IT was not till 1521 that circumstances once more drew the old town into the current of warlike operations. Now, Antony Ughtred, Captain, wrote to my Lord Cardinal's Grace: Firstly, to shew unto my lord cardynall's grace that notwithstanding the small nombre of the sougeours assigned for the sure keeping of the Town and Castell of Berwyk, zhit many of the said nombre be absent and cometh not there because they have patents of the king to be away, and dyvers of them hath patents for ij or iij Rowmys ther to the great daunger of the said toun, which I humbly desire z'or grace to be a meane for me to the king's highness that it may be remedied.

'Also I humbly beseeche z'or grace to be meanes for me to the king's highness that I may have the putting in and the putting owte of the principal officers. And that they be at my nominacion and appoyntement, becaus I am bounde and charged for the sure and safe keeping of the Toun and Castell. For gretter daunger can not be to the seid toun but off officers that be not trusty. And if anything should mysfortune them in tyme, I am afraid the king's highness and z'or grace wolle lay it vnto my charge, whiche were to hevy for me to bere. These things consider, and my vary trouste is that the king's highness and z'or grace woll graunte me my peticion in this behalve.

'More ouer, that it will plees z'or grace that I may have z'or gracious lettre directed vnto the priour of St. Oswald's, wherby I may obtain the Tythes of Bamburgh, wheche always hath been accustomably had for the vitaling of the said Castell of Berwyk, for whosoever hath bene Capt. of Berwyk affor this tyme had always had the same to fferme forth for seid purpose.'

This was the first of a series of letters the Captain wrote in the years 1521-22 to awaken, in the King and the Lord 'Cardynall,' a proper respect of himself and a fear of invasion by the Scots. The letters of 1522 throw a new light upon the Captains of Berwick and upon their dealings with the Scots. To understand properly the fortunes of this year, we must premise that, after Henry VIII. had broken league with France, and had joined issue with Spain, he hoped and wished that the Scots would do the same; but the Scots, perceiving the double-dealing of the King, and not relishing the harsh treatment he was inclined to bestow upon them, refused to revoke the French alliance. This obstinacy awoke Henry's wrath, and he was determined to punish the Scots. It was not till 1523 that the great army came to the North. Meanwhile the King encouraged his men of the baser sort to raid against Scotland. Ughtred, taking advantage of this disposition, gave a very circumstantial account of a raid he himself made upon 'Cayll and Bowben' waters, and then added that he was informed of the Duke's movements by a fishmonger of London, who, having gone to Scotland under the safe-conduct of the Duke of Albany, and been taken, contrary to all justice, and cast into prison as a spy, had escaped. Ughtred then informed the Cardinal that 'substantial sums had been sent to Berwick for reparations, but he had never seen any undertakyn;' and he was afraid of the safety of the town, but cleared himself, for he had frequently told the Cardinal and his Majesty of the need of the same. He took on a crew of 200 men, some time ago, for the safe keeping of Berwick, for he heard that the 'Duck'.was 'my lis on this side of Edinburgh,' and had the same news from Lord Dacre. But, when he heard of his withdrawal, he immediately dismissed the new crew to save the King's 'purs.' What made him more afraid, was that the moon was full, but he felt all danger was past when it began to wane. He had paid these men out of his own pocket, and likewise 50 gunners whom he had employed for the better discharge of the work. And now, he says, he deserved good thanks; l but in case be I should haue dyede for hunger, I could not borrowe of my lord of Carlyle, nor of my lord Dacre £40 vpon one hundred pounds of playte; so that I was glade to send my plaite to a merchaunt of New Castell to borrow £40; and after that my wyffs cheyne from her necke, so that be the faith of a gentleman I have not at this day 40s. in my purs to fynde me and a hunder persons withall, and, as I have writte to your grace heretofore, the countre is so bayre that there is nothyng here but all for the peny.' He then added, 'He will let his grace know all the news as soon as possible.' He accused John, Lord Bishop of Carlisle, for not giving him a loan of money, and was urgent for a supply of money to be sent to Berwick. But the Bishop had somewhat to say on this matter. The Bishop to Wolsey :

'Received to-day letters from Dacre dated 20th inst., stating what he had done on the East Marches and Berwick for the last ten days. He sees no likelihood of Albany's invading England, though the Captain of Berwick wrote to Wolsey that by this time he would have besieged that town. On Sunday the Captain again wrote in great haste to Dacre that the Duke would be in England, though there has been no such entry. However, on Monday night Philip Dacre, Sir Wm. Percy, Lord Ocle, and the four knights, with men from Berwick and elsewhere, to the number of 2,000, slew Lanse Barr, one of the worst borderers in Scotland, and 40 persons with him, and brought his son and heir and a great prey in safety to England, losing but one man. This untrue news has been sent by the Captain of Berwick only for money, for he has had none by the Bishop's orders, because he demanded first money for crews taken into Berwick before the Bishop's coming, about which he has written several times to Wolsey and received no answer. Secondly, for the crew of 50 gunners besides his retinue, which, when the Bishop was in Berwick, neither he nor anyone else could see. Has written several times to Richard Candishe to view the said gunners, offering to pay them without delay on receipt of his certificate, but he cannot get it by any means.'

Ughtred could not quite be credited in all his statements: his foray into Scotland, for once, was a figment of his imagination. The Bishop's refusal of a loan was on definite grounds: these fifty gunners had no existence! All this happened in the early summer of 1522 ; but, as the season advanced, it became apparent that Albany might threaten them and come upon Berwick in great force, consequently greater activity prevailed in the town in August. Workmen were then busy upon a new tower on the sands, and on the bulwark outside the Bell Tower, in making wheelbarrows, hand-barrows, in sawing wood, and in mending the King's great boat.

