MONTROSE appeared among his
Athole friends at a time the most unfavourable for obtaining their aid.
Many of them were engaged in the occupation of the harvest, securing, for
the support of themselves and their families, the scanty and precarious
crops which were then upon the ground, and which, if neglected to be cut
down in due time, might be destroyed by unfavourable weather. It was,
besides, little more than a month since they had left him at Bothwell, for
the purpose partly of repairing the damages which had been committed by
Argyle’s men upon their houses, and the interval which had since elapsed
had not been sufficient for accomplishing their object. Yet,
notwithstanding these drawbacks, Montrose succeeded in inducing about 400
of the men of Athole to join him immediately, and to follow him to the
north in quest of additional reinforcements; and he obtained a promise
that, on his return, the whole of the Athole Highlanders would join him in
a body.
While in Athole, Montrose
received promises both from Lord Aboyne and Sir Alexander Macdonald, that
they would speedily join him with considerable reinforcements but, growing
impatient at Aboyne’s delay, he resolved to proceed north himself to
ascertain in person the cause of it, and to urge that nobleman to fulfil
his promise. Crossing, therefore, the Grampians, he marched with great
haste through Aberdeenshire, and had an interview with Lord Aboyne, whom
he expected to rouse from his apathy. Montrose, however, soon perceived,
that whatever Lord Aboyne’s own intentions were, he was thwarted by his
father, the Marquis of Huntly, who, on hearing of Montrose’s success at
Kilsyth, had left his retreat in Strathnaver, where he had passed a year
and a half in absolute supineness, and returned to his own country. The
marquis appears to have been filled with envy towards Montrose, and
although, being a royalist in his heart, he did not care to expose the
crown and monarchy to danger to gratify his spleen and vanity, yet he
could not endure to see a man whom he looked upon as his inferior in rank,
monopolize the whole power and authority in Scotland.
"He was," says
Bishop Wishart, "a man equally unfortunate and inconsiderate; and,
however much he would seem, or was really attached to the king, yet he
often betrayed that interest through a pride and unaccountable envy he had
conceived against Montrose, whose glory and renown he endeavoured rather
to extenuate than make the object of his emulation. He durst not venture
to depreciate Montrose’s actions before his own people, who had been
eye-witnesses of them, and were well acquainted with his abilities, lest
it might be construed into a sign of disaffection to the king himself.
However, he gave out that he would take the charge of commanding them
himself during the remainder of the war; and in that view he headed all
his own vassals, and advised his neighbours, not without threats if they
acted otherwise, to enlist under no other authority than his own. They
remonstrated against being asked to disobey the commands of Montrose, who
was appointed by the king his deputy-governor and captain-general of all
the forces within the kingdom. Huntly replied, that he himself should in
no way be wanting in his duty to the king; but, in the meantime, it tended
no less to their honour than his own that it should appear to the king and
the whole kingdom how much they contributed to the maintenance of the war;
and this, he said, could never be done, unless they composed a separate
army by themselves. He spoke in very magnificent terms of his own power,
and endeavoured as much as possible to extenuate that of Montrose. He
extolled immoderately the glory and achievements of his ancestors, the
Gordons; a race, worthy indeed of all due commendation, whose power had
for many ages been formidable, and an overmatch for their neighbours; and
was so even at this day. It was therefore, he said, extremely unjust to
ascribe unto another, meaning Montrose, the glory and renown acquired by
their courage, and at the expense of their blood. But, for the future, he
would take care that neither the king should be disappointed of the help
of the Gordons, nor should they be robbed of the praise due to their
merit."
Notwithstanding Huntly’s
reasoning, some of his clan perceived the great danger to which the king’s
affairs would be exposed by such conduct, and they did everything in their
power to induce him to alter his resolution. It was, however, in vain that
they represented to him the danger and impropriety of dividing the friends
of the king at such a crisis, when union and harmony were so essentially
necessary for accomplishing the objects they had in view, and when, by
allowing petty jealousies to interfere and distract their councils, they
might ruin the royal cause in Scotland. Huntly lent a deaf ear to all
their entreaties, and instead of adopting the advice of his friends to
support Montrose, by ordering his vassals to join him, he opposed him
almost in everything he proposed by underhand means, although affecting a
seeming compliance with his wishes. Seeing all their efforts fruitless,
those friends who had advised Huntly to join Montrose declared that they
would range themselves under Montrose’s banner, as the king’s
lieutenant, regardless of consequences, and they kept their word.
The author of the history
of the family of Gordon, and Gordon of Ruthven, author of Britane’s
Distemper, endeavour to defend
Huntly from these charges made against him by Wishart. They assert that
Wishart has given only one side of the case, and that Huntly acted as he
did from a genuine desire to serve the highest interests of the king, and
through no envy towards Montrose. They lament that any misunderstanding
should ever have arisen between these two eminent royalists, as it
undoubtedly tended materially to prejudice the cause of the king. No doubt
Huntly sincerely wished to serve the royal cause: but we are afraid that
jealousy towards Montrose helped considerably to obscure his mental vision
and prejudice his judgment.
Among other reasons which
induced Montrose to take the speedy step he did of marching north himself,
was a report which had reached him that the king was to send from England
a large body of horse to support him, and he was most anxious to collect
such forces as he could to enable him to be in a condition to advance to
the south, and unite with this body. In fact, the king had given orders to
Lord Digby and Sir Marmaduke Langdale to proceed to Scotland with a body
of 1,500 horse; but they were, unfortunately, completely defeated, even
before Montrose’s departure to the north, by Colonel Copley at Sherburn,
with the loss of all their baggage. Digby and Langdale, accompanied by the
Earls of Camwath and Nithsdale, fled to Skipton, and afterwards to
Dumfries, whence they took ship to the Isle of Man.
Notwithstanding the
evasions of the Marquis of Huntly, Montrose succeeded in inducing the Earl
of Aboyne to join him at Drumminor, the seat of Lord Forbes, with a force
of 1,500 foot and 300 horse, all of whom appeared to be actuated by the
best spirit. To remove every unfavourable impression from the mind of
Montrose, Aboyne assured him with great frankness, that he and his men
were ready to follow him wherever he should be pleased to lead them; that
they would obey his orders; and that his brother, Lord Lewis, would also
speedily join him, as he soon did, with an additional force.
On receiving this reinforcement, Montrose
turned his face to the south, and marched towards Mar, where he was to be
joined by forces which Lord Erskine had raised there; but he had not
proceeded far, when Lord Lewis Gordon, under some pretence or other,
returned home with a considerable party of horse, promising to return to
the army the following day. The desertion of Lord Lewis had a most
pernicious influence upon the remainder of Aboyne’s men, who, before the
army had reached Alford, were greatly diminished by desertion. As the
remainder showed great unwillingness to march forward, and as the
desertions continued, Aboyne requested leave of absence, alleging as his
reason, that his father had expressly commanded him to return to defend
his possessions against a party of the enemy who were in Lower Mar, and
who were threatening an attack. The demand of Aboyne excited the
astonishment of Montrose, who remonstrated with him, and gave many reasons
to induce him to remain. He showed that Aboyne’s apprehensions of danger
were groundless, as, with the exception of a few troops of the enemy’s
horse quartered in Aberdeen, there were no other forces in the north which
could disturb Ibis father’s possessions, and that these horse were too
weak to attempt any thing—that by marching south, the seat of war would
be transferred from the north country, and that, in this way, the Marquis
of Huntly would be relieved altogether of the presence of the enemy—that
it would be impossible to join the royalist forces, which were on their
way from England, without crossing the Forth, and that it was only by
adopting the latter step that they could ever expect to rescue their brave
friends from the fangs of the Covenanters, and save their lives.
