King James VI of Scotland ascended
the throne of England in 1603 as James I, ‘King of Great Britain’.
For the first time the fiery and independent Scotland was united
with its southern neighbour via the monarchy, yet they remained
independent kingdoms with their own parliaments, legal and religious
systems. In 1707 the Union of Scotland and England occurred. Through
the terms of the Act of Union the Scottish parliament was abolished
and England and Scotland were joined as the one kingdom of Great
Britain, yet as before Scotland retained its religious and legal
independence. The last Jacobite uprising occurred in 1745 and with
the defeat of Bonnie Prince Charlie an end was put to the movement
to try to return the Stuarts – the one time kings of Scotland – to
the throne. Almost all Scots were now firmly under the Hanoverian
banner and they gradually became active citizens of Great Britain.i
This essay will study the Scottish identity in the 18th and 19th
Centuries, including their culture, traditions, interpretation of
history, role in society, relations with the monarchy and their
taking up of a British identity alongside the Scottish one.
The Scots of the 17th and 18th
Centuries can roughly be divided into two groups – the highlanders
and lowlanders. The highlanders of northern Scotland were composed
of the clans – powerful aristocratic landowners and their families
and peasants such as the Macdonalds and Murrays, who practically
ruled their respective territories from large houses and manors and
who had great influence in the towns which they oversaw. They were
the chief supporters of the Stuarts (although Murrays fought on both
sides during the Jacobite uprisings) and had their own (although as
we shall see it was later augmented) distinctive culture. The
southerly lowlanders were much more like their English neighbours –
living relatively freely in towns and cities and on the land with
their own lords and earls and knowing little of the highland culture
or politics. Prior to 1745 most of the highlanders viewed the Union
with contempt, while the lowlanders had mixed feelings. Some of the
bourgeoisie supported the increased opportunities for trade and
advancement, while others resented the loss of some of their
independence, and many who went south found their opportunities
limited because of discrimination against the Scots.ii
After the uprising of 1745 the
Highlanders, who had formed the majority of the Prince’s army, were
scattered and lost much of their power and influence. The private
jurisdictions of the clan chieftains were abolished and replaced by
the power of the king. The wearing of tartans and kilts was banned
except in the army and the Highland culture was shunned as being
backwards, feudal, rough and unrefined, as indeed many Lowlanders
and Sassenachsiii
had always thought. Episcopalian clergymen were required to take new
oaths of allegiance to the king.iv
Nonetheless with the demise of Jacobitism and the advent of the
Union thousands of Scots, mainly Lowlanders, poured into England and
took up numerous positions in politics, civil service, the army and
navy, trade, economics, colonial enterprises and other areas. Neil
Davidson notes that “after 1746 there was an entirely new level of
participation by Scots in political life, particularly outside
Scotland.”v
In 1762 the Scot John Stuart, the 3rd Earl of Bute was appointed as
first lord of the treasury, basically the role of prime minister and
the first Scotsman to be appointed to the position. Bute was only
the tip of the iceberg, as Scots took up important positions all
over the empire. Alexander Wedderburn was appointed Attorney-General
in 1780. Then there was Henry Dundas, who held a number of important
positions during the late 18th-early 19th Centuries such as home
secretary, secretary at war and first lord of the admiralty and who
came to dominate Scottish politics in his time. Scots MPs also
served abroad – in the period 1790-1820 a staggering 130 Scots were
MPs representing seats in England and Wales.
The ever increasing British Empire
presented many opportunities to enterprising Scots and this people,
who appeared to be on the whole more adventurous than the English,
took advantage of these.vi
The English picked up most of the best posts at home and generally
were on the whole reluctant to travel abroad, meaning that many of
the English in the colonies were second rate men. By contrast the
Scots, who often came from poorer and less established backgrounds
and who were at times as much outsiders in England as anywhere else
in the empire, were far more willing to travel and take risks in
amassing wealth, promotions and prosperity in the far reaches of the
empire. This meant that many more talented Scots were available than
their English counterparts and many of them made full use of this
advantage. Scots could be found all over the empire, from India to
Canada to Australia and New Zealand. A Scot from a prominent
Jacobite family named James Murray became the first British governor
of Quebec. John Murray was governor of New York in 1770, while in
India Scots such as George Bogle had important posts and positions.