'John Schell, smith, is working 29 st. of iron into the following articles : wedges for the quarry, lime stone hammers, agreat iron mill, wedges for limestone hammers, a kevell, an anchor, a lock for the storehouse door, chisels, and mattocks. Rolle Jackson works a stone of iron into "hacche" nails and "lat" nails for barrows. For sharpening 11 dozen points of picks and hacks, 2s. 5d. To the lord of Barneborow for wood to make 26 stone barrows, 4s. Carriage of the same on horseback to Berwick, I2d. To John Nelson, cooper, for making four lime tubs, 12d. David Mordour for dressing two hides for a pair of "Relleys," 12d.

Robert Candische was the Master of the Fortifications at this time, and these articles were made at his instance. Surrey, who arrived here in the autumn, said that Candische was the only man in Berwick that understood his work. On the 23rd October, Ughtred again wrote, but was very definite in his information, and in some of his charges. Albany, at this crisis, made a real show of approaching England; he ought then to have led his army into that country, for it was not prepared to resist such a formidable array as was then gathered in Scotland. Ughtred's information was from an espial in his own pay:

'He hath ascerteyned me the Duke of Albany is corned forward ; and the lady of Fast Castell prepareth for hym and loks verely to haue the Ducke with here this nycht. His grete army lyeth between the castle of Yester and Ellhamforde, and he entendethe to no place but onely to berwick be all the inteligance that I can haue. My Lorde, I shulde haue wreten to your lordship before this tymc, but I could neuer be in certyn whether he wold come to the west border or to berwic. He toke his ordenaunce out of dombarr yesterdaye and had it in the castell of Yester, and so his ordenaunce goethe awaye be a place called Stray fountains [Three Fountains], and so over at hemsted forde and so downe to the water of Twede ; and intendeth to haue a grete armey on Jnglisch syde and another on Scotlande, and his oune person comethe ouer hewton more, and the lord Hambelton's powr cometh be lawdre aney thoughe his oune person come with the Ducke. In case be that this is not true I wold all my spialls were hanged. . . . Seynt George to borrowe, come at your pleasure, berwic ffers not hym.'

The writer was very brave on paper, and Lord Surrey was equally brave and boastful. He was at Barmoor at this date, whence he wrote to the Cardinal:

'I am here. My Lord Marquis [the Marquis of Dorset] is in Berwick with 6,000 or 7,000 men, my Lord Darcy at Bamborowe, all ready looking when the Duke of Albany will come. He has been at Melros and Driburgh yesterday; many of his hoste came over the Tweed. I feare he shall not dare come within England at this tyme; and if he doo, and bringe great ordynaunce with him, Godwillngy be will never carry it home again. He hath, as is said, assembled 80,000 men.'

This raid of Albany's, that caused such disturbance and correspondence, came to nothing. Like the * Fools' raid' of an earlier Albany, it ended ingloriously to all parties concerned. It is very curious to note how anxious the Kings continued to be about the possession of Berwick. Sir Robert Wingfield wrote from Berwick to Wolsey in 1523:

'It is stated that Clariencieuz, when sent to Scotland, declared that if the estates promised never to allow Albany to come to Scotland the King would make a truce with them for 16 years, and deliver Berwick to the King of Scots and the Princess Mary if he pleased. I said it was not to be supposed the King loved his daughter so little ; and he would as soon think of delivering Calais to the French as Berwick to the Scots.'J

No, Berwick was invaluable. It was a means of defence, evidently, that could not be rated high enough:

'In the april of this year,' Surrey says, 'he rode to Berwick to ascertain if he could have assistance in ordynance and carriage. Intended to assemble on Monday next the power of Northumberland, with 700 or 800 of the bishopric and garrisons, to overthrow some fortresses in Scotland. In going to Berwick spoke with Philip Dacre, Sheriff of the Shire, who told him cattle was so poor, 12 oxen could not draw one pipe of beer ten miles a day, which their appearance confirmed. At Berwick found the ordnaunce nothing ready : the timber they should be stocked with came into the haven but on Sunday last; must therefore delay his project.'

Surrey, after examining the fortifications of Berwick, gave in the following report:

'For Berwick he more fears than for any other fort on the borders, for undoubtedly it is not tenable under a sege royal, having no bulwark nor fawsbrays, nor any defence but walls, ramparts, and dykes. And as for the Castle, if the Duke [Albany] knew how feeble the walls be and how thin, he would not fail to annoy the same, which would not hold out the batter of six cortortes an hour. There is no remedy to keep the same if he lay siege thereto, but only with force of men's hands, and to have so many within the toun to defend the breaches within the same. For this reason he estimates 6,000 men to be necessary, the toun being if miles in circumference. The sickness, moreover, is so sore within the toun that men fear to come into it. In the house where the earl himself lay one died full of God's marks.'

He continued, in a letter to Wolsey:

'There are two great breaches in the walls, of which one will take 6 days and the other at least 14 to repair. The least of them is 80 feet long, and a man might lead a horse into the toun. But he has fortified the ramparts with turfs. Has more fear of Berwick than Norham, for there is not a man in the toun but Candish who understands fortifications, and he has work for more than five men. All fortifications at Berwick, Norham, and Wark are done by him. Wishes to know when he will send for more power. There were 1,700 men in Calais and Guisnes, neither of which is in the same danger as Berwick. Fears Albany will do great mischief and return without much loss, unless the army be ready assembled against his coming. Expects he will enter between the 18th and 28th of this month.'

Surrey delayed his project for a few months, until he had gathered his forces and beasts of burden fitted to pull his waggons across country, and then he entered upon one of the most dreadful raids upon Jedburgh. After it was over, he retired to Berwick, and wrote a long account to his master. Here are a few of its leading features. In comparing Jedburgh with Berwick, he says:

'The toun was moche better than I went it had been, for thare was twoo tymys moo howses then in Berwick, and well buylded, with many honest and faire howses therin sufficient to have lodged one thousand horsemen in garyson, and six good towers ther, which toun and towers bee clerely destroyed, brent and throwen doune.'

