THE experiences of civil servants at this epoch in
Indian annals were novel and tragic. Some district officers were
slain at their posts. Others remained at their several Stations as
long as there was the least hope that the Treasury would not be
plundered and the convicts would not be released from jail. It was
Grant’s duty to take up a position on the very border line between
administration and anarchy. On one side river communication with the
Presidency was never interrupted, and with now and then an
exception, the Grand Trunk Road to the Lower Provinces was clear. On
the other, it was not safe to go two miles into the interior. To say
that the Lieutenant-Governor of the Central Provinces was, at any
time, in a perilous position resembling that of the Commissioners of
Rohilkhand and of Meerut, would be an exaggeration. Still it will
probably be admitted, that to live, for four months, in a city
inhabited by 300,000 Hindus, liable to outbursts of religious
fanaticism and to the contagion of evil example, was to encounter a
certain risk. Grant’s letters, public and private, as I have said,
sufficiently indicate what might have been done in the way of
disturbance by a Sepoy General of “light and leading.” The
Lieutenant-Governor and his small staff were not exactly sheathed in
armour. They did not lay down to rest in their corslets, nor did
they carve their meat in gloves of steel; but they had to be
prepared for emergencies and dangers, and their revolvers lay ready
when they took that evening drive with which the Anglo-Indian
Administrator, in cold, hot, or rainy season, almost invariably ends
his exhausting day’s task. Grant left Allahabad, having done much to
restore order, to revive the loyalty of the wavering, and to provide
for the necessities of the relieving force, while in his relations
with military chiefs he never for a moment laid himself open to the
sarcastic reproof administered by the Carthaginian General to the
Greek pedant who lectured him on the art of war.
When Grant resumed his seat in Council in Calcutta,
in the hot weather of 1858, the neck of the Mutiny, to use the
common phrase of that day, had been broken by the final conquest of
Lucknow. The aspect of affairs was not afterwards materially altered
even by the mutiny of the Gwalior troops in the middle of the year.
It is quite true that this unexpected revolt caused more trouble and
anxiety, but it is quite a mistake to suppose that it again shook
the Indian Empire to its foundation, or caused any one in India to
entertain a doubt of our final success. In May of this year Grant,
at Calcutta, was, however, troubled by the proximity of Barrackpore
and its disarmed Sepoys, by an uneasy feeling prevalent in Calcutta
and the metropolitan districts, by reports of diverse new intrigues
and conspiracies and of arms hidden in Bengal villages, ostensibly
quiet and well disposed, and by a not unnatural fear that native
confidence in our ultimate triumph might not be proof against a
prolonged suspense and the hope delayed which, proverbially, makes
the heart sick. Thus Grant was in constant correspondence with Sir
John Hearsey, commanding the Presidency Division; with Mr H. D.
Hamilton-Fergusson, the able Magistrate of the important district
comprising the Calcutta suburbs and Barrackpore; and with Colonel
Orfeur Cavanagh, who, under the old and curious designation of Town
Major, was really the highest military authority inside the Fort. It
should be remembered that, for many years, the Governor-General of
India was also Governor of Fort-William, and the Town Major who
lived there as his Deputy, was not in any way under the orders of
the Commander-in-Chief. All this is altered now. During this year,
moreover, the large, populous, districts in Central and Lower Bengal
were alarmed by a report that originated, no one knew where, and
spread widely, no one could say how, to the effect that in “three
months’ time one white thing would no longer be seen.” To what the
rumour pointed no one could be sure. Divers interpretations were
given. Some said it meant “flour,” others that it pointed to “bones”
or "salt,” but the most probable interpretation was that it referred
to the white faces of the Sahibs, who were doomed to disappear. In
all likelihood, as far as could be made out, the report was
designedly started in Behar and sent on to Lower Bengal in order to
annoy the authorities, to perplex the well-disposed, and to prepare
the way for disorganisation, disaster, and general “ loot” However,
no untoward event occurred. After a timely exhibition of vigour on
the part of the executive and judicial authorities of the populous
and important district of Jessore, the rumour died away, and nothing
more was heard about any “white thing.” Two sedition-mongers were
sentenced to transportation; the loyal Zamindars were reassured; the
English planters scattered over the district at a distance from each
other, felt secure; and the year passed without any fresh outbreak.
If there ever had been any danger of a disturbance at the
Presidency, nothing of the kind took place. Grant, in a letter to
the Viceroy, while assuring him that there was no present likelihood
of an interruption to the peace of the capital, added “that no man
would dare to say that such a thing was impossible anywhere,” and
that “a street tumult in Calcutta would do more to shake the Empire
than the loss of a battle in Oudh.” Fortunately, under the
administration of Sir Frederick Halliday, the experienced
Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, not a shot was fired in defence or
attack in that province. |