Indeed British Bengal was flooded with Scots – some 60% of the free
merchants were Scotsmen.vii
There was considerable backlash
against this influx of Scots. This resistance was led by John
Wilkes. Wilkes was born in London in 1725 and was a thorough rouge
yet also a fervent patriot of England. He was at times involved in
trade, was an author and a MP. Wilkes firmly supported whiggism and
hated the Scots and was outraged as what he saw as the Scottish
takeover of the English administration. Whiggism was an English
political and historical ideology that saw English history as the
progression of a strong ethnocentricity based on Protestantism, an
ancient constitution, limited monarchy and a special and expanding
place for England in the world. In contemporary politics Whigs
supported policies that upheld these principles and continued their
progression and improvement. There was also Scottish Whiggism, based
around a Presbyterian-aristocratic ideology.viii
Wilkes scorned the concept of ‘Great Britain’ and felt that the
Scots “unchangeably alien, never ever to be confused or integrated
with the English.”ix
Wilkes and his followers, called Wilkites, sought to protect the
great building blocks of England – the Protestant succession, the
revolution of 1688, the Magna Carta and English freedoms – the great
elements of English whiggism, all of which they felt to be under
threat in the 1760’s by a rising sense of Britishness. The Wilkites
argued that the Scots were politically dangerous. They had a taste
for arbitrary power and rule – had not the hated Stuarts come from
Scotland?x
Their lords were tyrants while the common people were slaves and
passively obedient to their masters. The march of the highlanders in
1745 burned freshly in peoples’ minds. With such attitudes history
and upbringings, how long would it be before they infected and
threatened the building blocks of England? Numerous cartoons such as
A View of the Origin of Scotch Ministers & Managers depicted the
flocking of Scots to England with bad or evil intentions and a
tendency to scratch each others’ backs. Wilkes wrote that “no Scot
ever exerted himself but for a Scot.”xi
Protests and rallies were heard across England - “more opportunities
for Scots meant fewer perks for Englishmen.”xii
Wilkes himself was furious that he had lost his attempt to become
first British governor of Quebec to James Murray. However
Scotophobia, while an important force in England, could not impede
the course of events. With the influx of Scots, their rights and
place as British citizens and the viewing of Scotland as an
important ally backed by the crown and the chief ministers, the
importance of Scots in England the rise of Britishness continued and
flourished into the 19th Century, aside from the occasional
discrimination against Scots seeking promotions in the heart of the
civil establishment, as noted above.xiii
Throughout the second half of the
18th Century only the army, a few societies and some proud
Highlanders kept the Highland tradition and culture alive. Chief
among these was the Highland Society of London, founded in 1777. The
Disarming Act which had banned the wearing of any of the traditional
Highland garb was repealed in 1782 largely through the efforts of
this society.xiv
Throughout that time a slow current of revival had begun, and in
the1820’s the Highland culture exploded back onto the scene and
gained unprecedented popularity. The curious thing was that the
tradition that found prominence would have been almost
unrecognisable to the Highlanders of 150 years before. It all began
with James Macpherson. He was a poet and scholar and a member of one
of the great Jacobite clans and he took a great interest in ancients
Scots Celtic works. In 1760 he published Fragments of Ancient
Poetry, collected in the Highlands of Scotland, and translated from
the Gaelic or Erse Language. This was followed in 1762 by Fingal and
then Temora in 1763, both of which were complete epic poems.
Macpherson claimed that they had all been written by a Celtic bard
named Ossian in the 3rd Cen. AD. Here were Scottish epics to rival
the Iliad which proved that the ancient Celtic culture had been
culturally sophisticated and colourful. However their true nature
and authenticity has been debated ever since.
