Thus we see that the precursors of Knox during the
first period of the Scottish Reformation, when the foremost question
was the separation from Rome, turned to Wittenberg and Luther, whilst
in the second period, when the new ideas were to be embodied into a
sharply defined doctrine and system of Church government, the Scottish
theologians flocked to Geneva and Calvin. Wishart was the first of
these. He was followed by John Knox.
The connection of the latter with Germany is, though
slight, not without interest or importance. It was in the year 1554 that
the call reached him at Geneva to be one of the preachers of the
English-Scottish Congregation of refugees at Frankfurt-on-the-Main. Driven
out of England during the persecution of Bloody Mary, they had settled in
this city and obtained permission to worship in the same church with the
exiled Walloons and French, provided a common form of divine service could
be arrived at. After a good deal of bickering, the English Prayer-Book in
a modified form had obtained the sanction of Knox and Calvin. The new
order of worship was provisionally adopted for one year; differences of
opinion during that time were to be decided by Calvin and Bullinger. All
went well, until the year 1555 when a certain Dr Cox, afterwards Bishop of
Ely, arrived at Frankfurt. He at once commenced a quarrel about the
liturgy; grave breaches of decorum occurred during service, and Knox saw
himself obliged to rebuke his adversary sharply. Apparently he gained his
purpose; the conditional permission to use the church may have prevented
the opposite party from open rupture. But in secret they agitated and
continued to agitate against the new preacher. Cox even went so far as to
inform the Magistrates that in Knox’s Admonition to the true Professors
of the Gospel, there occurred a passage in which the German Emperor
was compared with Nero. Thereupon the senate, being afraid the Emperor,
who was then at Augsburg, might issue an order to surrender Knox, banished
him from the city. It was on the 26th of March 1555,
that the Scottish reformer, accompanied
for some miles by a number of friends, proceeded on his return journey to
Geneva. On the previous night, before an audience of some fifty people, he
had preached a powerful sermon in his own lodgings on the death and the
resurrection of Christ and the blessed reward of believers after the
tribulations and persecutions of this world. In the whole affair he had
acted with rare moderation, and Calvin in a letter to Cox complains of the
rough and arbitrary treatment of his friend.
Before we complete our account of the Scottish
Reformers in Germany by giving a short sketch of the brothers Wedderburn,
who by their spiritual songs and psalms contributed so much to the
popularising of the new doctrine, a word or two must be said about John
Willock, a friend and companion of Knox. He had fled from London to Emden
in Friesland in 1553, the disastrous year of the English Mary’s accession.
Here he practised the art of medicine, in which he was an adept, and
having recommended himself to Anna, the energetic ruler of the duchy by
his skill and discretion, he was sent twice to Scotland by her on
diplomatic business, to congratulate the queen on her accession and to
promote better commercial facilities between the two countries. After 1558
he supplied the place of Knox in Edinburgh, became moderator of the
General Assembly in 1563, and died in 1585.
John Wedderburn was
descended from an old family of merchants at Dundee, where he was born in
1500. Early already he showed an inclination towards the new teaching,
which was still further strengthened by the influence of John Major at St
Andrews, and by the cruel death of Hamilton. He evaded persecution by
timely flight in 1539 or 1540, and turned his feet, like so many of his
friends, towards Wittenberg, "the city of the prophets." The name of "Joannes
Scotus," entered in the University album between those of Alesius and
Maccabaeus, is very probably his own. During a stay of two years’ duration
in this place, he doubtless acquired that fixedness and depth of
principles and that clear insight into the fundamental requirements of the
Protestant theology, which shows itself so distinctly and repeatedly in
his book of songs. Being, like his brothers, poetically gifted, he was
especially influenced by the German sacred poetry, and Luther, in his
masterly, terse and homely employment of the German language, became his
prototype. After the model of the German "Geistliche Gesange, Psalmen und
Lieder "(Spiritual songs, psalms and hymns), especially those that had
appeared in the hymn books of Magdeburg and Strassburg, he resolved to
publish a collection of songs in the Scottish vernacular. In doing so, he
proceeded in the same manner that the development of German hymnology had
taught him: he started from the secular poem, the love-song, the
hunting-song, and so forth, and filled these songs with a new spiritual
meaning, whilst very frequently retaining the tune of the old popular song
also. To this he added a large number of translations from the German. It
is to this wise, if to modern readers sometimes startling, adaptation of
that which was already living in the people’s hearts, and was
affectionately cherished by them, that his collection owed its enormous
and until recently not sufficiently acknowledged success and influence on
the newly awakening religious life of the nation; a nation to which the
divine arts had meted out their gifts more sparsely, indeed, than to other
nations favoured by a milder sky and softer surroundings, but a nation
that had in this great struggle not a mind only to be convinced, but a
heart also to be cheered and warmed and filled with the soft glow of
enthusiasm.
The book of the brothers Wedderburn, the first hymn
book of the Scottish Church, was published in 1567,
under the title, "Ane compendious Booke of Godlie and Spiritual Songs," or
shortly called the "Dundee Psalms."
It contains first a calendar; then follows the
catechism; the ten commandments, the Apostolic creed and Lord’s Prayer,
baptism, etc., being translated from the text of Luther. These six items
are succeeded by five hymns on faith, baptism and the Lord’s Supper, the
originals of which are also to be found with Luther. A number of graces
before and after meat, such as appear in many of the old German hymn
books, conclude the first part. The spiritual songs begin with two on the
confession of sins; they contain, besides songs on the war of the flesh
against the spirit and on the cross, a metrical paraphrase of the parables
of the prodigal son and of Lazarus; and finally, a hymn on the passion of
our Lord. Then follow the acknowledged translations from the German,
twenty-two psalms, and several hymns.
