioyned vs, and that with a hearty and plausable congratulacon. May it therefore please your most excellent Maiesty to pardon such defects, as by ignorance, omission, or otherwise by the straitness of times have happened in the performance thereof, and graciously to inroll vs in the ranke of your grace's loyall and sound-hearted subiects, offering, and that freely, not only our poore estates to be imployed att your Maiestie's appointment, butt even thinking ourselves in nothing more happy then to seall vpp these our unfeigned protestacons of love and obedience with the effusion of the last dropp of our dearest blood in any your Highnes9 occasions. And thus we prostrate our heartes att the Altar of your Maiesty's clemency and princely disposition, and tender on our knees the humble homage of our love, loyalty, and hearty affection, wishing your royall Maiesty long, peaceably, and prosperously to reigne over vs, and ourselves to live and dye,

'Your Maiesty's Loyall, humble, and obedient poore Subiects,

'The Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of your Highnes Towne of Barwick-Vppon-Tweede.'

The King immediately replied to this effusion of loyalty:

'To our Trusty ffriends the Mayor, etc. [of Berwick-on-Tweed]. Trusty ffriends, wee grcte you heartily well; wee render you thanks for your soe dutifull affection, utterit in assisting and concurring sa willinglie with your Governour in the putting of the Town of Berwick in our hands, whilk we have appointed to be governit in the same forme and manner as heretofore, while we advise otherwise to dispose uppon the same. Assureing you alwaies to fynde us a gratious and loveing Prince, wha sail be care full to maintain your wonted liberties and previledges and se that the same be na wayes brangillit nor otherwaies prejudgit, Sua wee committ you to God. From Hallirudhouse this 27 of March, 1603.'

It is very evident from the dates of these letters that the utmost despatch had been used by the Berwick authorities. Carey left London on a Thursday morning; he left Widdrington Castle on Saturday morning, the 26th; met his accident before he arrived at Norham at noon. Intelligence must have been sent to his brother John from Norham. This flowing and eloquent epistle of the Mayor's must have been composed immediately afterwards and despatched to Edinburgh by special messenger. James's answer is dated next day, Sabbath, the 27th of March; and on the 28th, Monday, the Abbot of Holyrood was sent off to take possession of Berwick and receive the allegiance of the Mayor and the Governor. They, with the other officers of the Council of the town, were assembled at the cross. When there, the Governor surrendered the staff and the keys. On the oath of allegiance being administered to the authorities, the Abbot redelivered the keys and staff; and, after dining with the magistrates, he administered the oath to the commonalty, who had gathered in a crowd in the market-place, and then left for Edinburgh to report his reception. James did not start on his journey south till a whole week had elapsed. On Tuesday, 5th April, he left with a large train of English and Scotch attendants.* His Majesty travelled to Dunglass on his first day's journey, lodged there that night, and c was splendidly entertained/ Next day, Wednesday, the 7th of April, 1603, he came to Berwick. He was received at the boundary of its liberties by Sir John Carey, accompanied by the officers of the garrison. The whole cavalcade rode thus slowly towards the town, and

'When his highness came within some half-mile of the town, and began to take view thereof, it suddenly seemed like an enchanted castle ; for, from the mouth of dreadful engines—not long before full-fed by moderate artsmen, that knew how to stop and empty the brass and iron paunches of these roaring noises—came such a tempest as deathful and sometimes more dreadful than thunder, that all the ground there about trembled as in an earthquake, the houses and towers staggering, wrapping the whole town in a mantle of smoke, wherein the same was for a while hid from the sight of its royal owner. But nothing violent can be permanent. It was too hot to last; and yet I have heard it credibly reported that a better peal of ordnance was never in any soldier's memory (and there are some old King Harry's lads in Berwick, I can tell you) discharged in that place. Neither was it very strange, for no one can remember Berwick honoured with the approach of so powerful a master. As darkness flyes before the sonne, so did these clouds of smoak and gunpowder vanish at his gracious approach. In the clearness of which fair time issued out of the town Mr. Wm. Selbie, Gentleman Porter of Berwick, with others of good repute, and, humbling himself before the King, presented to him the keyes of all the ports, and, when his Highnes was in, he returned them again and made him a Knight; and thus his Majesty got within the second porte, and being within both walls he was received by the captain of the warde, and so passed through a double garde to the market cross to the Mayor and officers, and was received by them with joy.'

When Christopher Parkinson, Recorder, a grave and reverend man, had delivered a short speech, the King went to church and heard Toby Matthews, Bishop of Durham, discourse on the occasion;J after which he went to the Palace, amid the general rejoicings of the people. Next day the King remained in Berwick, went and heard prayers and sermon in the church in the morning. Along with the English lords who had come to give him their allegiance, he visited the fortifications and the port or haven, and, when on the walls, this valiant monarch, who could never look upon a naked sword without a shudder, actually fired one of the guns with his own hand in right kingly fashion. All the courtiers around declared they had never seen an act more valiantly performed! On the following day, the King, having made a royal present to the officers and soldiers of the garrison, and declared his grateful acceptance of the loyalty and affection of the inhabitants, mounted horseback after dinner and rode off to his new dominions. On reaching the bridge, he knighted Sir Ralph Grey, who had been of great service on the Borders. Thus the progress of the King on his journey passes out of our history. He was received on entering Northumberland by Sir Nicholas Forrester, Sheriff of the County.

James becomes henceforward the most important figure in Berwick's history. The new charter that he granted, and the lands included therein, remain to this day a monument in honour of his name.