After these dangerous
conflicts had terminated, Duncan made his eldest son, Malcolm, Prince of
Cumberland, by which he designated him heir to the Scottish throne. This
appointment, however, was anything but pleasing to Macbeth. Here the reader
will remember the predictions of the weird sisters, which form a very
important fact in the strange history of the period. But Macbeth had enough
to incite him in his ambitious career independently of witch or prophetess.
By the Tanist law of succession, common to the Celts of Scotland as well as
Ireland, Macbeth, who was the cousin-german of Duncan, should have succeeded
to the government on the death of the latter, should his son be still a
minor; but Duncan, by this movement in favour of young Malcolm, set aside
the Tanist law, which had been the general rule of Scotland, and precluded
Macbeth from all hope of being king. To be requited for his public services
by exclusion from his inheritance, was too much for such an ambitious
spirit, while the only chance of remedy was the possible death of Duncan,
before Malcolm was old enough to be his father’s successor. We know how such
a prospect has paved the way to a throne in every nation, whether barbarous
or civilized. Duncan was assassinated. This foul deed of Macbeth, however,
was not committed under trust, and in his own castle, as Shakspeare, for the
purposes of poetry, has represented; but at Bothgowan (or the Smith’s
Dwelling), near Elgin, by an ambuscade appointed for the deed. This event is
said to have occurred A.D. 1039. Macbeth immediately placed upon his own
head the crown which he had so violently snatched, while the two sons of
Duncan fled, Malcolm, the elder, to Siward, Earl of Northumberland, his
mother’s brother, and Donald, the younger, to his father’s kindred in the
Hebrides.
The commencement of the reign
of Macbeth, like that of many usurpers, was one of conciliation. He won over
the powerful by donations of crown lands, and the common people by a
vigorous administration of justice, through which their safety was secured
and their industry encouraged. He also made several excellent laws; and if
those attributed to him by Boece are to be relied on, they give a curious
picture of the times, and the condition of Scotland. They begin with the
rights of churchmen, in this manner: "He that is in orders shall not answer
before a secular judge, but shall be remitted to his judge ordinary." Then
comes the royal authority: "No man shall possess lands, rents, offices, or
buildings, by any other authority than by the king’s license." Following the
heels of lord or laird, that vice of Scotsmen during the feudal ages, found
no favour in the eyes of Macbeth, for he thus enacted: "He that follows a
man to the kirk or market shall be punished to the death, unless he lives by
his industry whom he follows." But the most terrible of all is the following
sharp statute: "Fools, minstrels, bards, and all other such idle people,
unless they be specially licensed by the king, shall be compelled to seek
some craft to win their living: if they refuse, they shall be yoked like
horses in the plough and harrows." All this was well; but either fearing the
nobles whose power he so vigorously curbed, or being naturally of a cruel
disposition, Macbeth began to oppress them with such severity that revolts
in favour of Malcolm, whom they regarded as the true heir, ensued, which,
however, were easily suppressed. At last, after a reign of ten years, during
which he daily became more unpopular, his cruel conduct to Macduff, Thane of
Fife, procured his downfall. The latter fled to Northumberland, where young
Malcolm was sheltered, and besought him to march against the tyrant, whose
doom he represented as certain; but Malcolm, who had been previously tried
in a similar manner by the emissaries of Macbeth, and who had learned to
suspect such invitations, is said by our historians to have made those
objections to Macduff’s appeal which Shakspeare has little more than
versified in his immortal tragedy. Truth and patriotism finally prevailed
over the doubts of Malcolm; and aided by an English force from Siward, the
prince and thane entered Scotland, where they were joined by the vassals of
Macduff, and a whole army of malcontents. Even yet, however, Macbeth was not
without his supporters, so that the contest was protracted for a
considerable period, Macbeth retiring for that purpose into the fastnesses
of the north, and especially his strong castle of Dunsinane. At length,
deserted by most of his followers, he intrenched himself in a fort built in
an obscure valley at Lunfannan, in Aberdeenshire. Here Boece records, with
his wonted gravity, all the marvels that accompanied the dying struggle of
the tyrant as facts of unquestionable veracity. Leaving these, however, to
histrionic representation, it is enough to state that Macbeth fell by the
hand, it is generally supposed, of Macduff, who had personal injuries to
revenge, and who, like a true Celt, was prompt enough to remember them.