In the third part we are introduced to the spiritually
remodelled popular songs. It is now no longer the girl that calls out: "Quho
is at my window? quho? quho?" but God. In the hunting-song: "With huntis
up," the Pope is the fox, the hounds are Peter and Paul. It is only
natural that here we should find much that sounds to our ears intolerable
in its rudeness. As to the tunes, Wedderburn took them where he could find
them, in Scottish popular songs and in German hymns.
As we mentioned above, the circulation of these songs
was at once rapid and wide, and this in spite of a prohibition in
1549, which ordered a search for them to
be made, and "the books of rhymes and songs containing such abominable
defamations of the priests and heresies of all kinds," to be confiscated
and burned, and in spite of the Act of Parliament of the year 1551,
against the unauthorised printing of books of "Ballatis, sangis,
blasphematiounis, rhymes, etc."
Of John Wedderburn we have to add, that he was at
Dundee in 1546, but was obliged to flee
again. He died in England in banishment (1546).
The Reformation in Scotland has been spared the
humiliation of having reared in its bosom brothers destined to be each
other’s bitterest foes. It is true, that in Scotland the episcopal form of
worship was not finally abolished until 1688, after severe and obstinate
struggles; but then this form never was the popular one, the one advocated
by the reformers of the nation, but only something foreign, something
obtruded from without. In Germany, on the contrary, the war was raging
between Calvinists and Lutherans, amongst the people, the teachers, and
the rulers. It infected and poisoned social intercourse, it
was a matter affecting the hearth, the pulpit and the throne. For
about three hundred years, two Protestant Churches, both having gained
their independence from Rome after cruel struggles only, could and would
not take the step towards a friendly union, nay, not even towards mutual
forbearance; and when at last it was accomplished by
royal command, it was considered an act of Caesar and Pope combined, a
violent measure, that could not be conducive to any peace.
This Calvino-Lutheran feud with all its cruel
bitterness forms indeed one of the saddest and most disgraceful chapters
of German history. No Calvinist was admitted a godfather, whilst a Roman
Catholic was. The question was seriously and obstinately argued whether
children of a mixed marriage, that is of a Calvinistic father and a
Lutheran mother, or vice versa, should be
buried with Christian ceremonies, it being a
heretic’s child. ("Ketzerkind"). In the church of St
Nicholas at Berlin, the condemnation of the Catholics and Calvinists was
shortly condensed into the words: "he who is not Lutheran, is cursed."
We admit that this condition of things was deeply felt
and mourned over by the nobler natures in the nation, especially by
laymen. Not a few well-intentioned rulers, even tried to cut it short by
edicts against the Lutheran wranglers, but with small effect. The idea of
a union of the evangelical confessions would have remained a monstrosity,
or at best, only the dim, timidly expressed hope of some gentle scholar,
but for the persistent, unselfish, almost fanatical labours of John Durie
or Duraeus, the Scot. What the liberation of Jerusalem was to the
crusader, this peaceful union was to him: it filled his whole soul; it
became the watchword of his life; the fountain in which his drooping
courage was rejuvenated, and an ideal, which he never surrendered, though
famishing by the roadside, weary of war and surrounded by enemies.
Let us now communicate to the reader what the most
recent research has brought to light about the stirring life of this
international Scotsman.
The father of John Durie was Robert Durie, an Edinburgh
clergyman of the strict Presbyterian type. He was known for his efforts in
the cause of the evangelisation of the Orkney and Shetland Islands. When
King James VI insisted upon introducing Anglican bishops into Scotland, he
was banished with many others in the year 1606, and betook himself to
Leyden in Holland, where he preached to a congregation of Scottish exiles.
In this town, his son John, born in Edinburgh in 1595 or
1596, received his education. After having finished his course of
divinity in Holland and at Sedan, he became tutor to the son of one Mr
Panhusen, who was then pursuing his studies in France. This office he
filled until the year 1624, when he was called to
Elbing in the East of Prussia, as minister of a small congregation of
Scottish and English Presbyterians. We cannot, however, exactly state the
date of his arrival there. At all events in this small, out-of-the-way
town Durie arrived at the turning-point of his life, which gave a peculiar
direction to his whole future career. The King of Sweden, Gustavus Adolfus,
of whom we have spoken so much in the second part of this book, had
established at Elbing, then occupied by Swedish troops, a High Court of
Justice, of which a certain lawyer and Doctor of Laws, Godemann, was the
president. This learned man, being deeply interested in religious matters
as well, became Durie’s friend and sent him on one occasion a pamphlet,
written by himself on the union of the Calvinists and the Lutherans in the
doctrine of the Lord’s Supper (1628). In this Durie
saw the hand of God, and his work in the interest of this union he
henceforth considered a divine call, (‘vocatio interna‘).
With unwearied courage, and an optimism which left him only towards
the close of his long life, he dedicated himself entirely to this task,
convinced to the last of its practicability with a blindness almost
tragic.
No doubt his chances appeared favourable in the
commencement. Godemann perceived that the precarious position of the
Protestants after the battle near the White Mountain, after the successes
of the great Wallenstein and his consequent endowment with the Duchy of
Mecklenburg in 1629, rendered a close harmony between the Protestants
absolutely necessary. And when Sir Thomas Roe, the English Ambassador, who
was to mediate between Poland and Sweden, embraced the cause of the union
likewise, gaining over to his side the powerful Swedish Chancellor
Oxenstierna, success did not seem altogether impossible, especially when
calculating upon the expected energetic assistance of the King. To secure
this success with a still greater probability it
seemed of first-rate importance to the Swedish statesmen, that the work
should be undertaken by a State which had remained neutral during the
internal strife of Germany. Such a State they conceived England to be;
and, after having persuaded Durie to resign his position in Elbing, they
sent him to London, well furnished with letters of introduction from Roe
(1630). Here Durie succeeded in gaining the assent of Archbishop Abbot and
three other bishops; only about twenty scholars and clergymen of the
English and Scottish Church gave in their adhesion to his plans of
unification. But it never occured to him, that Abbot
was no longer a man of commanding influence, and that, the number of
English friends won over to his cause being infinitely small, his mission
had proved, if not altogether a failure, yet only a very partial success.