These poems undoubtedly contain
information relevant to Macpherson’s own time. Macpherson retained
his Jacobite sympathies throughout his life, but he thought that
Jacobitism was lost, confined to a past in which the old Celtic
highland spirit lived on. The poems reflect this. They picture a
Gaelic world in which the old order of the warriors and heroes, the
spirit, romanticism and traditions of the people, of a pre-modern
life without corruption, are all falling, never to rise again – a
romantic world. Yet they depict that the spirit and tradition of
those times will continue as an “assertion by the ancient
civilisation of the North of the triumph of mind and spirit over the
seedy world of Hanoverian commerce and imperialism.”xv
The analogies with the current times, less than twenty years after
the final fall of the Jacobite cause and the Highlands were subtle
yet clear to those who knew their history and politics. Yet it was
an assertion of the spirit only – the legacy of the ‘noble savage’
ancestors, and not one that impacted on the contemporary world or
Britishness.
xvi Nevertheless it seems
likely that Macpherson really did collect a large amount of old
Gaelic poems from a wide range of places and times, and that he
edited and rewrote them as he saw fit to promote his message of the
nobility of the old Caledonians, their loss and the endurance of
their tradition. Even though their were early claims of forgery
against Macpherson, the Ossianic poems turned out to be a great
success across Europe and were one of the first significant works of
the Romantic movement. Important figures such as Goethe and Napoleon
were fascinated by Ossian.
No one had a greater influence
over the recreation of the Highlands that Sir Walter Scott, the
famous Lowland Scottish novelist. Scott fully supported the Union.
He believed that it would heal the divides between the Scottish
people and offer new horizons to them, and he actively set about
seeing that this was achieved. Scot had some sympathy with
Jacobitism and indeed he went on to record it as representing
Scottish national feeling as a whole. Yet he saw it as a romantic
past, in a similar way to Macpherson – a time of primitive emotion,
passion, excitement, heroics and old traditions and an allegiance
gained by the seductive Stuart charisma. He described it as having
been overtaken by the new rationalism and advancement of a United
Britain and its government, a process through which it inevitably
had to go. Scott largely ignored the radical politics of the
Jacobites and the cruel suppression of them and the highlands by the
Hanoverians. He confines Jacobite politics, indeed Scotland’s
history as a whole, to the emotive past, with no place in the
rational present or future. Scott thus stripped it of its political
elements and any active role in the future, confining it to a common
Scottish past which one could be proud of and yet which had no
bearing on the present world. Furthermore, as stated above he
advanced the Union as being able to overcome the old
highland/lowland and other divides in Scotland by replacing its
nationalism and its efforts in one common and rational cause. His
Scotland was a “museum of history and culture, denuded of the
political dynamic which must keep such culture alive and developing”xvii
and thus not relevant to the current political world.xviii
The culmination of Scott’s beliefs
and ambitions occurred in 1822. In that year King George IV visited
Edinburgh, the first ever Hanoverian to set foot in Scotland. Scott
made the occasion a ‘gathering of the Gael’ and the old Celtic world
was everywhere to be seen. Hugh Trevor-Roper argues that Scott was
“imprisoned by his fanatical Celtic friends, carried away by his own
romantic Celtic fantasises…determined to forget historic Scotland,
his own Lowland Scotland, altogether.”xix
While this view may be a bit extreme, it is a good indication of
what occurred during that fateful royal visit. Celtic culture,
dress, tradition, music (bagpipes as opposed to the older Celtic
harp) and poetry were all celebrated during the visit, as Scott
amalgamated all Scots into the Highland tradition. This allowed him
to further shift Scottish allegiance as one whole from a Jacobite
ideology to that of the Hanoverians and the Union which he
supported. The Highland Society of London, in conjunction with the
cloth manufactures of Edinburgh and surrounds cashed in on the
festivities by creating a range of separate clan tartans to be worn
by the various clans present. This aided the restoration of the clan
system that was abolished after the final Jacobite uprising,
although the new form it appeared in was somewhat different to the
historical reality.xx
The work of creating clan tartans was carried on by the brothers
Allen, who in the 1840’s published two books called Vestiarium
Scoticum and The Costume of the Clans. These works claimed to trace
and identify the different tartans of the various Scottish clans and
their long history. The manufacture of clan tartan clothes and goods
took off and has remained strong ever since. In fact individual
tartans were only a creation of the 18th Century at the earliest.