On the second night of his lodging near Jedburgh, after Dacre had taken Ferniehirst, this Captain would not bring his horses into the camp, but fastened them by themselves without Surrey's camp, with the following result:

'And he being with me at souper about viii a clok, the horses of his company brak lowse and sodenly ran out of his feld in suche nombre that it caused a marvellous alarome in our feld, and our standinge watch being set, the horses came ronnying along the campe, at whome were shot above one hundred shief of arrowes, and dyvers gonnys, thinking they had been Scots, would have saulted the campe. Fynally the horses were so madde that they ran like wild dere into the feld. Above xv at the least, in dyvers companys; and in one place above 50 fell doune a great rok and slewe themself, and above iic ran into the toun being on fyre, and by the women taken and carried awaye right evil brent, and many were taken agayne; but fynally, by that I can esteme by the nombre of theym that I saw goo on foote the next daye, I think there is above viiic lost. I dare not write the wonders that my lord D acres and all his company doo saye they sawe that nycht vi tymys of spirits and fcrefull sights, and vnyversally all their company saye playnly the devill was that nyght among them vi tymys.

'I assure your grace I found the Scotts at this tyme the boldest men and the hottest that ever I sawe any nacion. If they might assemble x\m as good men as I now sawe xv° or ijm, it wold be an herd encounter to mete them.'

The last sentence shows that Surrey's previous estimate of the Scots was not altogether correct. If Albany had really made an attack upon 'Surrey and his host' the English would not quite so easily have kept the artillery behind the defeated army. Surrey, having now satisfied his lust of burning and destruction, retired to Newcastle, and reported on the position of Albany to Wolsey. On October 19th, 1523, he wrote:

'The spies all agree that Albany will invade about Friday or Saturday next. He knows that neither Wark nor Norham dare shut their gates against him, and that Berwick will not hold out 6 hours. On the 24, Albany reached Haddington, having now determined, because of the uncertainty of the weather, not to go to the West Coast, but to attack Wark and Norham, which he interpreted to mean Berwick. On the 26th, Surrey moves northward, because of the near approach of the Scots forces; but he is sure Albany can do no hurt to Berwick.'

Surrey has changed his tone all at once. There were now so many 'good gentlemen and tall men' in Berwick, that he considered it unassailable: it seemingly mattered not that the fortifications had fallen down so that carts and horses could be led into the town. Tall men could frighten these Scots that were found so 'hot' at Jedburgh not three months before—a marvellous change! Norham was likewise safe, but Wark was in a weak state of defence. On the 30th of the same month, he heard the Duke was at Eccles, and had burnt the church there. Next day, he came to Hume Castle, and then approached two miles nearer Berwick, 'but was in a marvellous great fume, for the axle-trees of 5 or 6 of his great guns have broken'. He heard that the Duke intended to starve him out in Berwick; but there was plenty provision there, though part of the army was obliged to be in the fields. Although the Duke had great power, and was within a short distance, he never dared to enter England; he, however, determined to attack Norham in a day or two, else disperse his army. On November 4th, Surrey moved his main camp to Barmoor, to be nearer 'the victuaill' of Berwick and to have wood for fires. At this 'poor village' he heard of Albany's retreat, that he had left Eccles and had carried off all his ordnance and was clearly departed. It seems that Albany very feebly attacked Wark Castle, failed to take it, and retired from the scene and the campaign. He corresponded, for some months, about a peace between the two nations, and in May, 1524, left for France, never again to return to Scotland. There was now no reason why peace should be longer delayed, so we pass from these warlike scenes to consider what was to be done with all the victual that was laid up in Berwick. A very curious document remains on this subject, showing us the good business habits of Henry's servants in the town.

'Total remayne after provision is made for all necessaries in the north parts : Flower iiic iiij" xiiij barrels, Malt m1 m1 lxx qrs., Otcs viijc lxvi qrs., Beannes m1 vc qrs., Bacons vjc I flitches, Cheese m1 wayecht, Honney xj barrels, Butter ij barrels di. Of these barrels of flower after our opinion it is needful that it remayne at berwyk for these causes : furst, that so much of the whole is fusty and corrupt, especially that which came from Hull. After what is bad is cast out, the residue may be spent in brewing in defaulte of whete. And of the 2700 qrs. of Malt after our opinion it is better that it remayne in berwyk then to charge the Kinge with more freight (that is in taking it back to London), consydering that the price of malt is nothing Southward and lykely to be good in the North, for ther the wanes hath troubled the husbandmen ; that they have this year sown little barly, by reason whereof the lykelyhed is that it shall be well sold to the King's profit, and not the losse and charge that will be therein yf it be carried Southward. (This is " fere full" reckoning : the very men who have warred on the Scots and prevented them sowing barley are now reckoning on making profit out of the very destruction they had caused.) As for the Otes remayning, these had better be taken South, and less losse will ensue by shipping them to the Taams for the provision of the King's Stables there to be used : for in the North there will be plenty of Otcs. But for the beannes it is good they remaine in Berwyk for the wynter following. They are lykelly to be well sold to the Scots. For the vc 1 flitches of Bacon, it were good they were sent to Calles, and if they be not there of use the best saille thereof is in Flanders, if so stand -it with the King's pleasure. The 29,000 weght of hoppes had better be sent to Sandviche for victualling the shippes of Wane, or els to London and Portesmouth.'