He took with him the letters of commendation and assent of these clerical
dignitaries, and, calling himself a delegate of the English Church, he
returned to Germany. There matters seemed to have improved in the
meantime. At the Church Conference held at Leipzig in 1631
the Court Preacher of Brandenburg, a Calvinist, had declared
himself in favour of peace, and the Lutheran champion, Hoe of Hoenegg,
Court Chaplain at Dresden, lamenting the interconfessional quarrel, had
advocated an amicable settlement. Durie himself, if he was present at the
conference, does not appear to have taken a prominent part in it. It is
certain, however, that in the same year he went to Gustavus Adolfus, then
at Wurzburg, to deliver a letter from his friend Roe. The King received
him kindly and conversed with him for several hours. He also perceived the
great advantage that would accrue to the Protestant Church, if the hostile
parties could be reconciled. Yet he committed himself to no more than
promising Durie a letter of recommendation to the Protestant princes of
Germany, and commissioning a Lutheran clergyman to confer with the
Lutherans, whilst Durie himself undertook to do the same with the
Calvinists. Unfortunately the promised letter, written by Sadler, the
private secretary of the King, never reached its address. Durie thought he
would first come to an understanding with the theologians before applying
for it, but when in the following year King Gustavus
had been killed at the battle of Lützen, neither his nor Oxenstierna’s
signature could be had any more. Durie’s correspondence with the
Calvinistic preachers and academies in Germany and elsewhere was of an
amazing bulk; his efforts on journeys here and there to convince his
friends of the nobility of his aim by word of mouth were no less
surprising. But his hopes were still concentrated on the King of England
as the chief promoter of his scheme, especially since, after the death of
the Swedish Royal Champion, his expectations in the direction of Sweden
had been considerably brought down, if they had not entirely collapsed. On
a second journey to England in 1633 he found
everything sadly changed. The gentle Abbot had died. In his place there
ruled Laud as Archbishop of Canterbury, who refused to have anything to do
with Durie, a Presbyterian; so that the latter had no other course open to
him than to embrace the Anglican creed, unless he wanted to relinquish his
cherished plans of a union of the Protestant Churches with the help of
England. He did not do so without misgivings; he even thought it necessary
to defend the step he took with the excuse, that the confession of the two
Churches, the Presbyterian and the Anglican, was really the same, and that
mere outward forms and ceremonies had to give way before higher purposes.
The immediate effect of his ordination as clergyman of the Church of
England was his appointment to a living in Lincolnshire, the income of
which seems to have been very acceptable to him just then. As to the rest,
we may well doubt if Durie’s changed attitude in Church matters really
procured him the wished for advantages. In the meantime he only received a
letter of commendation, written in general terms by Archbishop Laud and
endorsed by the learned Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh in Ireland. On the
other hand his Presbyterian friends called him a Proteus, whilst his
Anglican fellow-clergymen looked upon him very much as upon a Presbyterian
spy.
In the retinue of Roe he returned to Germany in 1634
and went to Frankfurt where a great meeting of Evangelical States was
being held, called together by the Landgrave William of Hesse, who at the
same time had invited the Prince of Orange and the States General of
Holland to this "work of peace." Here he presented his "Judicia
Theologorum Anglorum et aliorum de Pace Protestantium sacra," and being
supported by Oxenstierna procured at least the resolution of the eight
delegates that "the efforts for peace were laudable and necessary, and
that both parties were to use moderation until the views of their
respective sovereigns could be ascertained and full powers be received."
Then came the terrible news of the Swedish defeat at Nördlingen; the
meeting was dispersed, and Durie saw very clearly that at the present
moment Germany offered a very unfavourable basis for his peaceful
experiments. He therefore went to the Netherlands, where, at the Synod of
Utrecht in April 1636, his efforts on behalf of "the good and sacred"
union between the Church of the Augsburg Confession and the Calvinists met
with the warmest and most genial approbation. Moreover, Durie enjoyed the
renewed friendly intercourse with the famous Hugo Grotius, who suggested
to him the idea of an English-Swedish Confession of Faith as the
counterpart of the political alliance to be concluded in the near future
between the two countries. He also made the acquaintance of Petrus Figulus
Jablonski, a Bohemian, known as the son-in-law of Comenius. This faithful
friend accompanied him henceforward for seven long years on all his
journeys as secretary. But his visit to Holland did not practically bring
him nearer the realisation of his plans. Still less successful was his
journey to Sweden in 1636. Notwithstanding the
friendship of the Chancellor and the favour of the Queen during the first
months of his sojourn, he could neither overcome the intolerance of the
Synod nor the enmity of Bishop Rudbeck who hated "the stranger confessing
the cursed heresy of Calvinism." Moreover, he had drawn upon him the
disapproval of many by his inordinate love of publishing matters not ripe
for publication as well as by his attempts to pose as a Lutheran.