They had most likely begun in the various highland regiments in the
army to distinguish them from each other and were then first
introduced into the civil world as recently as the instances
described above. While tartan in the Highlands does indeed stretch
back to at least the 16th Century, its patterns were usually only
whatever was available or which were the latest styles of the day.xxi
The kilt too was a recent
invention, or one may say adaptation, as Trevor-Roper explains. It
was invented by an Englishman named Thomas Rawlinson, who had
business arrangements with Ian MacDonnell, chief of the MacDonnell’s
of Glengarry in the 1720’s. He adapted it from the traditional full
length plaid, separating the lower portion around the waist as a
separate piece and making some minor stylistic changes. This made
the manual labour of MacDonnell’s workers much easier to perform. It
was adopted by the chief himself, and soon the kilt was worn all
over the Highlands, to the extent that it was banned as part of the
legislation after the ’45. Nevertheless its connection with the
Jacobites and this event and its continued use in the Scottish
regiments of the British army was enough to make it the garb of
choice by Scott and the others who brought the Highlands back into
focus, rather than the far older plaid.xxii
Interestingly Scots Gaelic was not seen as one of the key elements
of Scottishness or even of being a Highlander and its usage grew
steadily less throughout the 18th and 19th Centuries.xxiii
All in all the Highland past and Jacobitism was thus stripped of is
political potency and retained as a memory – a past that was
uniquely Scottish and applied to all Scots – Lowlanders included -
and was something to be proud of yet was exactly that – the past.
Current events of great concern, even to the Highlands themselves,
such as the clearances of the first half of the 19th Cen., were
mostly ignored by such traditionalists. The past and the nationalism
on which it was built did not clash with a simultaneous allegiance
to Britain.xxiv
War – especially with Catholic and
later revolutionary France, trade and conquest also helped by
‘othering’ people that were clearly not British, thus reinforcing
the common bonds between Scots and English. With Jacobitism gone,
the government harnessed the significant military potential of the
Highlands and Scotland in general – the Highlanders had long had a
reputation as fierce and devoted warriors. Approximately one in four
regimental officers in the mid-18th Cen. was a Scot, while they also
took an important part in home defence – 50,000 Scottish volunteers
were mobilised during the Napoleonic Wars. Abroad 25% of the
Scottish male population served in a military capacity between 1792
and 1815. The highlanders in particular were dominant, with more
than 48,300 of them recruited between 1756 and 1815, while during
the Seven Years War one in four males were in service. Senior
politicians commented on the merits of the Highland soldiers. The
Secretary at War Barrington stated in 1751 that “I am for having
always in our army as many Scottish soldiers as possible” and “I
should choose to have and keep as many Highlanders as possible.”xxv
Some years later Pitt the Younger boasted of his achievement of
drawing the highlanders into the armed services, calling them “a
hardy and intrepid race of men”.xxvi
English generals also commented on their prowess, James Wolfe noting
during the Seven Years War that “the Highlanders are very useful
serviceable soldiers, and commanded by the most manly corps of
officers I ever saw.”xxvii
The exploits of Scots generals and highland regiments where the
traditions were maintained, with their kilts, swords, bagpipes and
other ‘traditional’ highland garb and equipment, became legendary
throughout the 19th Century, from the Black Watch at Waterloo to the
‘Thin Red Line’ at Balaklava and the Gordon Highlanders at Dargai.