Instead of claiming from the grateful Malcolm what rewards he pleased in
lands, titles, and pre-eminence, the thane of Fife contented himself with
stipulating that himself and his successors, the lords of Fife, should have
the right of placing the Scottish kings upon the throne at their coronation;
that they should lead the van of the Scottish armies when the royal banner
was displayed; and that if he or any of his kindred committed "slaughter of
suddenty," the deed should be remitted for a pecuniary atonement. Malcolm’s
next duty, immediately after his accession, was to replace those families
that had been deprived of land or office through the injustice of Macbeth.
It is also added, that he caused his nobles to assume surnames from the
lands they possessed, and introduced new titles of honour among them, such
as those of Earl, Baron, and Knight, by which they are henceforth
distinguished in the histories of Scotland.
By these changes Malcolm
Canmore became king of Scotland without a rival, for although Macbeth left a
step-son, called Lulach (or the Fool), his opposition did not occasion much
apprehension. A greater subject of anxiety was the consolidation of that
strange disjointed kingdom over which he was called to rule, and here
Canmore was met by difficulties such as few sovereigns have encountered. A
single glance at the condition of the country will sufficiently explain the
severe probation with which his great abilities were tried.
Scotland had originally
consisted of the two states of Pictland and Albin, comprised within the
limits of the Forth and the Clyde, while all beyond these rivers formed part
of England. The troubles, however, of the latter country, at first from the
wars of the heptarchy, and afterwards the Danish invasions, enabled the
Scots to push the limits of their barren inheritance into the fertile
districts of the south, and annex to their dominion the kingdom of
Strathclyde, which comprised Clydesdale, Peebles-shire, Selkirkshire, and
the upper parts of Roxburghshire. The conquest of this important territory
was accomplished by Kenneth III., about one hundred years before the
accession of Malcolm Canmore. In addition to this, the district of Cumbria
had been ceded by Edmund I., the English king, in 946, to Malcolm I. of
Scotland. Thus Malcolm Canmore succeeded to the kingdom when it was composed
of the three states of Albin, Pictland, and Strathclyde. But besides these
there was a fourth territory, called Lodonia or Lothian, which at one period
appears to have formed part of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Northumbria, but
had been partially conquered by the Picts in 685; and as it lay between the
two countries, it had formed, from the above-mentioned period, a bone of
contention between the English and the Scots until A.D. 1020, or
about thirty-seven years before Malcolm Canmore’s accession, when it was
finally ceded by Eadulf, Earl of Northumberland, to Malcolm II., the
great-grandfather of Canmore.