Oxenstierna was at last obliged to discard the former favourite, and
Christina, the queen, published a decree on the 7th of February 1638 to
the effect that the English clergyman, John Duraeus, having given much
offence to the Swedish clergy during his stay in the country, was ordered
to leave the kingdom without delay. A severe illness, however, brought
about by over-exertion and excitement, compelled Durie to postpone his
departure until the month of August. He had consecrated himself anew to
his sacred task, and his undaunted enthusiasm served him well, for in
Lübeck also and in Hamburg, whither he went after having left Sweden, he
was unable to win the clergy over to his plans. The same spirit of harsh
intolerance, which caused the poor English fugitives under John a Lasco,
the pious reformer of Poland, to be driven out of these cities in
mid-winter 1554, was still ruling.
It was with the German princes that Dune found the
readiest approval and support. The dukes Frederick Ulrich (1635) and
August, the founder of the famous library at Wolfenbuttel, in the
arranging of which he lent a helping hand, showed a warm interest in his
work, as did the princes of Anhalt, of Zweibrücken, the Land-grave of
Hesse-Cassel, the counts of Isenburg and Solms, and above all the Elector
of Brandenburg. In the meantime, however, he had been called to London to
assist in the work of the Synod of Westminster. So studiously and
unnoticed by the world did he apply himself to the labours of this
assembly, that many of his friends on the Continent believed him dead.
Politically he had done his utmost to save the unfortunate King Charles I
by preparing a set of documents for him which were to prove his innocence.
After Cromwell had taken up the reins of government
Durie yielded to pressure and for the sake of his one great object turned
Puritan. He was appointed librarian of St James’s, and received not only
friendly letters from the Protector, but also a yearly stipend, which was
to enable him to continue his journeys in the interest of religious peace.
But it soon became clear that these recommendations, far from being a
furtherance of his objects, became, in part at least, a danger and a
snare. Many of the princes, as well as the Lutheran divines, turned from
him as from a murderer of the King. Only in Switzerland his reception was
enthusiastic. At the General Church Assembly of Aarau in 1654 he was
celebrated as the "famous ambassador of the Protector." At Zurich a
considerable sum was handed to him as a national gift of honour towards
his travelling expenses. From almost all the reformed cantons he received
commendatory letters, and his cause was spoken of as one worthy to be
promoted by every Christian believer. The above-named Calvinistic princes
also received him warmly, only the Elector of Brandenburg, influenced, no
doubt, by the attitude of Bergius, his Court Chaplain, who discountenanced
Durie’s fickleness in joining a party of murderers, preferred to treat
with Cromwell direct about the Evangelical Union through his ambassador in
England. The senate of Frankfurt presented him in 1655 with bread and
wine; that of Bremen promised him support. In the Netherlands also he
found ready consent. Thus he returned loaded with documents and full of
hope—a hope which was, however, raised only by the Calvinistic parties—in
the following year to England. In London there was satisfaction with the
results of his efforts, and steps were taken to make use of the new
connections formed by him as a basis for further international and
inter-protestant deliberations, when Cromwell died. After the short rule
of his son Richard, Charles II entered London in triumph. It was a cruel
dissappointment for Durie. Neither the Archbishop of Canterbury nor the
Bishop of London nor the King himself noticed his letters. He, as a friend
of Cromwell had no longer any chance in England. Accordingly he left
London in 1661. Hence-forward he could no longer count on the support of
this country. But not even then did his courage fail him. Though ageing
fast he took up the work of reconciling Lutherans and Calvinists in
Germany with renewed zeal. On the one hand the time chosen did not seem to
be inopportune. In the religious assembly at Cassel in 1661 the divines of
Rinteln and Marbung had adopted the "Tolerantia ecclesiastica," and the
University of Rinteln had been handed over to the Reformed or Calvinistic
Party. Frederick William, the Elector of Brandenburg, had not only
forbidden his subjects to study at Wittenberg, in consequence of the most
violent and scurrilous polemic of the learned Lutheran, Doctor Abraham
Calovius, a professor at the said seat of learning (1662),
but had also strongly commended peaceableness and moderation in
their pulpit utterances to his clergymen, and a more "amicable" attitude
towards Calvinists. All uncharitable references to the latter as
"heretics," "syncretists," were to cease, and instead of them, the sermons
were to contain exhortations towards true Christian piety. In the opinion
of this wise prince the "dissension" of the Evangelicals was "not
fundamental."
On the other band Durie had not sufficiently taken into
account the growing enmity of the orthodox Lutheran clergy. This was the
barrier which the most strenuous labour of a man, even in conjunction with
powerful rulers, could not break.
A colloquy at Berlin, for the purposes of a union, took
place under the presidency of Otto von Schwerin, a distinguished statesman
and Durie’s friend. But already during the discussion of the first
question Reinhardt, a Lutheran clergyman and member of the consistory,
declared, that "he could not recognise the Calvinists as brethren," whilst
Paul Gerhardt, the famous author of some of the finest German hymns,
added: "nor as Christians either."
The assembled representatives of the two persuasions
wrangled and debated until May 29th, 1663. Finally, the Elector, getting
tired of all this, issued his so-called "Toleranz-Edict" in 1664, which
punished with instant deprivation such recalcitrant clergymen as continued
to decry their evangelical brethren. The solution of the question by a
mere arbitrary "Le roi le veult" was, however, not what Durie insisted
upon. He wanted a union based upon conviction, and a conviction
based upon brotherly love. He made a last attempt. Aided and supported
by the Landgravine Hedwig Sophia, the pious sister of the Great Elector,
he commenced new negotiations in the City Chambers of Berlin on the 21st
of August 1668; but these also remained without result, partly, it must be
owned, through the vagueness of Durie’s own proposals. His unselfish zeal
was praised; the hope was expressed that his good intentions would yet be
rewarded; he was even presented with a gift of 100 thaler; but that was
all. He received not even a written communication, owing to his old
well-known weakness of rushing into print, and the Elector indirectly sent
him this message: "It has been represented to His Electoral Highness, how
Joannes Duraeus, an English clergyman and a member of the reformed church,
has been endeavouring to promote peace among the evangelical persuasions
in his quality as a private individual, and has been devoting all his life
to this end. In this his Christian zeal deserves duly to be praised,
whilst H. H. confidently hopes that his efforts will in no way be
prejudicial to the Church. We therefore wish him the blessing of God
Almighty, and remain always his gracious sovereign."