War with the French continued on
and off for over 100 years from 1689 to 1815. The English were also
at war at one stage or another with all the European powers and
numerous other peoples all over the world. As we have seen in most
cases the Scots fought alongside the English, forming a bond with
them on the battlefield. The highland soldiers began to understand
their identity as being not only Scottish, which was an
accomplishment in itself, but as British. The old divides between
highland and lowland, Scottish and English, were being wiped away in
and via the army. The Scots needed to feel that the risks they took
and the blood they shed in the army and navy was for a good cause –
a cause that served their interests and advanced and protected
something that affected them and which they cared about. This could
only be achieved by the belief that they were fighting for a united
Britain whose allegiance and nationhood they upheld.xxviii
The bonds of the 'Auld Alliance' with France were being shed and
replaced with new common interests with England. They thus became
firmly linked with the imperial ambitions of Britain and the
glorious exploits of its army.
This connection went far beyond
that as the peoples against whom they fought were clearly unlike
them, thus reinforcing the common ‘Britishness’ they shared. It was
a case of ‘us’ against the hostile undisciplined ‘Other’. The
multitude of peoples that the British came across in their travels
and empire building only served to reinforce this sense of
‘otherness’, especially those native peoples who were markedly
difference to the British.xxix
Linda Colley sums it all up well when she writes that “they defined
themselves against the French as they imagined them to be,
superstitious, militarist, decadent and unfree. And, increasingly,
as the wars went on, they defined themselves in contrast to the
colonial peoples they conquered, peoples who were manifestly alien
in terms of culture, religion and colour.”xxx
The lowland Scots shared with
their neighbours a keen belief in Protestantism. Protestant
reformers had first started to have an impact in Scotland in the
16th Century, the most famous of which were John Knox and Andrew
Melville – considered to be the founder of Scottish Presbyterianism.xxxi
While Protestantism spread successfully through-out much of the
lowlands, the highlands presented a different story. Many
highlanders, especially those who remained loyal to the Stuarts,
maintained their Catholicism. However the accession of William of
Orange and Mary to the thrones of England and Scotland in the
'Glorious Revolution' of 1688-89 firmly established and secured
Protestantism at the heart of both nations. Catholicism in the
highlands was marginalised and when it came time to revive the
highland tradition in the late 18th–early 19th Centuries (see above)
Catholicism was quietly dropped from the commemorated Scottish
heritage. Even though the main denominations of England and Scotland
were different they were both fiercely Protestant and very much
anti-Catholic, or at least against the Roman and papal influence
they could spread via the Catholic Church. There were great fears in
the 1830s-50’s about the increasing influence of Catholicism in
Britain and what some saw as the increasingly Catholic trends of the
Church of England, known as Tractarianism. In 1851 Rome divided
Britain into separate dioceses for its churches and this only served
to heighten the fear and was seen as an unwanted outside influence.
Their great enemies the French were Catholic, and were they not
superstitious and unfree as a result? The growth of the empire
showed God’s providential destiny for Britain as the new ‘Protestant
Israel’ who’s mission was to spread the Gospel across the world.
With all this occurring and the rise of the Evangelicals across
Britain both Scots and English had great cause to be proud and
supportive of their common Protestantism.xxxii
Scotland benefited greatly from
the empire and had much influence in it – they were an active and in
many ways equal partner in it. Great intellectuals such as the
historian William Robertson and the philosopher David Hume were
widely known and respected, while Adam Smith’s An Inquiry into the
nature and causes of the Wealth of Nations was the first major work
on laissez-faire economics and paved the way for modern capitalism.
Indeed the Scottish Enlightenment has become well known, far more so
than any corresponding achievements in England. Engineers and
architects such as James Watt became world famous and there were
also prominent authors and poets such as Robert Burns and the
aforementioned Walter Scott. Scottish universities were flourishing
and produced a wealth of people trained for such professions and
also a host of medical doctors. While in the 100 years from
1750-1850 England produced 500 doctors, Scotland produced 10,000.
Naturally many of these went south and further abroad in the search
for work.xxxiii
Above all else, Scotland became an
industrial and economic powerhouse. Davidson states that “far from
being the ‘peripheral’ to the British economy, Scotland – or more
precisely, the Lowlands – lay at its core.”xxxiv
After the 1750s its economy expanded at a rapid rate – overseas
commerce growing by a significant 300% between 1750 and 1800.