Aboyne did not attempt to
answer these reasons, which were urged with Montrose’s peculiar energy,
but he requested him to send some persons who had influence with his
father to acquaint him with them. Donald, Lord Reay, at whose house Huntly
had lived during his exile in Strathnaver, and Alexander Irvine, younger
of Drum, Huntly’s son-in-law, both of whom had been indebted to Montrose
for their liberty, were accordingly sent by him to the Marquis of Huntly,
as the most likely persons he could select to induce Huntly to allow
Aboyne to remain with the army. But all their arguments and entreaties
were to no purpose. Lord Reay was so heartily ashamed at the
failure of his mission, that he declined to return to Montrose; and
Irvine, who brought some evasive letters from Huntly, frankly declared to
Montrose, that he could obtain no satisfactory explanation from his
father-in-law of his real intentions, farther, than that he remained fixed
in his resolution that Aboyne should return home immediately. After
declaring that he parted from Montrose with reluctance, and promising to
join him within a fortnight with a force even larger than that which he
had lately brought, Aboyne left the army and returned to his father.
Montrose then continued his
march through Braemar and Glenshee into Athole, where he obtained an
accession of force. He next proceeded to Strathearn, where he was met by
two messengers,—Captain Thomas Ogilvie, younger of Pourie, and Captain
Robert Nisbet,—when arrived by different routes, with orders from the
king, desiring Montrose to join Lord George Digby, near the English
border, as soon as possible. On receiving these commands, Montrose
immediately sent the messengers north to the Marquis of Huntly, to
acquaint him with the king’s wishes, in the expectation that the use of
his majesty’s name would at once induce him to send Aboyne south with
reinforcements.
While Montrose lay in
Strathearn waiting for reinforcements, intelligence was brought to him
that the Covenanters were about to imbrue their hands in the blood of his
friends who had been taken prisoners after the battle of Philiphaugh. The
committee of Estates, which had accompanied the covenanting army to
Glasgow, had now determined upon this bold and illegal step, for which
hitherto, with the recent exceptions of O’Kean and Laugblane, no example
had been set by either of the belligerent parties in Scotland since the
commencement of the war. They had wisely abstained from staining the
scaffolds with blood, but from different motives. Montrose, in general,
refrained from inflicting capital punishment, and, as we have seen, often
released his prisoners on parole. The heads of the Covenanters had been
deterred by fear alone from carrying their bloody purposes into execution;
but considering that they had now nothing to fear, they soon appeared in
their true colours.
Besides the committee of
the Estates, a committee of the kirk held sittings in Glasgow at the same
time, which sittings were afterwards transferred to Perth, where, after
deposing some ministers who were considered disaffected to the Covenant,
because they had not "mourned" for Montrose’s victory at
Kilsyth, they "concerned" themselves, as Guthry observes, about
"the disposition of men’s heads." Accordingly, thinking the
committee of Estates remiss in condemning and executing the prisoners,
they appointed Mr. William Bennet, who acted as Moderator in the absence
of Mr. Robert Douglas, and two others of their number, to wait upon the
committee of Estates, and remonstrate with them for their supineness.
Guthry relates, that the deputation reported on their return, in his own
hearing, that some of the lords of the committee slighted the desire of
the committee of the kirk, and that they were likely to have obtained
nothing had not the Earl of Tulliebardine made a seasonable speech to the
effect, "that because he had a brother among those men, it might be
that their lordships so valued his concurrence with them in the good
cause, that for respect of him they were the more loth to resolve upon the
question. But that, as for himself, since that young man had joined with
that wicked crew, he did not esteem him his brother, and therefore
declared that he would take it for no favour if upon that account any
indulgence was granted him." This fratricidal speech made those
members of the committee, who had disliked the shedding of blood, hang
down their heads, according to Bennet’s report, and the committee,
thereupon, resolved that 10 of the prisoners should be executed, viz., the
Earl of Hartfell, lord Ogilvie, Sir Robert Spottiswood, the Honourable
William Murray, brother to the Earl of Tulliebardine, Alexander Ogilvie of
Inverquharity, Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, Colonel Nathaniel
Gordon, Adjutant Stewart, and Captain Andrew Guthry.
Apprehensive, however, that
Montrose might still be in a condition to avenge the blood of his friends,
the committee did not venture to carry their sentence into immediate
execution upon any of them; but hearing of the division between Montrose
and Huntly, and the desertion of the Gordons, they thought they might now
safely venture to immolate a few victims at the shrine of the Covenant.
Accordingly three of the prisoners were ordered for execution, viz., Sir
William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, chief of that name, and Alexander
Ogilvie, younger of Inverquharity, a youth not quite 18 years of age, who
had already given proofs of ability. This excellent young man was
sacrificed to gratify the malignant animosity of Argyle at the Ogilvies.
Sir William was executed at the market cross of Glasgow, on the 28th of
October, and Sir Philip and Ogilvie suffered at the same place on the
following day. Wishart relates a circumstance connected with Sir William
Rollock’s condemnation, which exhibits a singular instance of the
ferocity and fanaticism of the times. He says, that the chief crime laid
to Sir William’s charge was, that he had not perpetrated a deed of the
most villanous and atrocious nature. Having been sent by Montrose, after
the battle of Aberdeen, with some despatches to the king, he was
apprehended by the enemy, and would undoubtedly have been immediately
executed, but for Argyle, who used all his endeavours to engage him to
assassinate Montrose, and who at length, by threatening him with immediate
death, and promising him, in case of compliance, very high rewards,
prevailed on him to undertake that barbarous office, for which, however,
he secretly entertained the utmost abhorrence. Having thereby obtained his
life and liberty, he returned straight to Montrose and disclosed the whole
matter to him, entreating him, at the same time, to look more carefully to
his own safety; as it could not be supposed that he, Sir William, was the
only person who had been practised upon in this shameful manner or that
others would equally detest the deed, but that some persons would
undoubtedly be found who, allured with the bait, would use their utmost
industry and pains to obtain the promised reward. ~ Another instance of
fanaticism is related by Guthry, of David Dickson the "bloody
preacher," who, on witnessing the execution of Nisbet and Ogilvie,
was heard to utter the barbarous expression—" The work goes bonnyly
on," an expression which afterwards became proverbial.
About the time this tragedy
was performing, Montrose crossed the Forth and entered Lennox with a force
of 300 horse and 1,200 foot, and took up his quarters on the lands of Sir
John Buchanan, an ardent Covenanter, whence he sent out his cavalry every
day, who hovered about Glasgow, and plundered the neighbouring country
without opposition, although the Covenanters had a force of about 3,000
cavalry in Glasgow and the neighbourhood. When Montrose heard of the
execution of his friends, his heart was filled with the most poignant
grief, and he longed for a suitable opportunity to avenge their deaths,
but he was too weak to venture upon an immediate attack. He sent repeated
messengers from his present headquarters to Sir Alexander Macdonald to
join him; but after hovering several weeks about Glasgow, like a hawk
ready to pounce upon its quarry, he had the mortification to find, that
Macdonald had no intention of ever again returning to him, and that his
expectations of being joined by the Earl of Aboyne were to be equally
disappointed.