Thus the sovereignty of
Scotland at this time, barren though it was, consisted of four separate
kingdoms, all the fruits of successive conquests, and as yet not fully
incorporated, or even properly united; and each was at any time ready either
to resume an independent national existence of its own, or commence a war of
conquest or extirpation against the others. And for such an explosion there
was abundance of fierce materials in the population by which the country was
occupied. For there were first the Caledonians or Picts, the earliest
occupants of the land, who had successfully resisted the Roman invaders;
after these were the Scoti or Irish, from Ulster, who had entered Scotland
about the middle of the third century; and lastly, the Saxons, of different
race, language, and character from the others, who, though originally
conquered by the Scots and Picts, already bade fair to become the conquerors
of both in turn. But besides these there was a large infusion of a Danish
population, not only from the annexation of Strathclyde, but the invasions
of the Danes by sea, so that many of the northern islands, and a portion of
the Scottish coast, were peopled by the immediate descendants of these
enterprising rovers. Turning to another part of the kingdom, we find a still
different people, called the "wild Scots of Galloway," who had emigrated
from the opposite coast ol Ireland, and occupied Galloway and part of
Ayrshire, along with the wildest of the Pictish population among whom they
had thus won a footing. Here, then, we have a strange medley of Caledonians,
Cymbrians, Celts, Anglo-Saxons, and Danes, men of different race and
language, and of rival interests, all thrust into one sterile country, to
contend not merely for empty glory, but absolute subsistence. And by whom
was the scanty loaf to be finally won?— but the loaf had first to be
created from a flinty soil, that had hitherto produced nothing but thistles;
and of all these races, the Anglo-Saxon, by its skill, industry, and
perseverance, showed itself the best adapted for the purpose. On the
accession of Malcolm Canmore, it was evidently necessary that he should
identify himself with some one of these rival parties; and had he followed a
short-sighted or selfish policy, he would have placed himself at the head of
the Celtic interest, not only as it was still predominant, but also as he
was the lineal descendant and representative of Kenneth Macalpine, the
founder of the Scoto-Irish dynasty. But he was the son of an Anglo-Saxon
mother; he had resided in England for fifteen years; and he had been finally
established in his rights chiefly by Anglo-Saxon auxiliaries, in spite of
the Tanist law of succession, which had favoured the usurpation of Macbeth.
Besides, his long stay in England must have convinced him of the superiority
of the Anglo-Saxons in civilization, industry, and the arts of life, as well
as aptitude for order and a settled government. He therefore adopted the
chance of becoming a Saxon king, rather than the certainty of being a Celtic
chief of chieftains; and the result showed the wisdom of his choice. He was
thenceforth the Alfred of his country; and the Scots under his rule became a
nation and a people, instead of a heap of tribes and chieftainries.
During the first nine years
of Canmore’s reign, England was governed by Edward the Confessor, who was
more intent on building churches than making conquests, and thus a friendly
relationship was maintained between the two countries, which allowed the
Scottish king to consolidate his dominions. On the death of the Confessor,
and accession of Harold, the latter king was soon occupied with a civil war,
at the head of which was his own brother, Tostig, whom he had made Earl of
Northumberland. At this period, indeed, there was some danger of Malcolm
being drawn into a dangerous war with England; for while there, he had
formed an acquaintanceship with Tostig, whom, according to an old English
chronicler, he loved as a brother, so that when the Northumbrian earl fled
after his first unsuccessful attempt, he betook himself for shelter to the
Scottish court, and endeavoured to stir up its king to an English invasion.
But Malcolm had too much good sense, or too much right feeling, to be
allured by such a tempting opportunity where two brothers were at deadly
variance. Disappointed in Scotland, Tostig obtained an ally in Hardrada,
king of Norway, with whom he invaded England; but in the battle of Stamford
Bridge, their forces were completely defeated, and both king and earl were
left among the slain.
Events soon followed that
made the continuance of peace between the two kingdoms impossible. The
veering of the same wind that had brought Hardrada from Norway, wafted
William the Conqueror from Normandy to England; and Harold, weakened by the
victory at Stamford Bridge, fell, with all the flower of his military array,
at the terrible battle of Hastings. William was now king of England, and
Scotland became not only a place of refuge to Saxon fugitives, but a mark
for Norman ambition and revenge. Among those who thus fled to the Scottish
court, was Edgar Atheling, nearest of kin to Edward the Confessor, and chief
claimant to the throne of England, with his mother Agatha, widow of Edmund
Ironside, and his sisters Margaret and Christina. On reaching Dunfermline,