Of course, for all this provision barrels were needed, and coopers must be had to make and mend. But coopers were not plentiful in Berwick, as might have been expected ; for we find an account of £3 10s. for 'Presting' seven coopers at Dunkirk to go to Berwick, and 30s. for their carriage to that town. At the same time, £4. 10s. was paid for Cresting' six men of London. Their wages, when here, were 6d. a day: barrels were put together at 5s. the last (12 barrels). Sometimes, for the sake of space in the vessels, the barrels were taken to pieces before they were shipped. 115 last of barrels had been made at Dunkirk, shipped to Berwick, and refitted here for £19 6s. 3d. of Flemish money. Hoops and materials were sent from London in great quantities. Lading of 5,500 clappoles (staves) and 16,000 hoops at London, cost 15s. These were carried from London to Berwick by Adrian Johnson, on command of the Cardinal, for £3, and unloaded at Berwick for 33s. 6d.: more than double what it took to load the same at London. 24,500 hoops were sent to Berwick per the Warkeners: carriage, 8s. 2d.; customs paid, £2 0s. 5d.; unloading at Berwick, £2 12s. 9d.; and £6 was paid for housing all these goods at Berwick.

These events all happened in the early months of 1524, when the two countries were corresponding about peace-making. At the same time dangerous and destructive raids were planned on neighbouring territories. On Trinity Sunday, the Scots met a company of traders coming to Berwick Fair, which opened on that day, and robbed them of their goods. The English, in return, made a severe inroad into the Merse, and destroyed much property. Both raids were accompanied with severe skirmishing and bloodshed. Queen Margaret, Henry VIII.'s sister, now actively interfered on behalf of peace. 'She has laboured to know the minds of the lords to peace, and they have ordained the Earl of Cassilis, the Laird of Balweary, and Adam Otterburn should pass on Friday, 2nd September, to Berwick, in common with Lord Dacres and the Duke of Norfolk,' and bring articles containing the desires of the lords, and to send ambassadors during the truce, which it is hoped may be arranged for three or four months.' The following were the terms: 1st. They desire a marriage between the King's daughter and his nephew, assured under the Great Seal and approved in Parliament; 2nd. That James be declared the second person in the realm (England), and have lands assigned him as Prince of that realm; 3rd. That if the King should have a son, he should give James, in recompense for what he is 'put fra,' Berwick and the lands in 'threype,' the debatable lands between England and Scotland. A three months' truce was arranged after some time—a truce that was to last till 3rd December, 1524, but which was renewed more than once during the next year. In December, 1525, a peace for three years was settled, which was signed in Berwick on January 9th, 1526.

The Earl of Northumberland, at this time, held the post of Warden of the Marches, and Ughtred was his deputy, with the title of Captain. Northumberland did not relish the work, and Surrey was frequently on the scene as Lieutenant of the Forces. D'Arcy was latterly appointed to this office, of which Northumberland had begged to be relieved, and he drew the salary of Warden and Senior Captain of Berwick, which was worth £2,000 in war and £1,000 in peace. But, in July, 1529, shortly before the Cardinal himself was eclipsed, D'Arcy was deprived of these offices. He says that he was colourably and wrongfully voided from the offices of Captain of Berwick and Warden of the Marches, a yearly living of £1,000. 'He voided me upon his promise to recompense me of the offices of Treasurer, Chamberlain, and Customer of Berwick, which by his award and others of the Council I bought of Sir Richard Chomley, and gave to him ready money 40 marks for his goodwill, and worth yearly to me to use by my deputy £50 and twenty pounds in wages.'

It was not often that the Mayor of Berwick troubled these warlike times; but the inhabitants were sometimes stirred into life, and the Mayor must express their feelings. In 1522, an angry expostulation was sent by Henry Beck, the Mayor, because Ughtred did not inform him that the town was in such imminent danger when Albany threatened Berwick. Again, in the year 1526, George Lawson, Paymaster of the Forces, had informed the Mayor and Council that the King intended to reduce the garrison. The Mayor, 'Rauf' Brown, along with other authorities in Berwick, expostulated against the reduction of the strength of the garrison, and added that they had consulted together, and had come to the opinion that they could not hold the town with the old number. Rauf, Earl of Westmoreland, was successor to D'Arcy; John Tyndale was made Chief Gunner, at 6d. a day; and Sir W. Bulmer the younger succeeded Sir Thomas Foster, Marshal of Berwick. Bulmer's father was the Captain, under Surrey, who conducted the burning of Jedburgh, so that the son was trained in a good school! The Marshal's fee was 50 marks by the year, with 24 men in wages.

A question of some importance was discussed in Berwick in 1528. James V. sent a memorial to Henry VIII., and complained that Francis Bothwell (or Borthwick) and Adam Hoppare, merchants, of Edinburgh, were not able to carry salmon and salt-fish to London, to Stributhe (Stourbridge) Fair, and other places as they used to do, because Berwick claimed to be the staple of salt-fish. The same subject occurs in a letter from Magnus, the diplomatist, to Wolsey:

'Since the arrival of the Scots Commissioners [in Berwick, for the purpose of consolidating the peace between the two countries], I have had several conferences with them of the trouble imposed on sundry merchants of Edinburgh and on Adam Ottirburn for carrying salmon to England. This they had long done under the King's safe-conduct, but are now informed against by the poor merchants of Berwick under an old grant, which was never put in force. The merchants of Berwick cannot buy much salmon; and the Scots would rather send it to France or Flanders, on account of the dangers of the harbour.'

Queen Margaret wrote to Henry VIII., requesting him to discharge the arrest made in the Exchequer, at the suit of the town of Berwick, upon certain salmon belonging to Francis Borthwick and Adam Hoppare, merchants, of Edinburgh, and Alexander Kaye, their factor,  whose ships had been arrested for attempting to evade the law. The foolish regulation of making Berwick the place for transhipping goods from England to Scotland, or vice versa, was leading to all this confusion; still, though the destruction of the trade was so seriously threatened, the authorities of Berwick could not think of abolishing the law or abating one tittle of their demands. They even petitioned the King to compel obedience. The trade might be ruined—that they could not help; but they insisted 'that what has been must be'.