This was satisfactory as far as it went; but it did not
go far, did not even go any distance.
Nor was Durie’s reception in Heidelberg in 1667 by the
otherwise broad-minded Elector Karl Ludwig more promising. The probable
reason assigned for this is that the wife of the Elector, separated from
him by all sorts of scandalous facts, was at present living at Kassel, the
same town where Durie had his home and enjoyed the favour of the Hessian
Court.
The last years of this apostle of peace were embittered
not only by the growing enmity of the Lutherans, of which we have spoken,
but by the desertion of some of his Calvinistic friends. The former called
him "Apostolastruin," "an interpreter of peace fallen from the sky," "a
bird without wings," "a weather-cock," "a new Thomas Munzer," "a
regicide." The latter had taken it amiss that he
accepted the Lutheran doctrine of free grace, as opposed to the
predestination of the sister Church; they were incensed at his later dream
of admitting even Roman Catholics into his universal union, and at the
hearty reception he had given to William Penn, the Quaker, when he visited
Kassel in 1677.
In these circumstances it was fortunate for Durie that
the Landgravine Hedwig Sophie had offered him a permanent resting-place at
her Calvinistic court, granting him a free house and board, and even
paying the large expenses incurred by his incredibly extensive
correspondence.
His courage, however, and his hitherto unconquerable
optimism, after having supported him during sixty years of a laborious
life, left him in the end. "Le fruit principal qui m’est revenu de mon
travail," he writes in 1674, in the dedication of
his commentary on the Book of Revelation to his sovereign-lady, "est ceci,
qu’au dehors je vois la misêre des Chrétiens, qu’elle est beau-coup plus
grande, que celle des payens et des autres nations; je vois la cause de
cette misére, je vois le défaut du remêde, et je vois la cause de ce
défaut, et en dedans je n’ai d’autre profit, que le témoignage de ma
conscience." And in a Latin letter to the senators of the Swedish Kingdom
he adds: "I have done what I could to advance the union of saints.
Henceforth I shall solicit the help of no one because I have asked them
all. Neither do I see any Patron in Germany, whom God would point out to
me as fit for the work."
John Durie died in his eighty-fifth year on the 28th of
September 1680 at Kassel, where he is also buried. It is sad but
intelligible, that, at a time when intolerance was considered strength,
tolerance weakness; when people thought they could confine absolute truth
in the long-necked, narrow bottles of confessions of their own
manufacture, Durie’s attempts to restore unity and peace must end in
failure. Many of his proposals, too, lacked definiteness and clearness.
And yet his unwearied testimony has not remained without fruit. To him as
to the champion of freedom of conscience and of the political equality of
religious creeds, the great achievement of our times, under the protection
of which the adherents of the various confessions, united not by the same
form of certain articles, but by the conviction that they are brethren in
love and charity and branches of the one Catholic Church, live and have
their being: to him and to his memory, in Scotland as well as in Germany,
honour is due for his self-denying labours.
It is curious and reads like a belated recognition of
Durie’s work by the voice of history, that it was
another Scotsman, who more than one hundred and thirty years afterwards
played an active part in the realisation of the Union between the
Protestant parties in Prussia by the King’s command.
Descendants of the old Scottish family of the Earls of
Ross had settled in the Netherlands and on the Lower Rhine as far back as
the XVIIth Century. One of these, William John Gottfried Ross, was born on
the 7th of July 1772 at Isselburg. He was the son of a clergyman, studied
at Duisburg, then a Calvinistic University, and, having been ordained,
worked with the greatest acceptance as pastor of the small parish of
Budberg for thirty-three years. He was so active in promoting the
education of the people and the welfare of his whole district, that he not
only won the love and esteem of all classes and all creeds, but also
attracted the attention of the King of Prussia, Frederick William III, who
summoned him to Berlin, to consult with him about the condition of the
Evangelical Churches in Westphalia and the Rhine Provinces, and after some
pressure even persuaded him in the following year to leave Budberg and to
settle in the capital. Here Ross devoted himself with untiring energy to
the cause of the Evangelical Union. The King made him first Bishop of the
new Church and General Superintendent of Westphalia and the Rhinelands.
Ross was also greatly interested in the cause of education and of the
orphanage, persuading his cousin, Count Ross, [This Count Johann Ross
(1787-1848) saved the life of the King of Prussia at the Congress of
Vienna when threatened by a would-be assassin. There have been several
officers in the German Army, who belonged to this family. A Count Ross
died in 1883 at Bonn, in consequence of injuries received at the explosion
of the powder magazine when the Germans entered Laon in 1870. Two brothers
Ross, an archaeologist and a painter, both born in Holstein, are also
descended from the old Scottish stock.] an eccentric, rich, old man then
living at Berlin, to leave a considerable legacy to the latter. The title
of Count was offered to him also by the King, but he always refused it as
being incompatible with his calling. In 1843 he
received a congratulatory address from the University of Bonn thanking him
for his long-continued efforts and his conciliatory attitude in Church
matters. In appearance he was imposing; goodness and benevolence were seen
in his eyes. His influence on Frederick William was very marked. Finding,
however, that his advice was neglected under King William IV, he resigned
his offices and retired into private life. He died on the
27th of October in 1854 and was buried in the Protestant cemetery
at Budberg.