the royal seat of the Scottish king, they found many of the English nobles,
who had preceded them, while from Malcolm they experienced that full
hospitality which he had himself enjoyed in England. Of the two sisters of
Edgar, Margaret, who was young and beautiful, captivated the heart of her
royal host, and a marriage quickly followed. Seldom has a marriage union
been fraught with such advantages to a nation as that of the king of
Scotland with this descendant of the noble line of Alfred, for Margaret was
not only gentle, affectionate, and pious, but learned and accomplished
beyond the people of her new country, and anxious to introduce among them
the civilization of England. Her labours in this way form a beautiful
episode in the history of the period, and have been fully detailed by her
biographer, Turgot, who was also her chaplain and confessor. Her first care
was the improvement of her husband, whose vigorous mind she enlightened, and
whose fierce spirit she soothed by the wisdom and gentleness of her
counsels. The effect of this upon Malcolm was such, that though unable to
read her missals and books of devotion, he was wont to kiss them in token of
reverence, and he caused them to be richly bound, and ornamented with gold
and jewels. On arriving in Scotland, Margaret, as a Christian according to
the Romish Church, was grieved to find the Eastern form predominant, which
she had been taught to regard as heresy, and not long after she became
queen, she set herself in good earnest to discountenance and refute it—for
hers was not a mind to comprehend the uses of persecution in achieving the
conversion of misbelievers. She invited the Culdee clergy to a debate, in
which the chief subject was the proper season for the celebration of
Lent—the great theological question of the day between the Eastern and
Western churches; and as she was unacquainted with the language of these
Culdees, Malcolm, who spoke the Celtic as well as the Saxon tongue, attended
as her interpreter. This strange controversy lasted three days, and on this
occasion, says Turgot, "she seemed another St. Helena, out of the Scriptures
convincing the Jews." The temporal concerns of her husband’s subjects were
also taken into account, and she invited merchants from various countries,
who now for the first time pursued their traffic in Scotland. Their wares
chiefly consisted of ornaments and rich clothing, such as had never been
seen there before; and when the people, at her persuasion, put them on, he
informs us they might almost be believed to have become new beings, they
appeared so gay and comely. Who does not see in this, the commencement of an
industrial spirit—the first great step of a people from barbarism to
civilization? Her influence was also shown in the royal household, the rude
coarseness of which was exchanged for a numerous retinue, and orderly
dignified ceremonial, so that when Malcolm appeared in public, it was with a
train that commanded respect. Not only his attendants, but his banquets were
distinguished by the same regal splendour, for Turgot informs us that
Margaret caused him to be served at table from vessels of gold and silver
plate; but suddenly checking himself, he adds, "at least they were gilt or
silvered over."
From this pleasing picture we
must now turn to the stormy career of Malcolm Canmore. The arrival of Edgar
Atheling was followed by a fresh immigration of Saxons, and soon after of
Normans, whom William had either disgusted by his tyranny or defrauded of
their wages, while Malcolm, who needed such subjects, received them with
welcome, and gave them broad lands; and from these refugees the chief
nobility of Scotland were afterwards descended. The latter country became of
course very closely connected with the struggles of the English against the
Norman ascendency, while Malcolm by his marriage was bound to support the
pretensions of his brother-in-law to the crown of England. But Edgar was no
match for William, and, in an attempt that he made in Northumberland and
Yorkshire with the aid of a Danish armament, he was so effectually defeated,
that he was obliged a second time to flee to Scotland. How Malcolm, who was
considered as the head of this coalition, failed to invade England when his
aid was most expected, does not clearly appear, but he thereby escaped the
evils of an ill-concerted and most disastrous enterprise. Two years after
(in 1070) he crossed the border with an army, but found the northern
counties so wasted by the previous war, that after a hasty incursion into
Northumberland and Yorkshire, he was obliged to retreat. But brief as this
inroad was, and unaccompanied with battle, it was not without its share of
the horrors of war, for Malcolm commanded his soldiers to spare only the
young men and women, who accordingly were carried into Scotland, and there
sold as slaves. So great was the number of these unhappy captives, that
according to Simeon of Durham, there was not a village, and scarcely even a
hovel in Scotland without them. And yet those English who escaped the
visitation, in many cases seem to have envied their fate, for such was the
general desolation which their own Norman sovereign had inflicted, that they
repaired in crowds to Scotland, and sold themselves into slavery, to avoid
certain death from famine or the sword.