Under these untoward
circumstances, therefore, and as the winter, which turned out unusually
severe, was far advanced, Montrose resolved to retire into the north where
he could remain undisturbed. With this view he began his march from the
Lennox on the 19th of November, and crossing the hills of Monteith, which
were covered with snow to a considerable depth, he entered Strathearn, and
crossing the Tay, marched into Athole. Here Montrose received the
melancholy news of the death of his brother-in-law, Archibald Lord Napier
of Merchiston, whom he had left behind him in Athole on account of
indisposition; a man, says Bishop Wishart, "not less noble in his
personal accomplishments than in his birth and descent; a man of the
greatest uprightness and integrity, and of a most happy genius, being, as
to his skill in the sciences, equal to his father and grandfather, who
were famous all the world over for their knowledge in philosophy and
mathematics, and in the doctrine of civil prudence far beyond them."
Montrose had been accustomed from his earliest years to look up to this
gifted nobleman with feelings of reverential and filial awe, nor were
these feelings impaired as he advanced in life. He was interred in the
Kirk of Blair with becoming solemnity by Montrose.
When Montrose arrived in
Athole, he there found Captain Ogilvie and Captain Nisbet, who had just
returned from the north to give an account of their embassy to the Marquis
of Huntly. They reported that they found him quite inflexible in his
determination not to send assistance to Montrose, that he had spoken
disdainfully to them, and even questioned the authenticity of the message
which they brought from the king. It was truly grievous for Montrose to
see the cause for which he had fought so long, and for which he had
encountered so many personal risks, thus endangered by the apparently
wilful and fatal obstinacy of an individual who had abandoned his country
and his friends in the most trying circumstances, and skulked in
Strathnaver, without showing any inclination to support the tottering
throne of his sovereign. But Montrose did not yet despair of bringing the
marquis to a due sense of his duty; and as he considered that it was more
expedient, in the present conjuncture, to endeavour to soothe the wounded
pride of the marquis than to use the language of menace, he sent Sir John
Dalziel to Huntly with a message of peace and reconciliation; intending,
if necessary, as soon as circumstances permitted, to follow him, and
enforce by his personal presence, at a friendly conference, which Sir John
was requested to ask from the marquis, the absolute necessity of such a
reconciliation.
As Dalziel was quite
unsuccessful in his mission, and could not prevail upon Huntly to agree to
a conference with Montrose, the latter hastened to put into effect his
intention of paying a personal visit to Huntly, "that nothing might
be unattempted to bring him to a right way of thinking," and "by
heaping favours and benefits upon him, force him even against his will, to
a reconciliation, and to co-operate with him in promoting the king’s
affairs." Montrose accordingly left Athole with his army in the month
of December, and marching into Angus, crossed the Grampians, then covered
with frost and snow, by rapid marches, and arrived in Strathbogie, before
Huntly was aware of his movements. To avoid Montrose, Huntly immediately
shut himself up in his castle of Bog of Gicht, on the Spey, but Montrose
having left his headquarters with a troop of horse, unexpectedly surprised
him very early in the morning before he had time to secrete himself
Instead of reproaching Huntly with his past conduct, Montrose spoke to him
in the most affable manner, and apparently succeeded in removing his
dissatisfaction so far, that a plan for conducting the future operations
of the army was agreed upon between them. The reduction of the garrison of
Inverness, which, though strong and well fortified, was but scantily
stored with provisions, and an attempt to induce the Earl of Seaforth to
join them, were the leading parts of this plan. Accordingly, while
Montrose was to march through Strathspey, on his way to Inverness, it was
agreed that Huntly should also advance upon it by a different road along
the sea-coast of Morayshire, and thereby hem in the garrison on both
sides.
In prosecution of this
design, Montrose proceeded through Strathspey, and sat down before
Inverness, waiting for the arrival of Huntly. When marching through
Strathspey, Montrose received intelligence that Athole was threatened with
a visit from the Campbells—a circumstance which induced him to despatch
Graham of Inchbrakie and John Drummond, younger of Balloch, to that
country, for the purpose of embodying the Athole Highlanders, who had
remained at home, in defence of their country. The inhabitants of Argyle,
on hearing of Sir Alexander Macdonald’s arrival in their country, after
the battle of Kilsyth, had fled to avoid his vengeance, and concealed
themselves in caverns or in the clefts of the rocks; but being compelled
by the calls of hunger to abandon their retreats, they had been collected
together by Campbell of Ardkinlass to the number of about 1,200, and had
attacked the Macgregors and Macnabs for favouring Montrose. Being joined
by the Stuarts of Balquidder, the Menzieses, and other partisans of
Argyle, to the number of about 300, they meditated an invasion of Athole,
and had advanced as far as Strathample, with the intention of carrying
their design into execution, when intelligence was brought to Inchbrakie
of their approach. Inchbrakie and Balloch had by this time collected a
body of 700 able-bodied men, and, with this force, they immediately
proceeded to meet the Campbells. These had laid siege to Castle Ample;
but, on being apprised of the advance of the Athole-men, they retired to
Monteith, whither they were hotly pursued by the Athole-men, who overtook
them at Callander, near the village of Monteith. After crossing the river
Teith, they halted and prepared for battle, having previously stationed a
large party of musketeers to guard the Lord.
Having ascertained the
strength and position of the Campbells, Inchbrakie ordered 100 of his men
to advance to the ford, as if with the intention of crossing it, in order
to draw the attention of the Campbells to this single point, while, with
the remainder of his men, he hastened to cross the river by another ford,
higher up, and nearer the village. This movement was immediately perceived
by the Argyle-men, who, alarmed at such a bold step, and probably thinking
that the Athole-men were more numerous than they really were, abandoned
their position, and fled with precipitation towards Stirling. As soon as
the Athole party, stationed at the lower ford, saw the opposite bank
deserted, they immediately crossed the river and attacked the rear of the
retiring Campbells. They were soon joined in the pursuit by the party
which had crossed the higher ford; but, as the Athole-men had performed a
tedious march of ten miles that morning, they were unable to continue the
pursuit far. About 80 of the Campbells were killed in the pursuit. They
loitered about Stirling for some time in a very pitiful state, till
visited by their chief, on his way to Ireland, who, not knowing how to
dispose of them, led them into Renfrewshire, under the impression that as
the inhabitants of that district were friendly to the Covenant, they would
be well received; but the people of Renfrewshire, instead of showing
sympathy for these unfortunate wanderers, threatened to take arms and cut
them down, unless they departed immediately. The marquis, thereupon, sent
them into Lennox, and quartered them upon the lands of Lord Napier and
other "malignants," as the royalists were called.
The support of General
Leslie’s army being heavily felt by the people, complaints were made to
the Committee of Estates for retaining such a large body of men in
Scotland, without any necessity, and whose habits and mode of living were
so different from those of the inhabitants of North Britain. The Committee
sent Leslie back to England, retaining only a small brigade under General
Middleton, to watch the motions of Montrose.
The Covenanters, emboldened
by recent events, had summoned a parliament to meet at St. Andrews, which
accordingly assembled on the 26th of November, 1645; and, that the
ministers might not be behind their lay brethren in zeal for the blood of
the "malignants," the general assembly of the church also met at
the same time and place. It is truly humiliating to find men, no doubt
sincerely believing they were serving the cause of religion, demanding the
lives of their countrymen as a sacrifice which they considered would be
well-pleasing to God; yet, whilst every unprejudiced mind must condemn the
fanaticism of the Covenanters, it must be remembered that the
unconstitutional attempts of the king to force Episcopacy upon them—a
system which they detested,—the severe losses which they had sustained
from the arms of Montrose, and the dread of being subjected to the yoke of
prelacy, and punished for their resistance, had aroused them to a state of
frenzy, over which reason and religion could have little control.