Turning now to the religious organisation of the Scots,
who had settled in such great numbers in Poland and Germany during the
XVIth and XVIIth Centuries, as we have seen in the first part of our book,
we have reluctantly to confess that not very much is known about it. The
old records in Germany have been partly lost during the turmoil of endless
wars, partly buried beyond the hope of speedy recovery under cart-loads of
official paper rubbish. In Scotland we have to content ourselves with an
occasional reference. What we have been able to glean under such
discouraging circumstances will be put before the reader in what follows.
The General Assembly of the Church of Scotland has
sometimes taken notice of its scattered countrymen on the Continent. One
of the most interesting references is that of the year
1587, when Andrew Melville, who was then Moderator, was
ordered "to pen a favourable writing to the ministrie in Danskine (Danzig)
congratulating their embracing the treuth in the matter of the Sacrament."
From this notice it appears that already in that year there existed at
Danzig a Scottish-Evangelical Church. But more than that, it did not only
exist but prove its inner life and its keen religious interest by
rejecting the Lutheran doctrine of consubstantiation; for this is the
meaning of the last clause.
About sixty years later, on the 31st of August
1647, the Assembly writes the following interesting
letter to the Scots in Poland and Germany:—"Unto
the Scotch merchants and others our countrie people scattered in Poleland.
. . . and among other things of this nature we
have here particularly taken into account the sad and lamentable condition
of many thousands of our countrymen, who are scattered abroad, as sheepe
having no shepherd, and are, through the want of the meanes of knowledge,
grace and salvation, exposed to the greatest spirituall dangers.
. . . We have therefore thought, it incumbent to
us to put you in mind of the one thing necessary, while you are so
carefull and troubled about the things of the world; and although we do
not disallow your going abroad to follow any lawfull calling or way of
livelihood, yet seeing it cannot profit a man, although he should gain the
whole world and lose his own soul, and seeing you have travelled so farre
and taken so much pain to get uncertain riches, which cannot deliver in
the day of the wrath of the Lord . . . we doe
. . . most earnestlie beseech and warn you to
cry after knowledge and lift up your voyce for understanding, seeking her
as silver and searching for her as for hid treasures, and so play the wise
merchants, in purchasing the pearl of price and in laying up a sure
foundation. . . . We shall hope
. .you will rather bestirre yourselves timely to
pray that Cod would give you Pastors according to His heart
. .to consult also with consent of your
superiors . . . for setting up the worship of
God and ecclesiastical discipline according to the form established and
received in this your Mother Kirk . . . and in
the mean time we exhort you that ye neglect not the worship in secret and
in your families and that ye continue stedfast in the profession of that
faith, in which ye were baptised, and by a godly, righteous and sober
conversation adorn the Gospel; and with all, that distance of place make
you not the less sensible of your countrey’s sufferings.
"This letter we have thought fit to be printed and
published, that it may be with greater ease . . .
conveyed to the many severall places of your habitation or
traffique.
"ROBT. DOUGLASSE, Moderator."
Finally, we find in the year 1698 a recommendation to
those Presbyteries and Parishes "that have not yet sent in their
collection for helping to build a church of the Reformed Religion at
Konigsberg" to send the same to John Blair at Edinburgh, Agent of the
Kirk; and in 1699 the receipt of a letter is duly registered from the
consistory "of those of the Reformed Religion at Königsberg," expressing
thanks for "the Charity of this Church and Nation to help them build their
church."
In German sources we find, as to Danzig, that already
in 1577, when the town levied a force of 700
Scottish mercenaries, permission was given them, as being of the
reformed faith, to bring with them a preacher of their own persuasion. Now
it is very probable that the reformed congregation
of Danzig formed itself gradually around this nucleus, till
it attained to that independent position, in which we find
it ten years later, when the above "friendly letter"
was written by the Moderator of the General Assembly. Everything fostered
such a formation. The number of Scottish settlers was already great,
greater numbers were continually pouring in, and many of the merchants had
by this time acquired wealth and position. The privilege of freely
enjoying their own religious services was possibly extended, and thus we
find in 1587 a body of men with a settled "ministrie,"
fearlessly discussing the crucial points of evangelical theology. At
first, no doubt, the meetings of the members of the Reformed Church met in
private houses or in a hall. We hear of a preacher named Jacob Brown, who
alternately preached at Danzig and at Königsberg in the time of Charles I.
Soon after him Alexander Burnet came to Danzig (1689) and remained there
till his death in 1712. He was born in 1654, studied at Aberdeen, and had
been minister of Crichton near Edinburgh. During his time of office the
amalgamation of the so-called English and Scottish "nations"
took place at Danzig, consequently upon the Union of England and
Scotland at home. Through the efforts of Robinson, the British Consul, the
Churches also were united. The Poor-Box of the Scots, which had been in
existence since the beginning of the XVllth Century, became the property
of the new "Nation of Great Britain" ("Groszbrittannische Nation"). Five
elders were appointed, of which three were always to be Scotchmen. As to
the form of divine worship, a happy medium between the Scottish and the
English was peacefully adopted. It was arranged that the clergymen should
alternately be called out of Scotland and England, and that they should
conform to the usages of the Church at Danzig. A new building, called the
"British Chapel," was erected in 1706, the Scots throughout Prussia and
Poland having most liberally contributed towards it.
Since then the number of members of the "British
Nation" gradually diminished, owing to the very rapid absorption of the
Scottish into the German element, and to the almost entire cessation of
immigration. During the time of the French oppression for sixteen years
there was no English clergyman at Danzig. Previous to it the worthy Dr
Jamieson, a Scot, had gained the reverence and the affection of the
inhabitants, as we are told in the charming Memorials of my Youth,
by Johanna Schopenhauer (1768-1790). Now there is
hardly work enough for an English Seamen’s Missionary. The descendants of
the old Scottish congregation have joined the Reformed Church.