Had William the Conqueror not
been otherwise occupied, a swift retaliation would have been certain; but
from the dangerous revolts of the English, he found no leisure for the
purpose till 1072, when he entered Scotland with such an army as the
undisciplined forces of Malcolm were unable to meet. The whole of the Norman
cavalry, in which William’s principal strength consisted, and every foot
soldier that could be spared from garrison, were mustered for the purpose,
while his advance on land was supported by a fleet that sailed along the
coast. He marched as far as the Tay, the Scots giving way as he approached;
but in their retreat they laid waste the country in the hope of driving him
back by famine. In this way, Malcolm Canmore anticipated the wise plan of
defence that was afterwards so successfully adopted by Bruce and Wallace. He
also refused to deliver up those English and Norman nobles who had fled to
him for protection. At last, William, finding "nothing of that which to him
the better was"—nothing in the shape of booty or even of subsistence, was
obliged to abandon his purposes of a complete conquest of Scotland, and
content himself with terms of agreement. These, which were ratified between
him and Malcolm at Abernethy, consisted in the latter giving hostages, and
doing homage to William, as his liege lord. But for what was this homage
rendered? Not for Scotland certainly, the greater part of which was still
untouched, and which William would soon be obliged to leave from sheer
hunger. It appears that this homage was merely for the lands of Cumberland
and part of the Lothians, which Scotland had formerly held of the English
crown, but which feudal acknowledgment Canmore had withheld, as not judging
the Norman to be the lawful king of England. Now, however, he prudently
yielded it, thus recognizing William as the English sovereign de facto
at least, if not de jure; and with this concession the latter
seems to have been satisfied, for he returned to England without any further
attempt. And this homage, as is well known, implied neither inferiority nor
degradation, for even the most powerful sovereigns were wont to give such
acknowledgment, for the dukedoms or counties they might hold in other
kingdoms. In this way, the kings of England themselves were vassals to the
French crown for their possessions which they held in France. At the utmost,
Malcolm did nothing more than abandon the claims of Edgar Atheling, which
experience must have now taught him were scarcely worth defending. Edgar
indeed was of the same opinion, for soon after he abandoned all his claims
to the crown of England, and was contented to become the humble pensionary
of the Norman conqueror.
A peace that lasted a few
years between England and Scotland ensued, during which, although little is
heard of Malcolm Canmore, it is evident from the progress of improvement in
his kingdom, that he was by no means idle. Scotland was more and more
becoming Anglo-Saxon instead of Celtic or Danish, while the plentiful
immigrations that continued to flow from England filled up the half-peopled
districts, enriched the barren soil with the agriculture of the south, and
diffused the spirit of a higher civilization. The superiority of these
exiles was quickly manifested in the fact, that they laid the foundations of
those great families by whom Scotland was afterwards ruled, and by whom the
wars of Scottish independence were so gallantly maintained. Malcolm, too,
their wise and generous protector, was able to appreciate their worth, for
he appears to have been as chivalrous as any man of the day, whether Norman
or Saxon. Of this he on one occasion gave a signal proof. Having learned
that one of his nobles had plotted to assassinate him, he concealed his
knowledge of the design, and in the midst of a hunt led the traitor into the
forest, beyond the reach of interruption. There dismounting, and drawing his
sword, he warned the other that he was aware of his purpose, and invited him
to settle the contest, man to man, in single combat, now that there was no
one at hand to prevent or arrest him. Conquered by such unexpected
magnanimity, the man fell at the feet of Malcolm, and implored forgiveness,
which was readily granted. This generosity was not thrown away, for the
noble was converted from an enemy and traitor into a faithful and
affectionate servant.