As a preparative for the
bloody scenes about to be enacted, Sir Archibald Johnston of Warriston, on
the day the parliament met, addressed the house in a long harangue, in
which he entreated them to "unity amongst themselves, to lay all
private respects and interests aside, and to do justice on delinquents and
malignants; showing that their dallying formerly had provoked God’s two
great servants against them—the sword and plague of pestilence— which
had ploughed up the land with deep furrows: he showed that the massacre of
Kilyth was never to be forgotten, and that God, who was the just Judge of
the world, would not but judge righteously, and keep in remembrance that
sea of innocent blood which lay before his throne, crying for vengeance on
these bloodthirsty rebels, the butchers of so many innocent souls. He
showed, likewise, that the times required a more narrow and sharp looking
into than formerly, in respect that the house of parliament was become at
this present like to Noah’s ark, which had in it both foul and clean
creatures, and therefore he besought the Estates there now convened by God’s
especial permission and appointment, before that they went about the
constitution of that high court of parliament, that they would make a
serious search and inquiry after such as were ears and eyes to the enemies
of the commonwealth, and did sit there as if there was nothing to say to
them; and, therefore, he humbly desired that the house might be adjourned
till to-morrow at two o’clock in the afternoon, and that the several.
Estates might consider what corrupted members were amongst them, who had
complied with the public enemy of the state, either by themselves or by
their agents or friends."
On the 4th of December, a
petition was presented to the parliament from the prisoners confined in
the castle of St. Andrews, praying to be tried either by their peers, the
justice-general, or before the whole parliament, and not by a committee,
as proposed; and they very properly objected to Sir Archibald Johnston’s
sitting as a judge, he having already prejudged their case; but the house,
"in one voice," most iniquitously rejected the petition,
reserving, however, to the prisoners still to object to Sir Archibald
before the committee, "if they had not any personal exception against
his person."
As the ministers considered
the parliament tardy in their proceedings against the royalists, the
commissioners of the general assembly presented, on the 5th of December, a
remonstrance, praying them "for justice upon delinquents and
malignants who had shed the blood of their brethren," and on the same
day, four petitions and remonstrances to the same effect were presented to
the parliament, from the provincial assemblies and from Fife, Dumfries,
Merse, Teviotdale, and Galloway, by a body of about 200 persons. The
parliament, says Balfour, by their president, answered, that they had
taken their "modest petitions and seasonable remonstrances
very kindly, and rendered them hearty thanks, and wished them to be
confident that, with all alacrity and diligence, they would go about and
proceed in answering the expectations of all their reasonable desires, as
they might themselves perceive in their procedure hitherto; and, withal,
he entreated them, in the name of the house, that they would be earnest
with God to implore and beg his blessing to assist and encourage them to
the performance of what they demanded."
Notwithstanding the
entreaties of the ministers to proceed with the condemnation of the
prisoners, the parliament postponed proceedings till the 17th of January,
1646; but, as a peace-offering, they ordered, in the mean time, some Irish
prisoners, composed partly of those who had been taken at Philiphaugh, and
who had escaped assassination, and partly of stragglers who had been
picked up after that battle, and who were confined in various prisons
throughout the kingdom, especially in those of Selkirk, Jedburgh, Glasgow,
Dumbarton, and Perth, to be executed without trial, "conform to the
treaty betwixt both kingdoms." A more illegal act it is scarcely
possible to conceive, but in these times even the forms of justice were
set aside.
The Committee of Estates,
when sitting in Glasgow, had condemned the Earl of Hartfell and Lord
Ogilvie to death, along with Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, and
Alexander Ogilvie; but, for some reason or other, their execution was
deferred. So that, with the exception of Adjutant Stuart, who escaped
while under the charge of General Middleton, there remained only four
persons of any note for condemnation, viz., Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Sir
Robert Spottiswood, the Honourable William Murray, and Captain Guthry. It
appears from the parliamentary register of Sir James Balfour, that these
four prisoners pleaded exemption from trial, or rather from condemnation,
on the ground of "quarters;" but after three hours’ debate, on
the 10th of January, the parliament overruled this defence; and the
committee having, of course, found them all "guilty of high treason
against the states of the kingdom," they fixed the 16th of that month
for taking into consideration the punishment to be inflicted upon them.
The first case taken up on
the appointed day, was that of Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, who, after a
debate of three hours’ duration, was sentenced to be beheaded at the
cross of St. Andrews, on Tuesday, the 20th of January, at twelve o’clock,
and his lands and goods were declared forfeited to the public. The lord
chancellor declined voting. Similar sentences were pronounced upon the
Honourable William Murray and Captain Guthry, by a majority of votes, a
few of the members having voted that they should be imprisoned during
life. Mr. Murray’s brother, the Earl of Tulliebardine, absented himself.
These three fell under an act passed the preceding year, declaring that
all persons who, after having subscribed the Covenant, should withdraw
from it, should be held as guilty of high treason. But the case of Sir
Robert Spottiswood, who had not subscribed the Covenant, not falling
within the scope of this ex-post-facto law, the committee had
stated in a special report the grounds on which they found Sir Robert
guilty of high treason, namely, 1st, that he had advised, docketed,
signed, carried, and delivered to Montrose the commission appointing him
"lieutenant-governor and captain-general" of all his majesty’s
forces in Scotland; and 2dly, that he had been taken in arms against the
country at Philiphaugh. After a lengthened debate, the parliament decided
that both these charges were capital offences, and accordingly Sir Robert
was condemned by a large majority to lose his head.
It was the intention of the
parliament to have ordered the Earl of Hartfell and Lord Ogilvie to be
executed along with the other prisoners; but on the evening of the 19th of
January Lord Ogilvie effected his escape in the following way. Pretending
sickness he applied for, and obtained, though with considerable
difficulty, liberty to his mother, wife, and sister, to visit and attend
him in prison. On entering his chamber the sentinels retired out of
respect to the ladies; and, as soon as the door was shut, his lordship
jumped out of bed, and attired himself in his sister’s clothes, who, on
undressing, took the place of her brother in bed, and put on his
night-cap. After spending some time together to prevent suspicion, the two
other ladies and his lordship, after opening the door ajar so as to be
seen by the guards, pretended to take a most affectionate and painful
leave of the unfortunate bed-ridden prisoner, and drawing the door after
them, passed the sentinels without interruption. This happened about eight
o’clock in the evening; and as horses had been prepared for his lordship
and two companions who were waiting to escort him, he immediately mounted,
and was out of all danger before next morning, when the deception was
discovered. The escape of Lord Ogilvie highly incensed Argyle, who hated
the Ogilvies, and who, it is said, longed for the death of his lordship,
he could not conceal the chagrin he felt on the occasion, and even had the
audacity to propose that the three ladies should be immediately punished;
but the Hamiltons and Lord Lindsay, who, on account of their relationship
to Lord Ogilvie, were suspected of being privy to his escape, protected
them from his vengeance. The escape of Lord Ogilvie was a fortunate
occurrence for the Earl of Hartfell, for whose life it is alleged the
Hamiltons thirsted in their turn; and to disappoint whom Argyle insisted
that the earl’s life should be spared, a concession which he obtained.
Of the four prisoners,
Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, "a man," says Wishart, "of
excellent endowments both of body and mind," was the first that
suffered. He had been long under the ban of the church for adultery; but
on signing a paper, declaratory of his repentance, he was absolved from
the sentence of excommunication. He died expressing great sorrow for the
vices and follies of his youth; but vindicated himself for the part he had
taken in the troubles of his country, professed the most unshaken loyalty
to his king, and declared that if there were any thing in the instrument
he had signed which might be construed as dishonourable to the king, or
repugnant to his authority, he completely disowned it.