We are better informed with regard to Königsberg, the
second largest town on the Baltic, although here also the very first
beginnings of a Scotch Divine Worship are lost in obscurity. When the
"Reformed Congregation" was founded in 1646, out of
seven elders three were English, or rather Scotch, two Dutch, and two
Germans.
Very soon the want of a preacher became apparent, but
whether the above-named Brown ever preached in English at Königsberg, as
he did at Danzig, must remain uncertain. We only know that he, during his
stay in the city in 1658 or 1659, in "matters concerning the public
worship and the rules of the Church," was found wanting and in the wrong.
"His errors smacked of the Quakers"; they were chiefly manifest in his
disapproval of the praying of children, "who knew nothing about
it"; in his rejection of set prayers, of saints’
days and holidays, and of organ music in churches.
In spite of this the Great Elector had appointed Jacob
Brown minister of the newly formed Scottish-English congregation, after
he, at the urgent request of some Scottish families at Königsberg, had
given them permission to have divine service in their own tongue,
embracing its "complete ‘exercitium’ with all its actibus catechisationis,
visitationis of the sick, administrationis of the Lord’s Supper, Baptism,
and other spiritual exercises, appertaining there unto."
This royal rescript was dated the 4th of December 1685;
it granted at the same time the use of the "large Hall in the Castle" for
these services. In these circumstances the congregation could do nothing
else but acquiesce in the appointment of Brown, who, in the meantime, had
declared his willingness to abide by the rules and forms of worship as
adopted in Konigsberg. Strangely enough we know nothing of his future
career there, except that his stay only extended to the year 1689, when he
preached at the Scots’ Church at Rotterdam.
In Konigsberg, as elsewhere, the Scots took the most
prominent and active share in the promotion of the welfare of the
congregation. Without them and their generosity the building of its new
church would hardly have been completed. Three men are especially
mentioned in connection with this great enterprise: Thomas Hervie, Francis
Hay and Charles Ramsay. The first of these, born in 1621 at Aberdeen, had
settled in Konigsberg in 1656 as a merchant. When he died in
1710 it was said "that without his zeal this our
temple would scarcely have been built."
He also promoted the establishment of a "home, for
widows" by advancing considerable sums of money. The two other men were
the originators of the collection throughout Scotland for the building of
the church, amounting to over 4000 thaler, or nearly
£700.
After the completion of the church, to show
their gratitude towards the Scottish brethren, the fourteen front seats
were handed over to them and their successors by the members, for their
free use. They were distinguished by the letters S. B.
= "Schottische Blinke" (Scottish seats) and by the Scottish Lion
rampant. The latter coat-of-anus, however, disappeared after the French
had occupied the church as a hospital.
A school and a poor-fund existed in connection with the
church since the XVIIth Century. After the union of the two kingdoms in
1707, here, as in Danzig, the "Scottish and English Nation" formed a
"Brotherhood of Great Britain" ("Groszbrittannische Bruderschaft"). Two
elders (Alterleute) watched over the welfare of Scottish and English
residents or travellers. The poor-fund, which was made up of the interest
of an old capital, the amount of annual collections and the pew-rents,
served also to support shipwrecked or otherwise disabled sailors, and to
provide for the maintenance of Scottish or English poverty-stricken
invalids in two separate rooms of the Royal Hospital. The two Scottish
burying vaults in the churchyard now became common property likewise.
The same reasons for the rapid decline of the "Brüderschaft"
which we adduced when speaking of Danzig were at work in Königsberg. In
1819 there were no longer any British subjects using the pews. Only six,
mostly very old persons, four of them Scottish, received a monthly dole
out of the Poor’s Box. The British coat-of-arms disappeared from the
English pew and went the way of the Scottish lion, and with the 1st of
January 1820 pews as well as church funds were taken over by the officers
of the German Reformed Church.
As in the two largest Baltic ports, so in many of the
smaller towns of Eastern and Western Prussia, we can trace the formation
of Calvinistic or "Reformed" congregations back to the Scots.
In Memel, for instance, we hear of a Reformed
congregation, consisting mainly of Scottish and Dutch people, since 1640.
Three or four families, among them Barclays, Ogilvies, and Fentons, had
engaged a sort of domestic chaplain and teacher in the person of one
Wendelin de Rodem, a native of the Palatinate. But he was obliged to leave
the town in 1641 owing to the complaints of the Lutheran party of the
Duchy. It was not till twenty years afterwards that Wendelin obtained the
permission of the Elector to come to Memel once in every quarter for the
purposes of ministration. By degrees a separate house was acquired for
divine worship; and finally a preacher was procured, after the receipt of
a "Privilegium" from the prince. The person chosen was one Petrus Figulus,
the son-in-law of the famous founder of our modern system of education,
Amos Comenius. He knew the English language well, and discharged his
duties up to the year of his death in 1670. His successor was Paul Andreas
Jurski, a native of Lithuania, who had married a Scotchwoman. During his
ministry the house in which the Calvinists hitherto held their meetings
was burned to the ground (1678). But a new church was completed in 1681.
The members of the congregation were mostly Scottish; there were, however,
a few Dutch and French and English. The Germans constituted the minority,
though, in later years, only German was used in preaching. Here also there
existed a "Poor-Fund of the Scottish Nation," but it became amalgamated
with that of the German "Reformed Church."
The Scots in Memel never ceased to show their
attachment to the Reformed Church, even long after every trace of Scottish
nationality had disappeared. A rich merchant, Ludwig Simpson, presented to
it in 1802 the large sum of 8000 gulden, the interest of which was to be
set aside for the raising of the schoolmaster’s stipend; and John Simpson,
a cousin of Ludwig, gave a large donation in 1760, when the rebuilding of
the church had become an urgent necessity after the damage done to it by
the Russians.