The Peace of 1526 was renewed in 1528 for three years more. Angus wrote thus to Henry VIII.: 'The Commissioners met at Berwick on the 8th November, and have appointed to meet there on the 9th prox. for final conclusion of peace. Hope the King will command them to make none, "bot giff my matteris be dressit in the sammyn;" otherwise he and his friends will be utterly destroyed, and will never be able to serve the King; for the peace is desired by Scotland only for his destruction/ Angus had married Queen Margaret, and had quarrelled, and afterwards did everything in his power to annoy Scotland. The Queen was anxious for peace; therefore, it behoved Angus to go against it.

[Angus was now in Scotland. He had been a number of years at Henry's Court; but it no longer suited that King to keep him, and he, in passing north to Scotland, went through Berwick, where he left his young daughter in charge of James Strange ways, who thus reported of his charge. He wrote to Wolsey in 1529 :

'Has received Wolsey's orders that I shall kepe styll with me yn my howys my lade Marg dowhtter to the Erie of Angus, and ferther that I schulde tak good heyd and attendans to be suerye of heyr and zytt thatt she myhtt hawe as mych lybertte and recreacion and rather mor than sche hade. I had so used her before rcceving your orders, for I was warnyd thatt wythowght I towyk good heyd and lukyd surly to hyr sche wolde be stollyn and withdrawyn yn to Scottlande. She was never merrier nor happier than she is now, as she often admits. My Lord of Angus when he first brought her to me desired me to tak her to my hous, and he would content me both for herself and her gentlewoman and such as should wait upon and resort to her. I shewed his grace that as you were her godfather, and he was not provided with a convenient residence for her, I would take her and provide for her until I knew your grace's pleasure. Now I have had her, her gentlewoman, and a man servant, with other of their friends and servants at certain times and for the most part my said lord of Angus her father for 3 months without any cost to him or any of them, and I am ready to accomplish your grace's wishes. For in good faith I neither have nor will have this master,* but only your grace, and by my good I shall never be so long from your grace as I have been.'

This is a very curious incident; no further light is obtainable. But of the young lady herself the story is stirring and eventful. She was the daughter of royalty, and became the mother of kings. Henry VIII. was her uncle, Henry VII. her grandfather. She was the mother of Darnley, the husband of Mary Queen of Scots. One is glad even to think of her now as merry and happy. She had time in after years to grow sad and weary.]

George Lawson, Paymaster, had been gradually increasing in influence. There is a grant to him, in 1530, of the rule and oversight of the King's brewhouses, bakhouses, milles, storehouses, garners, stables, lately repaired and rebuilt in the town of Berwyk and at the Hooly Island, with the romes of three soldiers in the old ordinary retinue of the said town/ each of them to have 4d. a day for wages, of one cooper, one brewer, and one captain to be appointed by Lawson. No sooner did he secure this influence in town than he gained the envy of his neighbours. Sir Thomas Strangewaysf requested the captaincy of Norham: ' If it be objected that an officer should not be captain of both Norham and Berwick, then Richard Chomley was both. Berwick is more secure, in fact, having an officer who can command so many men. He complains that he has been badly used by the Vice-Captain of Berwick. Never was Marshal so treated. Requests that George Lawson—who, he thinks, has been the chief cause of the difficulty—be instructed to pay his whole retinue from the date of his patent. Lawson is at Berwick Receiver, Treasurer, Master of the Ordnance, Letter and Setter of the King's Revenues, Customer, Controller, Bridge Master, Master Carpenter, and Master Mason. Wishes Wolsey knew how these offices are discharged.' If Lawson occupied all these offices, it is pretty certain that some of them must have been neglected.

Positions in Berwick were at present in request. Sir Thomas Clyfford gave 1,000 marks to Ughtred for the goodwill and reversion of his offices; and, more remarkable still, the Earl of Northumberland, who was at this time Warden of the Marches, in 1535, complained of poverty, and petitioned for the Captaincy of Berwick, and offered 1,000 marks for it. Writing to Secretary Cromwell, he says: 'And, good Mr. Secretary, I shall not fail to give you 1,000 merks for the same bringing it to pass. And, good Mr. Secretary, as my trust is in you, do for me now; and our Lord have you in his keeping/ These honourable men were more careful about their salaries than about the duties they had to perform; yet some devised plans for the town's defence, and gave great promises, if their performances were small. Norfolk had some eight or ten plans for fortifying and rebuilding places on the Borders, and for building a citadel in Berwick. He boasted that this town would soon be one of the strongest places in Christendom. Whether this was said for fear of the Scots or for getting money from the people, the writer says not. Perhaps both reasons were right. He had boasted of building citadels, yet Lawson could not get money for necessary repairs. The tower of the White Wall was sore undermined with water. The King's bakehouses, brewhouses, mills, garners, and storehouses, as well on the Nesse and Walles Green in Berwick as within the castle, were much decayed, owing to the late tempestuous weather. Next year the walls were reported as being in a very bad state. Sir Thomas Clyfford, while Captain, thus wrote to the King:

'Has often informed the King of the ruinous state of Berwick. Those sent down will report of toun and castle. When Clyfford was with the King, he left an account of them, but since then the decayes have greatly increased. The time of year is favourable for repairs. Otherwise no defence can be made against an enemy upon "the high of the walls, for the bulwarks are clearly decayed, and the towers and murderers in such case as for danger of falling of the same to the ground there can no ordnance be occupied by the gunners within the most part of them.'

Sir George Lawson in the same year reported:

'There fell a peece of the wall adjoining Percy Tower, and another peece inside one of the towers belonging to the castle. There are various decays. The toun walls towards the haven are sore undermined with water ; the ice this winter has endangered the bridge, which is all of timber, and driven away to the sea many of the fenders and posts of the same.'