Colonel Gordon was followed
to the scaffold by Sir Robert Spottiswood, a man of spotless integrity,
and one of the most profound scholars of the age. He was the eldest son of
Archbishop Spottiswood, and had, by his rare endowments and great merit,
been noticed with distinction by King James and his successor Charles.
James conferred on him the order of knighthood, and made him a privy
councillor, and Charles promoted him to the high situation of lord
president of the court of session; and, upon the desertion of the Earl of
Lanark to the Covenanters, the king appointed him principal secretary of
state for Scotland instead of that nobleman. This appointment drew down
upon him the hatred of the leading Covenanters, but still there were some
among them who continued to respect him on account of his worth and
shining talents; and when the vote was taken in parliament whether he
should suffer, the Earls of Eglintoun, Cassius, Dunferrnline, and Carnwath,
voted that his life should be spared; and the lord chancellor and the Earl
of Lanark, by leave of the house, declined voting. "Though many liked
not his party, they liked his person, which made him many friends even
among the Covenanters, insomuch, that after his sentence was read, some of
the nobility spoke in his behalf, and entreated the house to consider the
quality and parts of that excellent gentleman and most just judge, whom
they had condenmed, and begged earnestly his life might be spared. But an
eminent knowledge and esteem, which, in other cases, might be a motive to
save a criminal, was here only the cause of taking an innocent man’s
life—so dangerous is it, in a corrupt age, to be eminently constant and
virtuous. The gentlemen who spoke were told that the authority of the
established government was not secure while Sir Robert’s life was
spared. Whereupon the noblemen who presided at the meeting of the estates
at Glasgow, and in the parliament at St. Andrews, openly declared, when
they signed the respective sentences, that they did sign as preses, and in
obedience to the command of the estates, but not as to their particular
judgment."
After he had mounted the
scaffold, still reeking with the blood of Colonel Gordon, Sir Robert
surveyed the terrific scene around him with singular composure, which,
added to his naturally grave and dignified appearance, filled the breasts
of the spectators with a feeling of compassion. Sir Robert had intended to
have addressed the people, and had prepared a written speech for the
occasion; but on turning round to address the spectators, he was prevented
from proceeding by the provost of St. Andrews, formerly a servant of Sir
Robert’s father, who had been instigated to impose silence upon him by
Robert Blair, one of those ministers who, to the scandal of religion, had
dishonoured their profession by calling out for the blood of their
countrymen. Blair’s motive in occasioning this interruption is said to
have arisen from a dread he entertained that Sir Robert would expose the
designs of the Covenanters, and impress the bystanders with an
unfavourable opinion of heir proceedings. Sir Robert bore the interruption
with the most unruffled composure, and, as he saw no chance of succeeding,
he threw the manuscript of his speech amongst the crowd, and applied
himself to his private devotions. But here again he was annoyed by the
officious impertinence of Blair, who rudely asked him whether he (Blair)
and the people should pray for the salvation of his soul" To this
question Sir Robert answered, that he indeed desired the prayers of the
people; but knowing the bloodthirsty character of the man he was
addressing, who had come to tease him in his last moments, he told him
that he "would have no concern with his prayers, which he believed
were impious, and an abomination unto God; adding, that of all the plagues
with which the offended majesty of God had scourged the nation, this was
certainly by far the greatest, greater than even the sword, fire, or
pestilence; that for the sins of the people God had sent a lying spirit
into the mouths of the prophets." This answer raised the fury of
Blair, who assailed Sir Robert with the most acrimonious imputations, and
reviled the memory of his father by the most infamous charges; but Sir
Robert was too deeply absorbed in meditation to regard such obloquy.
Having finished his devotions, this great and good man, after uttering
these words, "Merciful Jesus! gather my soul unto thy saints and
martyrs who have run before me in this race," laid his neck upon the
fatal block, and in an instant his head was severed from his body.
After Sir Robert
Spottiswood’s execution, Captain Guthry, son of the ex-bishop of Moray,
was next led to the scaffold. The fierce and unfeeling Blair, who had
already officiously witnessed, with the most morbid complacency, the
successive executions of Colonel Gordon and Sir Robert, not satisfied with
reviling the latter gentleman in his last moments, and lacerating his
feelings by heaping every sort of obloquy upon the memory of his father,
vented the dregs of his impotent rage upon the unfortunate victim now
before him; but Guthry bore all this man’s reproaches with becoming
dignity, and declared that he considered it an honour to die in defence of
the just cause of his sovereign. He met his death with the fortitude of a
hero and the firmness of a Christian.
In consequence of an
application to the parliament by the Earl of Tulliebardine, the execution
of his brother, William Murray, was delayed till the 23d of January. The
case of this unfortunate young man excited a strong feeling of regret
among the Covenanters themselves, and some writers have not scrupled to
blame the earl as the cause of his death, that he might succeed to his
patrimony. Some countenance is afforded to this conjecture from the
circumstance that the earl not only made no exertions to save his brother
from condemnation, but that he even absented himself from parliament the
day that his brother’s case came to be discussed, when, by his presence
or his vote, he might have saved his brother’s life. Nor is this
supposition, it is contended, in any shape weakened by the attempt he
afterwards made to get off his brother; for he must have known that the
parliament had gone too far to retract, and could not, without laying
itself open to the charge of the grossest partiality, reprieve Mr. Murray,
and allow their sentence to be carried into execution against the other
prisoners. If true, however, that the earl delivered the speech imputed to
him by Bennet, there can be no doubt of his being a participator in the
death of his brother, but, it would be hard to condemn him on such
questionable authority. To whatever cause it was owing, Mr. Murray was
not, during his last moments, subjected to the annoyances of Blair, nor
was he prevented from delivering the following speech to the persons
assembled to witness his execution. He spoke in a loud tone of voice as
follows: "I hope, my countrymen, you will reckon that the house of
Tulliebardine, and the whole family of Murray, have this day acquired a
new and no small addition of honour; that a young man, descended of that
ancient race, has, though innocent, and in the flower of his age, with the
greatest readiness and cheerfulness, delivered up his life for his king,
the father of his country, and the most munificent patron and benefactor
of that family from which he is sprung. Let not my honoured mother, my
dearest sisters, my kindred or my friends, lament the shortness of my
life, seeing that it is abundantly recompensed by the honour of my death.
Pray for my soul, and God be with you."
Many prisoners, but of less
note, still remained to be disposed of; but the parliament, either averse
to shed more blood, or from other considerations, took no steps against
them. The committee of the kirk, however, being actuated by other motives,
pressed the parliament to dispose of some more of the "malignants;"
but the bloody zeal of these clerical enthusiasts was checked by the
better sense of the parliament; and in order to get rid of their
importunities for blood, a suggestion was made to them by the leading men
in parliament to lay before them an "overture," proposing some
more lenient mode of punishment. The "godly" brotherhood soon
met, but a considerable difference of opinion prevailing as to the nature
of the punishment to be submitted to parliament in the proposed overture,
the moderator asked David Dickson what he thought best to he done with the
prisoners, who answered "in his homely way of speaking, ‘shame them
and herry (plunder) them."’ This proposal, being adopted, was made
the subject of an overture, which was accordingly presented to parliament;
and to meet the views of the ministers, a remit was made to a large
committee, which was appointed to meet at Linlithgow, on the 25th of
February, to fix the amount of the fines to be imposed upon the different
delinquents.