The formation of the Reformed congregation at Tilsit
proceeded much on the same lines. It was composed first of all of the
Scottish; but we are not informed as to the exact year in which this union
of the Calvinistic settlers from Scotland took place. It must, however,
have been some time before 1667, as a Scottish Poor Fund is mentioned in
that year. The treasurer was one Alexander Krichton, but the general
supervision lay with the whole "Brotherhood." The fund then amounted to
230 gulden, lent out to three members: Albrecht Ritsch (Ritchie), Peter
Kerligkeit (?) and William Schamer (Chalmers).
There were other voluntary contributions besides, as well as the proceeds
of a collection from house to house undertaken by two prominent men
annually about the time of "Michaelmas-fair." Divine service must have
been held before 1669, for in that year a small hall in the Elector’s
castle is set aside for this purpose. As in other towns, the congregation
during the XVIIth Century increased rapidly and drew the Scottish settlers
of the district to it, so that the appointment of a special clergyman soon
became necessary. We are told that a rich Scottish merchant, a member of
the congregation, William Ritsch, went to Berlin in order to obtain the
requisite permission from the Elector. Falling on his knees before the
sovereign, he obtained by his eloquent pleading a royal edict (16th of
March 1679), which not only granted the Tilsiters their own preacher, but
allowed a stipend of 200 thaler out of the Electoral purse as well. The
first call was given to Alexander Dennis, born at Königsberg, but of
Scottish descent. He had been trained in Dutch universities and got
ordained at Danzig. From the day of his induction by the Court Preacher
Blaspiel on the 11th of October 1679, the Reformed congregation at Tilsit
reckons its existence. Eleven days later the first communion was held.
Among the 27 communicants there were only two Germans and two French. The
number, however, soon increased, there being 160 communicants in 1680 and
206 in 1681. The firm adherence to their own faith, so earnestly
inculcated by their General Assembly at home, clearly showed itself on
these occasions, when people came from Insterburg, a distance of between
thirty and forty English miles, or did not shun the long journey of ninety
miles from Lyck. Many did this more than once in, the year. In 1682 Dennis
had a service at Lyck, in which about 36 Scottish settlers in Masuren took
part. From 1687 onward he visited this place as well as Insterburg
annually at regular intervals, until at the beginning of the XVIIIth
Century both these congregations obtained their own clergymen. About this
time (1711) the church at Tilsit received a legacy of 42,000 gulden from
the Scottish member, John Irving.
Whilst we thus meet the Scottish as the founders of the
Reformed congregations in Eastern and Western Prussia, they also appear as
the supporters and upholders of Protestantism in general. It is clear
from this that their lives, opposed as they were in a two-fold way to the
religious feelings of the people of their adopted country, must often have
been troubled with irksome restraints and threatened with persecution and
danger. As they were confounded with the Jews on account of their trading
and money-lending, they were thrown together with the heretics on account
of their faith.
As an illustration of this we shall quote a case of
religious persecution of the year 1620.
On the 9th of June of that year there appeared in the
Court House at Putzig, not far from Danzig, the ‘Instigator’ (Public
Prosecutor) of the Royal (Polish) House, David Schwarte, contra Jacob
Dziaksen (Jackson), a Scot, who declared that His Grace the Woywode had
distinctly forbidden Dziaksen to allow any religious meetings in his
house, to preach sermons or to have them preached, an order in which
Dziaksen at that time acquiesced. "But now he had, contrary to his pledge,
made bold to have a sermon read in his house on the Sunday of Whitsuntide
last, for which disobedience their book, out of which they had been
reading, was confiscated by command of His Grace. On this account the
‘Instigator’ had received strict orders, inasmuch as Jacob Dziaksen had
disobeyed the royal command and broken his own engagement, to accuse him
before the magistrates and to demand his punishment.
To this Jacob Dziaksen, present, replies that he
acknowledges the prohibition of meetings and reading of the sermons. He
also admits that in his presence the K.rämers (pedlars) had read their
books, but they had been his guests and had never been told not to do so.
If the order was to apply to everybody the magistrates would have to send
to every house, search it, and take the books away from everybody. He
therefore does not think himself punishable."
The following is the finding of the magistrates: "After
having heard Jacob Dziaksen’s admission that he had allowed the Scots to
read their books in his house, in consequence of which their books had
been taken from them; confessing thereby to have acted contrary to the
express command of the authorities; and as it is to be feared that
through such meetings and sermons more heresy might become prevalent in
the town, which must be prevented in due time, the Court decrees, that
Jacob Dziaksen, on account of his disobedience. . .
be sentenced to pay to the church at Putzig. . .
the sum of 20 florins. He as well as other citizens of this
town are also strictly commanded not to hold any meetings in their houses
or have sermons read, but altogether to abstain from such under pain of
heavy fines."
Jacob Dziaksen, considering himself unjustly dealt
with, appeals to the higher court.
Examples like these could be adduced in great numbers.
Enough has been said to show that the Scottish emigrant was not afraid of
his religious opinions. The second generations indeed, was more German
than Scottish. Language and even the names changed. But, notwithstanding
this, the old attachment to Scotland remained with very many of them, like
an old legend, that outlasts centuries.
Looking back upon the long period of religious
development, from the foundation of the "Schottenklöster" to the union of
the evangelical confessions in Prussia, here also we have to admit, that
on the Catholic as well as on the Protestant side, Scotsmen have not been
wanting, who have left memorable traces in Germany, without for one moment
underrating the enormous and paramount influence of German thought on the
world of letters of the Middle Ages. |