The whole town needed repair, and this was no exaggeration, if we may judge from a very minute survey taken about this period, and of which more use will yet be made. The Cawe Mills, at this time, became a source of great trouble. In 1532, they were in Scotch hands ; but, according to Lawson:

'My Lord Warden, Sir Thomas Clifford, Sir Arthur d'Arcy, Sir R. Tempest, with your whole garrisons, both of the 1st 2000 men and of the 1500 men laid on the borders, besieged a pele called Cawe Mylls in Scotland, outside Berwick, which after a long defence yielded, and has been delivered to the keeping of Angus (a renegade Scot). After it came to English hands, Lawson wrote to Cromwell: "The sayde Cawe Mylls might be mayde strong with some expense, for there is a stone quarry near the tower and limestone at hand. There is also on the south side towards Berwick, where hath been a barmikyn now decayed, a dry dyke, which would have to be made deeper, and the barmikyn wall rebuilt of a good thickness and height, with a strong gate and a draw bridge. These Caw Mylls have ever been a den of thieves and a great enemy to the toun of Berwick, often stealing their sheep; so if the King do not approve of repairing them, Lawson thinks they ought to be cast down to the ground, and the stones thrown into the Whittetarre water that runneth into the Tweed under the same Cawe Mylls.'

Magnus, the diplomatist, wrote to Cromwell, July ist, 1533: 'We have not been able to proceed so rapidly in treating for an abstinence with the Commissioners of Scotland, because they will not conclude unless they have a poor thing called Caw-mylls on the ground of Scotland, 2 miles from Berwick.'

Then, on 26th July:

'The Scotts intend to steale Caw Mylls. George Douglas says so. We have written to the Scotch commissioners about it. This truce is to last for 30 days. Cawemylles so uncovered is not able to keep 16 persons. The Scots at all times in such readiness that with the assembling of 5 gentlemen, viz., the Lord Hoome and Alexr. Hoome for the Marse, the Lord Bauclough, Dan Carre of Farniehirst, and Marke Carr for Tevidale, 5000 men may so sodainely be maide without proclamation to assemble at Cawmylls within 24 hours—not to be resisted with the power of Northumberland without aid of the Bishoprick of Durham and other places, and this cannot be done in 4 or 5 days.'

But the Caw Mylles, that had caused so much trouble, were at last given up to the Scots, and the Treaty of 1528 confirmed in 1534.

We have passed over the terrible raid of 1532-33. While the countries were corresponding as to truces and treaties of peace, Henry's officers were waging war upon the Borders as relentlessly as ever. These were undoubtedly undertaken at Henry's instigation. The Governor of Berwick in 1532 reported:

'According to your most dread commandment for me to invade the realm of Scotland, and there to destroy, waste, and burn corn and towns to their most annoyances, he took upon him an enterprise into Tevidale and the Merse. On the nth Dec, at n o'clock, he invaded Scotland with a great host. On the following day he sent two forays, and at daybreak he raised the fire. Dunglass and the Lothians suffered, as well as Raynton, Aldhamstocks, "Cobbirspeth, Conwood, Honwood, 2 Rustayns, Blackhill and Hill End, 2 Atons, and wan the Barmkeyn then." "Seaced 2000 noyte and above 4000 sheep, and above wich all the insight coryn, imply-ments of household estemed to a great somme."' He adds: 'Thankes be to God(?) there is not pele, gentleman's house, nor grange unbrynt and destroyed, and that immediately the day was gone they did come to your Highness's town of Berwick, loved be God, to the great annoyances of your grace's enemies, and to the safety of all your higness subjects. I shall pray that the same act may be accepted to your noble contentation, which hath not been done afore at any time as by the memory of man can be known.' Thus he boasted of having done the greatest deed of any man upon the Borders ; but, sad to say, he was to be outdone, for still more terrific raids took place in the future.

During the few years that followed this raid, not much of importance occurred. Diplomatists were busy trying to work out problems with England and with France, but were not very successful. Neither time nor space will allow us to follow the whole of Henry's reign so closely as we have done this part of it; so, without omitting any fact of importance to our local record, we pass on to 1537, when Sir Thomas ClyfFord was still Captain of Berwick. James of Scotland had been to France for his first wife Magdalen, and had returned again to his country, when Sir Thomas wrote to the English King:

' He hears from his spies that the King of Scots, ever since his return to Scotland, hath " omytted all manner of pastimes or pleasures, and hath exercised himself with vewing, frayminge, and putinge in a rediness his ordenance lying in his Castells of Dunbar, Temp tall one, and very place in these parts of his realme;" and for the last month he has, twice every week, along with a small company, about 12 o'clock at night, come to Dunbar and stayed there two or three days at a time, and hath returned again by night. But he has exercised his cannon that they are all in perfect readiness for a forward movement Now, I have felt myself bound to let your Majesty know how the King doth all in a secret manner, and that he hath left off* all princely pastimes and pleasures; and now, since this town's defences are in extreme ruin and decay, I desire to know your pleasure concerning it. It is likewise in a manner destitute of vitells, gunpowder, and other necessaries defensyve. It is only I am very desirous to ensure the safety of this town that I thus write. It might please your Majesty to let your subjects of Yorkshire, Northumberland, and Durham know that they would be at my call in sudden danger, and should repayr thither for the town's defence.'