While the proceedings
before detailed were going on at St. Andrews, Montrose was ineffectually
endeavouring to reduce the garrison of Inverness, the acquisition of which
would have been of some importance to him. Had the Marquis of Huntly kept
his promise, and joined Montrose, its capture might have been effected;
but that nobleman never made his appearance, and as Inverness was thus
left open on the side which it was intended he should block up, the enemy
were enabled to supply themselves with provisions and warlike stores, of
which they stood in great need. Huntly, however, afterwards crossed the
Spey, and entered Moray with a considerable force; but instead of joining
Montrose, who repeatedly sent for him, he wasted his time in fruitless
enterprises, besieging and taking a few castles of no importance.
As Huntly probably did not
think that the capture of a few obscure castles was sufficient to
establish his pretensions as Montrose’s rival, he resolved to seize
Aberdeen, and had advanced on his way as far as Kintore, where he was met
by Ludovick Lindsay, Earl of Crawford, who had retired from the Mearns,
where he had been stationed with Montrose’s horse, on hearing of the
approach of the parliamentary army under the command of General Middleton
towards Aberdeen. This intelligence was quite sufficient to induce the
marquis to desist from his enterprise. Lindsay then marched into Buchan,
and burnt the town of Fraserburgh. He, thereafter, went to Banff, but was
compelled to retire hastily into Moray with some loss in February 1646, by
a division of Middleton’s army under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Montgomery and Major David Barclay.
About this time
intelligence was brought to Montrose that General Middleton had arrived at
Aberdeen with a force of 600 horse and 800 foot. He now renewed his
entreaties to Huntly to join him immediately, that they might either
reduce Inverness or march jointly upon Aberdeen and attack Middleton;
Huntly, however, refused to accede to Montrose’s request. This refusal
exasperated Montrose to such a degree that he resolved to have recourse to
force to compel compliance, as he could no longer endure to see the
authority of the sovereign, whose deputy he was, thus trampled upon and
despised. As he had already brought over to his side the Earl of Seaforth,
who had induced the heads of some of the principal clans to form a
confederation for obtaining a national peace, he was fully in a condition
to have reduced Huntly to obedience. Montrose having got a new commission,
sent a copy of it to Huntly, and, as governor and general of the royal
forces, charged him to come without delay, with his whole force to
Inverness, and there receive further orders. Huntly appears to have made
preparations for complying with this order, but Middleton’s sudden
advance on Inverness induced him to alter his purpose.
Wishart relates rather an
incredible story respecting an alleged piece of treachery on the part of
Lord Lewis Gordon on this occasion. H e states that, as Montrose had no
reliance on Huntly, and as he began now to think it high time to look more
carefully to his own safety, lest Huntly’s malice might at last carry
him the length even to betray him, he sent three troops of horse to the
fords of the Spey to watch the motions of the enemy, with orders, if they
approached, to send him immediate intimation of their movements. This
body, it is said, occupied the most convenient stations, and watched with
very great diligence for some time, till Lord Lewis, who then kept the
castle of Rothes, having contrived his scheme of villany, assured the
officers who commanded the horse, that the enemy was very far distant, and
had no intention to pass the river; he, therefore, advised them to cease
watching, and having invited them to the castle where they were
sumptuously entertained by him, plied with wine and spirits, and detained
till such time as Lord Middleton had crossed the Spey with a large army of
horse and foot, and penetrated. far into Moray, he dismissed his guests
with these jeering remarks—" Go, return to your general Montrose,
who will now have better work than he had at Selkirk. Gordon of Ruthven,
however, contradicts this very improbable story, and attributes Middleton’s
unmolested crossing of the Spey to the negligence of the troops who
guarded the passage; asserting that Lord Lewis knew nothing of it till
Mortimer, one of the captains in command of the troops, appeared at Rothes
to tell him that Middleton was on the other side of the Spey on his way to
Inverness. Moreover such a statement carries its own condemnation upon the
face of it, for even supposing that Montrose’s officers had acted the
stupid part unputed to them, they would certainly not have forgotten their
duty so far as to order their men to abandon their posts.
It was in the month of May, 1646, that
General Middleton left Aberdeen at the head of his army, on his way to
Inverness. He left behind him in Aberdeen a regiment of horse, and another
of foot, for the protection of the town, under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery. Middleton made rapid march, and arrived in
the neighbourhood of Inverness on the 9th of May, driving before him the
few troops of horse which Montrose had stationed on the Spey to watch his
motions. On being warned of Middleton’s approach, Montrose drew his
troops together, and took up a position at some distance from the town;
but having ascertained that Middleton was strong in cavalry, he hastily
crossed the river Ness. Middleton, thereupon, despatched two regiments of
cavalry after him, who attacked his rear, cut off some of his men, and
captured two pieces of cannon and part of his baggage. Montrose continued
his retreat by Beady into Ross-shire, whither he was pursued by Middleton,
who, however, suffered some loss in the pursuit. As Montrose’s forces
were far inferior, in point of numbers, to those of Middleton, he avoided
coming to an engagement, and as Seaforth’s men, who had joined Montrose
at Inverness, under their chief, began to desert him in great numbers, and
as he could not depend on the population by which he was surrounded,
Montrose turned to the right, and passing by Lochness, marched through
Strathglass and Stratherrick to the banks of the Spey. Middleton did not
follow Montrose, but went and laid siege to the castle of the Earl of
Seaforth in the canonry of Ross, which he took after a siege of four days.
He behaved towards the Countess of Seaforth, who was within the castle,
with great politeness, and restored it to her after taking away the
ammunition which it contained.
The absence of Middleton
from Aberdeen afforded Huntly an opportunity of accomplishing the design
which he formerly entertained, till prevented by the approach of Middleton
from the south, of taking Aberdeen, and accordingly he ordered his men to
march from Deeside to Inverury, where he appointed a general rendezvous to
be held on the 10th of May. Colonel Montgomery being aware of his motions,
beat up his quarters the same night at Kintore with a party of horse, and
killed some of his men. But Montgomery was repulsed by Lord Lewis Gordon,
with some loss, and forced to retire to Aberdeen. The marquis appeared at
the gates of Aberdeen at 12 o’clock on the following day, with a force
of 1,500 Highland foot and 600 horse, and stormed it in three different
places. The garrison defended themselves with courage, and twice repulsed
the assailants, in which contest a part of the town was set on fire; but a
fresh reinforcement having entered the town, under Lord Aboyne, the attack
was renewed, and Montgomery and his horse were forced to retire down to
the edge of the river Dee, which they crossed by swimming. The covenanting
foot, after taking refuge in the tolbooth and in the houses of the Earl
Marischal and Menzies of Pitfoddles, craved quarter and surrendered at
discretion. Although the city of Aberdeen had done nothing to incur Huntly’s
displeasure, he allowed his Highlanders to pillage it. About twenty
officers were taken prisoners, among whom were Colonels Hurry, Barclay,
and David Leighton; besides Sir William Forbes of Craigievar, and other
country gentlemen, particularly of the name of Forbes; but they were all
released next day on their parole of honour not to serve against the king
in future. There were killed on the side of the Covenanters, Colonel
William Forbes, Captain Lockhart, son of Sir James Lockhart of Lee, and
three captains of foot, besides a number of privates; but Huntly lost only
about twenty men.
As Huntly’s force was
considerably reduced by the return of the Highlanders, who had accompanied
him, to their own houses, with the booty which they had collected in
Aberdeen, and, as he was apprehensive of the immediate return of Middleton
from the north, he remained but a short time in Aberdeen. Marching up the
north bank of the Dee, he encamped in Cromar; but the sudden appearance of
Middleton, who, on hearing of Huntly’s advance on Aberdeen, had retraced
his steps and re-crossed the Spey, made him retire into Mar. Middleton,
after pursuing him for a short distance, returned to Aberdeen, which he
found had suffered severely from Huntly’s visit.