Peace continued between
England and Scotland during the rest of the Conqueror’s reign; but in that
of William Rufus, the national rancour was revived. An invasion of England
was the consequence, while Rufus was absent in Normandy; but the English
nobility, who governed during his absence, offered such a stout resistance,
that the invaders retreated. On the return of Rufus, he endeavoured to
retaliate by a counter-invasion both by land and sea; but his ships were
destroyed before they arrived off the Scottish coast, and the army on
reaching a river called Scotte Uatra (supposed to be Scotswater),
found Malcolm ready for the encounter. Here a battle was prevented by the
interposition of mutual friends, and the discretion of the Scottish
sovereign. "King Malcolm," thus the Saxon Chronicle states, "came to our
king, and became his man, promising all such obedience as he formerly
rendered to his father; and that he confirmed with an oath. And the king,
William, promised him inland and in all things, whatever he formerly had
under his father." In this way the storm was dissipated, and matters placed
on their former footing; but thus they did not long continue. On returning
from Scotland, Rufus was struck with the admirable position of Carlisle, and
its fitness to be a frontier barrier against future invasions from Scotland;
upon which he took possession of the district without ceremony, drove out
its feudal lord, and proceeded to lay the foundations of a strong castle,
and plant an English colony in the town and neighbourhood. It was now
Malcolm’s turn to interpose. Independently of his kingdom being thus
bridled, Carlisle and the whole of Cumberland had for a long period belonged
to the elder son of the Scottish kings, and was one of the most valuable of
their possessions on the English side of the Tweed. War was about to
commence afresh, when Malcolm was invited to Gloucester, where the English
king was holding his court, that the affair might be settled by negotiation;
but thither he refused to go, until he had obtained hostages for his safe
return—a sure proof that he was an independent king of Scotland, and not a
mere vassal of the English crown. His claims were recognized, and the
hostages granted; but on arriving at Gloucester, he was required to
acknowledge the superiority of England by submitting to the decision of its
barons assembled in court. It was an arrogant and unjust demand, and as such
he treated it. He declared that the Scottish kings had never been accustomed
to make satisfaction to the kings of England for injuries complained of,
except on the frontiers of the two kingdoms, and by the judgment of the
barons of both collectively; and after this refusal he hurried home, and
prepared for instant war.
That war was not only brief,
but most disastrous to Scotland. At the head of an army composed of
different races not yet accustomed to act in concert, Malcolm crossed the
border, and laid siege to Alnwick. While thus occupied, he was unexpectedly
attacked by a strong English and Norman force, on November 13, 1093. His
troops, taken by surprise, appear to have made a very short resistance, and
Malcolm himself, while attempting to rally them, was slain in the confusion
of the conflict. With him also perished his eldest son, Edward, who fell
fighting by his side.
While an event so mournful to
Scotland was occurring before the walls of Alnwick, another was about to
take place within the castle of Edinburgh. There Queen Margaret, the beloved
of the kingdom, lay dying. She had already received the viaticum, and was
uttering her last prayer, before her eyes should be closed in death, when
her son Edgar, who had escaped from the battle, entered the apartment, and
stood before her. She hastily asked, "How fares it with the king and my
Edward?" The youth could not speak. Eagerly perusing his face with her
looks, "I know all," she exclaimed, "I know all; by this holy cross, and by
your filial love, I adjure you to tell me the truth." He told her that
husband and son had fallen. She raised her eyes to heaven, and said, "Praise
and blessing be to thee, Almighty God, that thou hast enabled me to endure
such bitter anguish in the hour of my departure, thereby purifying me, as I
trust, from the corruption of my sins. And thou, Lord Jesus Christ, who,
through the will of the Father, hast given life to the world by thy death, o
deliver me!" Instantly after she was dead. To this a touching legend has
been added. After being canonized by the church, her relics were to be
removed from their grave to a more honourable tomb; but it was found
impossible to lift the body until that of her husband had been removed also.
It is to be regretted that
for the biography of such a man as Malcolm Canmore, the particulars are so
few, so obscure, and, in several cases, so contradictory. His life, however,
is chiefly to be read not in particular incidents, but in its great national
results. If Bruce was the liberator, and Knox the reformer of Scotland,
Canmore was its founder; and should a future age expand the few pillars upon
the Calton Hill into a National Monument, these three illustrious men would
undoubtedly be selected as the impersonations of Scottish character, and the
sources of Scottish history.