But, notwithstanding the alarm of ClyfFord, the Scots made no attempt at this time on Berwick, and matters between the countries did not lead to open war for a few years. Here is a description of Berwick, belonging to this period, which may be read with interest. It is the introductory lines to an old tale called the 'Freirs of Berwick' supposed to have been written by Dunbar the poet, probably about the year 1539:

'As it befell and hapint upon deid,
Upon ane rever the quhilk is callit Tweid;
At Tweidis mouthe thair stands ane nob.,
Toun Quhair mony lords hes bene of grit renoune,
And mony wourthy ladeis fair of face,
Quhair mony fresche lusty galand was.
Into this toune, the quhilk is callit Berwik,
Apon the sey thair standis nane it lyk,
For it is wallit weill about with stane,
And dowbil stankes castin mony ane
And syne the castell is so strong and wicht,
With staitelie towrs, and turrats he on hicht,
With kimalis wrocht craftelie with-all;
The portcullis most subtellie to fall,
Quhen that thame list to draw thame upon hicht,
That it may be into na mannis micht,
To win that hous by craft or subtil tie.
Thairto it is maist fair all uterrlie;
Into my tyme, quhairever I have bein
Most fair, most gudelie, most pleasand to be sene;
The toun, the cast el, and the plesand land,
The sea wallis upon the uther hand,
The grit Croce kirk, and eik the Masondew;
|The freirs of Jacobinis, quhyt of hew,
The Carmelites, Augustins, Minors eik,
The four ordours of freiris war nocht to scik.'

The description is vivid and wonderfully exact. It touches upon the prominent parts, and brings them into full relief. In 1542, unsuccessful marauding expeditions were again made into Scotland. The first took place under Sir Robert Bowes, who was driven back at Haddon Rigg with loss; the second under Norfolk, who penetrated to Kelso and Farnington. Not relishing his work at this time, he withdrew his forces and retreated to Berwick. James V. of Scotland died in this year, shortly after this raid of Norfolk's, and left behind him a daughter, a few hours old, to rule his turbulent kingdom. Henry VIII. had tried long, whether sincerely or not cannot be known, to break off Scotland from the French alliance, and join it in league with England. Now came a chance of accomplishing this. Here was a daughter of the Scotch King, who might be married to his son; so he at once entered on negotiations to carry out this project. Articles were drawn up and preliminaries arranged. She was, on arriving at her twelfth year, to be delivered to commissioners at Berwick, and handed over to Edward, who was to reign after Henry. However, he was baulked in this marriage scheme by French intrigues and by the false dealing of his own friends. Enraged by this disappointment, he issued orders to the Earl of Hertford to burn and ravage Scotland. The years that now follow witnessed fearful inroads, especially 1544-46; and his servants had no choice. Their orders were to put all to fire and sword, to burn Edinburgh town, to raze and deface it when you have sacked and gotten what you can of it, as there may remain for ever perpetual memory of the vengeance of God lighted upon it for their falsehood and disloyalty. Sack Holyrood House, and as many towns and villages about Edinburgh as you conveniently can; sack Leith, and burn and subvert it, and all the rest, putting man, woman, and child to fire and sword, without any exception, when any resistance shall be made against you.' Thus wrote the Christian King, Henry VIII., Defender of the Faith. We shall see what share Berwick had in this disgraceful work. Incursions were now of daily occurrence. Lord Eure, Governor of Berwick; his son, Sir Ralph; and Lord Wharton, Warden of the Middle Marches, were constant leaders of these. Space can only be spared for a few examples:

'18th June, 1549. Sir Geo. Bowes, Sir John Wetherington, my son, Herry Eure, Liell Gray, with the company and garrison men of this town of Barwycke to the number of iijc men, asked a town to be given up in the Merse, and the inhabitants would not give it up, wherupon they made an earnest salt iiij or vj howres to gethir and laid fyer to yt and burnt the Dortor and Cloyster, and all other howses and logyngs, saving the churche only and the steple which wold not bourne, and slew a monke and other ther, and hurt dyvers with bowes and handgonnes and gotte nowght and insight geres. Scots slayne, iiij.

'16th July. Sir Jorge Bowes, Sir Bryant Layton, my son Harry Ewry, John Horsley, and Lyell Gray, etc., with viij** men, rode into Scotland, and on Thursday, the xvii of the same, burnt Dunse, a market town, which was not burnt there many yeres, and gotte baggage and other insight gcre. Naggs xvi Scotts slayne vi, and divers taken.

'24th September. Gower, Ewry, Gray, and garrison of Barwik, etc., cam and mett at a tower on the Marse called Hutton Hall, belonging to the Lord Hwme, seased, burned the Hall, and so cam down the Whittater wher ther is very strange coves in crags and quarrels ; these wan the said coves and slew in tow of them that was holden ix or x men, and toke in the other coves that gave over xii prisoners, whereof divers of them was very sore hurt; and they wan in said coves xvi good horses and naggs; it was thought by the captaynes that if the Scottes had bine well harted it had bene impossible to have won with any invencon, for ther was but passage for one man to come to the dcre at ones, and it was xiiij or xv faldom upright of clife, and iiij faldom overheades of clifc upright; and so they brought away within three days a thousand boules of corne. Prisoners xvi, horse and naggs xvi, Scots slayne x, corn brought m boules.

Further details cannot be given. The same raiding took place all along the Border. The summing-up of the year's work is something fearful, and shows what an amount of suffering must have been endured by that distracted country. The 'Bloody Ledger' of 1544, from July to November, contains 192 small villages, towers, farm offices, parish churches, dwelling-places, burned or destroyed. There were taken 10,186 cattle, 12,492 sheep, and 1,496 nags, geldings, and foals. Next year the Earl of Hertford was the leader of the shameful campaign. During his inroad, which lasted fifteen days, the English burnt 7 monasteries and religious houses, 16 castles and towns, 5 market-towns, 243 villages, 3 mills, and 3 hospitals.

Soldiers were brave enough in those days. They could stand face to face with the enemy as well as now, but they were far more cruel. Such merciless sufferings as were inflicted upon the Borders for the rest of this century have certainly never been equalled, except in the most barbarous countries of any age. Yet reports of them were despatched to Henry VIII., and doers of such deeds exulted in their performances, and thanked God that they were able to be so merciless!