After an ineffectual
attempt by Montrose to obtain an interview with Huntly at the Bog of Gight,
whither he had gone after Middlleton’s return to Aberdeen, Montrose
resolved to make a tour through the Highlands, in the hope that he would
be able, by his personal presence, and by promising suitable rewards, to
induce he clans to rise in defence of their sovereign; but with the
determination, in case of refusal, to enforce obedience to his commands.
This resolution was not taken by Montrose, without the concurrence of some
of his best friends, who promised to aid him by every means in their
power, in carrying it into effect. In pursuance of his design, Montrose
was just about setting out on his proposed journey, when, on the last day
of May, a messenger arrived with a letter from the king, requesting him to
disband his forces, and to retire, himself, to France, where he would
receive "further directions."
After the disastrous battle
of Naseby, which was fought on the 14th of June, 1644, between the English
royalists and the parliamentary forces, the campaign in England, on the
part of the king, "presented little more than the last and feeble
struggles of an expiring party." The king had been enabled, in
consequence of the recall of the horse, which had reached Nottingham, on
their way to Hereford, under General David Leslie, after the battle of
Kilsyth, to drive the parliamentary infantry back from the siege of
Hereford; but the surrender of Bristol to the forces of the parliament, on
the 10th of September, and the defeat of the royalists at Chester, on the
23d of the same month, completed the ruin of the king’s affairs. Having
shut himself up in Oxford, for the last time, in November following,
Charles, after the discovery of the secret treaty with the Catholics of
Ireland, which had been entered into by the Earl of Glamorgan, endeavoured
to negotiate with the English parliament in the expectation that if he
could gain either the presbyterians or independents over to his side, by
fair promises, he would be enabled to get the upper hand of both. That
negotiation, however, not succeeding, another was set on foot, through the
medium of Montrevil, the French envoy, with the Scots army before Newark,
the leaders of which offered an asylum to the king on certain conditions.
At length Charles, undetermined as to the course he should pursue, on
hearing of the approach of the parliamentary army, under Fairfax, left
Oxford at midnight, on the 27th of April, 1646, in the disguise of a
servant, accompanied by Mr. Ashburnham and Dr. Hudson, a clergyman, and,
after traversing the neighbouring country, arrived at Southwell on the 5th
of May, where he was introduced by Montrevil to the Earl of Leven, the
commander of the Scots army, and the officers of his staff. The arrival of
the king seemed to surprise the officers very much, although it is
generally supposed that they had been made previously aware of his
intentions by Hudson, who had preceded him, and they treated him with
becoming respect, the commander tendering his bare sword upon his knee;
but when Charles, who had retained Leven’s sword, indicated his
intention to take the command of the army, by giving orders to the guard,
that crafty veteran unhesitatingly thus addressed him:— "I am the
older soldier, Sire, your majesty had better leave that office to
me." The king was, in fact, now a prisoner. As soon as the
intelligence reached the capital, that the king had retired to the Scots
camp, the two parliamentary factions united in accusing the Scots of
perfidy, and sent a body of 5,000 horse to watch their motions; but the
Scots being desirous to avoid hostilities, raised their camp before
Newark, and hastily retired to Newcastle, carrying the king along with
them.
On arriving at Newcastle,
the king was waited upon by the Earls of Lanark and Callander, and Lord
Balmerino, who paid their respects to him. As Callander was understood to
be favourably inclined to the king, Lanark and Balmerino were desirous to
get rid of him, and accordingly they prevailed upon his majesty to send
Callander back to Edinburgh with a letter, which they had induced his
majesty to write to the Committee of Estates, expressive of his desire to
comply with the wishes of the Scots parliament, and containing
instructions to them to order Montrose, Huntly, and Sir Alexander
Macdonald to disband their forces. And it was also at the desire of these
two noblemen that the king wrote the letter to Montrose already referred
to.
After Montrose had read
this letter he was filled with deep amazement and concern. All those
visionary schemes for accomplishing the great object of his ambition,
which a few minutes before had floated in his vivid imagination, were now
dispelled. He was now placed in one of the most painful and difficult
situations it is possible to conceive. He had no doubt that the letter had
been extorted from the king, yet he considered that it would neither be
prudent nor safe for him to risk the responsibility of disobeying the king’s
orders. Besides, were he to attempt to act contrary to these instructions,
he might thereby compromise the safety of the king, as his enemies would
find it no difficult affair to convince the army that Montrose was acting
according to private instructions from the king himself. On the other
hand, by instantly disbanding his army, Montrose considered that he would
leave the royalists, and all those friends who had shared his dangers, to
the mercy of their enemies. In this dilemma, he determined to convene a
general meeting of all the principal royalists, to consult as to how he
should act—a resolution which showed his good sense, and kind and just
feeling towards those who had been induced by his means to risk their
lives and fortunes in the cause of the king. Notwithstanding the many
slights which had been put upon him by the Marquis of Huntly, Montrose,
anxious to preserve a good understanding with him, sent Sir John Hurry and
Sir John Tunes to Huntly, to invite him to attend the proposed meeting,
and that there might be no appearance of dictation on the part of
Montrose, the time and place of meeting was left to Huntly’s own choice.
But this nobleman answered that he himself had received orders similar to
those sent to Montrose, which he was resolved to obey immediately, and,
therefore, he declined to attend any meeting on the subject.
In this situation of
matters, Montrose considered that his best and wisest course would be to
keep his army together till he should receive another communication from
the king, in answer to a letter which he sent by a messenger of his own,
in which he begged his majesty to acquaint him with the real situation of
matters, whether he considered his person safe in the hands of the
Covenanters, and if he could be of any farther service to him. Montrose
begged also to be informed by the king, if he persevered in his resolution
to disband an army which had fought so bravely in his defence, and that at
a time when his enemies, in both kingdoms, were still under arms; and if
so, he wished to be instructed by his majesty as to the course he should
pursue, for the protection and security of the lives and fortunes of those
brave men, who had encountered so many dangers, and had spent their blood
in his defence, as he could not endure the idea of leaving such loyal
subjects to the mercy of their enemies. The king returned an answer to
this letter, by the former messenger, Ker, in which he assured him that he
no less esteemed his willingness to lay down arms at his command,
"for a gallant and real expression" of his zeal and affection to
his service than any of his former actions; but he hoped that Montrose had
not such a mean opinion of him, that for any particular or worldly
respects he would suffer him (Montrose) to be ruined,—that his only
reason for sending Montrose out of the country was that he might return
with greater glory, and, in the meantime, to have as honourable an
employment as he (the king) could confer upon him,—that Ker would tell
him the care he had of all Montrose’s friends, and his own, to whom,
although he could not promise such conditions as he would have wished, yet
they would be such, all things considered, as were most fit for them to
accept. "Wherefore," continues his majesty, "I renew my
former directions, of laying down arms, unto you, desiring you to let
Huntly, Crawford, Airly, Seaforth, and Ogilvy, know, that want of time
hath made me now omit to reiterate my former commands unto you, intending
that this shall serve for all; assuring them, and all the rest of my
friends, that, whensoever God shall enable me, they shall reap the fruits
of their loyalty and affection to my service."
These ‘conditions,’
which consisted of several articles, and in the drawing up of which the
king probably had no concern, were far from satisfactory to Montrose, who
refused to accede to them. He even refused to treat with the Covenanters,
and sent back the messenger to the king to notify to him, that as he had
acted under his majesty's commission, he would admit of no conditions for
laying down his arms, or disbanding his army, which did not come directly
from the king himself; but that if his majesty imposed conditions upon
him, he would accept of them with the most implicit submission. The king,
who had no alternative but to adopt these conditions as his own, put his
name to them and sent back the messenger with them, with fresh
instructions to Montrose to disband his army forthwith under the pain of
high treason. Besides Ker, the king despatched another trusty messenger to
Montrose with a private letter urging him to accept of the conditions
offered, as in the event of his refusal to break up his army, his majesty
might be placed "in a very sad condition," such as he would
rather leave Montrose to guess at than seek himself to express. From this
expression, it would appear that Charles already began to entertain some
apprehensions about his personal safety. These commands of the king were
too peremptory to be any longer withstood, and as Montrose had been
informed that several of the leading royalists, particularly the Marquis
of Huntly, Lord Aboyne, and the Earl of Seaforth, were negotiating with
the Estates in their own behalf, and that Huntly and Aboyne had even
offered to compel Montrose to lay down his arms in cornpliance with the
orders of the king, he immediately resolved to disband his army.
As Middleton had been
intrusted by the Committee of Estates with ample powers to negotiate with
the royalists, and to see the conditions offered to Montrose implemented
by him in case of acceptance, a cessation of arms was agreed upon between
Montrose and Middleton; and in order to discuss the conditions, a
conference was held between them on the 22d day of July, on a meadow, near
the river Isla, in Angus, where they "conferred for the space of two
hours, there being none near them but one man for each of them to hold his
horse."’ The conditions agreed upon were these, that with the
exception of Montrose himself, the Earl of Crawford, Sir Alexander
Macdonald, and Sir John Hurry, all those who had taken up arms against the
Covenanters would be pardoned on making their submission, and that
Montrose, Crawford, Hurry, and Graham of. Gorthy, should transport
themselves beyond seas, before the last day of August, in a ship to be
provided by the Estates. This arrangement was ratified by the committee of
Estates, but the committee of the kirk exclaimed against it, and
petitioned the Committee of Estates not to sanction it.
Preparatory to disbanding
his army, Montrose appointed it to rendezvous at Rattray, in the
neighbourhood of Coupar-Angus, at which place, on the 30th of July, he
discharged his men, after addressing them with feeling and animation.
"After giving them due praise for their faithful services and good
behaviour, he told them his orders, and bade them farewell, an event no
less sorrowful to the whole army than to himself; and, notwithstanding
that he used his utmost endeavours to raise their drooping spirits, and
encourage them with the flatt ring prospect of a speedy and desirable
peace and assured them that he contributed to the king’s safety and
interest by his present ready submission, no less than he had formerly
done by his military attempts; yet they concluded, that a period was that
day put to the king’s authority, which would expire with the dissolution
of their army, for disbanding which, they were all convinced the orders
had been extorted from the king, or granted by him on purpose to evite a
greater and more immediate evil. And, upon whatever favourable conditions
their own safety might be provided for, yet they lamented their fate, and
would much rather have undergone the greatest fatigue and hardships than
be obliged to remain inactive and idle spectators of the miseries and
calamities befalling their dearest sovereign. Neither were their generous
souls a little concerned for the unworthy and disgraceful opinion which
foreign nations and after ages could not fail to conceive of the Scots, as
universally dipt in rebellion, and guilty of defection from the best of
kings. Their sorrow was likewise considerably augmented by the thoughts of
being separated from their brave and successful general, who was now
obliged to enter into a kind of banishment, to the irreparable loss of the
king, the country, themselves, and all good men, at a time when they never
had greater occasion for his services: And falling down upon their knees,
with tears in their eyes, they obtested him, that seeing the king’s
safety and interest required his immediate departure from the kingdom, he
would take them along with him to whatever corner of the world he would
retire, professing their readiness to live, to fight, nay, if it so please
God, even to die under his command. And not a few of them had privately
determined, though at the evident risk of their lives and fortunes, to
follow him without his knowledge, and even against his inclination, and to
offer him their service in a foreign land, which they could not any longer
afford him in their own distressed native country."
Such is the account of the
affecting farewell between Montrose and the few remaining brave and
adventurous men who had shared with him all the dangers and vicissitudes
of the battle-field, as related by a warm partisan of fallen royalty; yet
there is no reason for supposing that he has given an exaggerated view of
the feelings of the warlike and devoted band at parting, under existing
circumstances, with their beloved commander who had so often led them to
victory, and whose banishment from his native country they regarded as the
deathblow to their hopes.
Upon the dissolution of
Montrose’s army, the Scots officers and soldiers retired to their homes,
and the Irish troops marched westward into Argyle, whence they embarked
for their own country, being accompanied thither by the Earl of Crawford,
who from thence went to Spain. Montrose, along with the few friends who
were to follow him abroad, took up his abode at his seat of Old Montrose,
there to wait the arrival of the vessel destined to convey them to the
continent. The day fixed for Montrose’s departure was the 1st of
September, and he waited with impatience for the arrival of the expected
vessel; but as the month of August was fast expiring without such vessel
making its appearance, or any apparent preparation for the voyage,
Montrose’s friends applied to the committee of the Estates for a
prorogation of the day stipulated for his departure, but they could obtain
no satisfactory answer.
At length, on the last day
of August, a vessel for the reception of the marquis entered the harbour
of Montrose, in which he proposed immediately to embark, but he was told
by the shipmaster, "a violent and rigid Covenanter," that he
meant to careen his vessel before going to sea, an operation which would
occupy a few days. In the course of conversation, the ship-master bluntly
stated to his intended passengers, that he had received express
instructions to land them at certain ports. The behaviour of the captain,
joined to the information he had communicated, and the fact that several
English ships of war had been seen for several days off the coast, as if
watching his embarkation and departure, created a strong suspicion in
Montrose’s mind that a plan had been laid for capturing him, and induced
him to consult his own safety and that of his friends, by seeking another
way of leaving the kingdom. The anxiety of Montrose and his followers was
speedily relieved by the arrival of intelligence, that a small vessel
belonging to Bergen, in Norway, had been found in the neighbouring harbour
of Stonehaven; and that the master had engaged, on being promised a
handsome freight, to be in readiness, on an appointed day, to sail with
such passengers as should appear.
Accordingly, after sending
off Sir John Hurry, John Drmnmond of Balloch, Graham of Gorthy, Dr.
Wishart, and a few other friends by land to Stonehaven, on the 3d of
September 1646, he himself left the harbour of Montrose in a small boat,
disguised as the servant of James Wood, a clergyman, who accompanied him;
and the same evening went safely on board the vessel, into which his
friends had embarked, and setting sail with a fair wind, arrived in a few
days at Bergen, in Norway, where he received a friendly welcome from
Thomas Gray, a Scotsman, the governor of the castle of Bergen.
It is beyond the province
of this history to give a detailed account of the transactions which took
place between the Scotch and English concerning the disbanding of the
Scottish army and the delivery of the king to the English parliament.
Although the Scotch are certainly not free from blame for having betrayed
their king, after he had cast himself upon their loyalty and mercy, still
it must be remembered, in extenuation, that the king was merely playing a
game, that his giving himself up to the Scotch army was his last desperate
move, and that he would not have had the least scruple in outwitting,
deceiving, and even destroying his protectors. In September, 1646, an
agreement was come to between the Scotch commissioners and the English
parliament, that the army should be disbanded, on the latter paying
£400,000 as payment in full of the arrears of pay due to the army
for its services. There was no mention then made of the delivery of the
king, and a candid examination of the evidence on both sides proves that
the one transaction was quite independent of the other. "That
fanaticism and self-interest had steeled the breasts of the Covenanters
against the more generous impulses of loyalty and compassion, may, indeed,
be granted; but more than this cannot be legitimately inferred from any
proof furnished by history."
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