It does not come within our purpose to detail Hertford's campaign of 1544, when he landed at Leith, and sacked Edinburgh and Leith, and places adjacent. He returned by Dunbar to Berwick, and thence to London. We cannot, however, pass from the campaign of 1545 without a slight divergence. Eure and Laiton had performed their dastardly work so satisfactorily to King Henry that they were despatched on similar errands in 1545, with the promise that they were to possess the lands they subdued. Angus, understanding that they would again attack Teviotdale, where a great part of his lands lay, threatened to write their seisin of the land in blood. Notwithstanding the threat, they attacked this harassed district once more, and at first were most successful. But Angus, f pursuing them southwards, came up with them at Ancrum Moor, and after a hotly contested fight the English were driven back, their leaders, Sir Ralph Eure and Sir Brian Latoun, being left dead on the battle-field. J Thus ended the career of two of Scotland's bitterest foes—generals who gloated over the havoc they wrought upon the Borders.

This was the only great exploit of the Scots in these two years ; but, in 1546, strengthened by a French contingent, they tried to measure swords with the English on their own ground. Their first raid was upon Horncliff. The Earls of Home and Bothwell, and the Abbots of Dryburgh and Jedburgh, with certain companies of Frenchmen in the service of Scotland, amounting to about 3,000 men, made an incursion into Northumberland, and having burned HornclifF on the Tweed, were destroying Thornton and Shoreswood, when the garrison of Norham sallied forth, and drove them back to New Water Ford, where 200 of the Scots were drowned or killed, and 60 made prisoners. This affray, although exhibiting the courage of the Scots, certainly did not terminate to their honour.

We must return for a moment to 1544. Sir Robert Bowes and Sir Ralph Ellerker, knights, were appointed a Commission to survey the Borders, and report on all the places of strength. As far as it relates to Berwick, we have as follows:

'First, we, the said commissioners named in the said commission hereunto annexed for the performance and accomplishment of the Kings majesties most gracyous pleasure and comandment unto us prescrybedin the seconde branche or artykle of the commission aforesaid, repaired and come to his Majesties Town of Berwick upon Tweed, the 8th day of October the yere aforesaid, when we vewed and did see as well the Castell as the Town and all the great and sumptuous works and buyldings, as well such as beene already performed and done as those that bene decayed and in doyinge are intended to be done to the defense of the same.

'The description whereof we omytte and forbeare, because the said castell and town haith bene of late sondrye tymes vewed, descrybed, and sett forthe in picture and plate by men of high and notable consyderacons and experyence in such devyses, the whiche we doubte not hawe made thereof a true and plaine declaration and repute unto the Kynges Majesty much more ingenyouslie and discretely then our simple wittes (lackinge of such things experyence) can conceyve or declare. The felds or terrytorye of Barwycke aforesaid, comonly called the Barwycke bounds, are envyrouned and devyded from Scotland by a notoryouse Bounder called the Bound rode, which ys ofte tymes perambulate and rydden about by the garryson and inhabitants of the said castell and town of Barwycke at the commandment of the captain of the same, by reason whereof the said metas and bounds be so notoryously known that no dyfference or controversye aryseth upon the occupacon thereof in tyme of peace, and thereyn is no waste grounde but that ys all occupied as haye ground or pasture by the captaine, the souldeyors, and other the inhabytants of the said Castell and Town of Barwycke with their horses and other their shepe and catalle.

'At Twedmouth upon the Sou the syde of the ryver of Twede for anenst Berwick there ys two lyttel towers in reasonable good reparacons; the one belongeth to the hospytal of Kepeyr within the Byshopprycke of Dureysme; the inheritor of the other is not named.'

The whole survey closes in naming the fords of the Tweed. Within the bounds of Berwick these were:

'1st. The lowest forde over the said water next the sea entre into the said ryver in the South Syde of the same for anenst the Church of Tvedmouth, and goeth right for against the water gate of Barwycke (the quay port) to Barwyke shore northwarde.

'2nd. The next passage is over at Barwycke Brigge, which is ever suerly kept and garded that none shall pass over that waye but at the pleasure and sufferance of the Captayne and Porters of the said Toune of Barwyck.

'3rd. A lyttle above that there ys a forde called Barwycke Streames, streachyng over the said ryver a lytel above the Castell.

'4th. And the furde above that ys called South Yare, going from the feldes of Urde into the Castell fielde of Barwyke, and now the same ys devyded in two furdes.

'5th. The Nether Bells above Whytteter mouth.

'6th. Yare Forde, towards the feld of Pakeston on North Side, and enters in at Ureclyffe (HornclifF) on the South Side, etc., etc.'

This account of Berwick is interesting, for it is from an eye-witness. The description of the Fords of the Tweed shows that the course of the water has scarcely changed, and that the shallows have mostly maintained their positions for over 300 years.

Henry VIII. died in January, 1547, and with him died a most bitter enemy to the Scots. With more truth than in the case of Edward I. could this King be called 'Malleus Scottorum' The wars of the latter were all underhand and cunningly devised. His officers were let loose on predatory and slaughtering expeditions. He simply kept pounding at the nation till life was almost pounded out of it. This kind of warfare had a terribly degenerating effect upon the people. The cruelties done upon the Borders were past all belief. Prisoners of war were not held sacred. If the Scots caught an Englishman, they killed him, and treated him with every species of barbarity. Like wild savages, they wrenched pieces of flesh from his body, and waved them overhead on their spear-points. John Brend, Muster Master in 1548, wrote of the garrison of Berwick and of its inhabitants, There is better order among the Tartars than in this town; no man can have anything unstolen; none but Scots can be harboured but by force: the price of victuals is excessive. Nothing more could be expected of such a garrison. Every night it was raiding into Scotland—burning, robbing, slaying, and gratifying the lust of its right worshipful King. It is melancholy to think that, even with this King's death, this terrible work did not cease, but was carried on for at least another fifty years.