Various industries such as coal and other mining, iron, steel,
textiles and linen, tobacco, engineering and cotton all flourished.
Steel and iron were particularly profitable. By the 1760s over 40%
of British imports of tobacco came through Scotland – more entered
Glasgow than London, and other imports also grew rapidly. Glasgow
was also the biggest builder and exporter of steam locomotives in
the world and shipping was immense – shipbuilders along the Clyde
alone produced over 70% of all British iron tonnage between 1851-70,
with clients including the mighty Cunard who had many of their great
ocean liners built by John Brown’s yards on the Clydebank.
Scottish towns and cities also
flourished. The urban population doubled between 1750 and 1800,
Glasgow became an industrial powerhouse and Edinburgh a modern,
attractive city with a true blend of the Scottish past and British
present.xxxv
Agriculture too continued to be important, especially the keeping of
sheep.xxxvi
As has already been noted, Scots all over the empire ran or worked
for profitable businesses, farms or trades. The commercial empire
thus opened up a whole new world to the Scots and invited them to
become a full part of Britain, an invitation that many accepted with
relish. This is not to say that the Scottish working classes and
poor were well off – in most cases and times far from it, yet like
their English counterparts they were proud of their nation’s
achievements and on the whole seem to have supported British
imperialism and culture. Were they not superior to the peasants of
Europe and the natives of Africa and Asia? The rough times of the
1830s and 40s were the greatest test of this support, including the
rise of the Chartist movement, but things improved somewhat from the
1850s onwards.xxxvii
The Scots were also increasingly
supportive of the monarchy, particularly during the reign of Queen
Victoria. New technologies such as the train had greatly improved
and increased the speed of travel and the Queen and her family made
numerous trips to Scotland. These were popular and regal events and
attracted many people. The two peoples thus had another common bond
in their support for a common ruler, largely outside of the
political and party sphere. Aside from the new possibilities allowed
by steam transport, the other key factor in the growth in support
for monarchy is what has come to be known as ‘Balmorality’.xxxviii
This refers to the adoption by the Hanoverians of the Highland
tradition of Scotland. Alex Tyrrell describes Balmorality as “a form
of Scottish identity in which the Lowlands were elided from
consideration, and the monarchy took pride of place in a romantic,
backward-looking vision of Scotland as a society that was
characterised by clan-based hierarchical loyalties and distinctive
Highland rituals.”xxxix
Victoria and Albert had an increasing interest in the Highlands and
they openly supported the Highland history and culture of Scotland
as it was described by the likes of Scott and Macpherson. This was
much loved by the populace and the monarchy became very popular in
Scotland – it became in many ways ‘their’ monarchy far more than
under any previous Hanoverian rulers. By playing up to the Highland
tradition, the monarchy managed to largely avoid becoming involved
in contemporary political problems in Scotland, they achieved the
shift of the old Scottish familiarity with monarchy from the Stuarts
to themselves and they helped to uphold Scottish conservatism by
recalling the times when the chiefs and aristocrats had supposedly
been respected and revered figures. This was aided by the restoring
in a renewed form of the old clan system which had been crippled
after the ’45, as noted above.xl
In conclusion, we have seen how the
Scots were able to integrate themselves into Britain yet retain
their sense of being Scots. A combination of a retained
semi-independence, a tendency to stick together and a questionable
yet highly popular tradition forged from a deep Highland past, gave
the Scots a sense of their own national identity that went beyond
being a Highlander or Lowlander. Yet this did not interfere with or
prevent them from actively joining Britain. The possibilities and
activities of Britain and above all the empire gave the Scots access
to the world and the English allowed them this access. Their
commonality with the English was reinforced through war, trade and
conquest as the multitude of other peoples whom they met were
othered in one way or another. This strengthened the bonds of law,
religion – especially Protestantism, ideology and customs that they
shared. Finally the monarchy came to be accepted in Scotland and was
a unifying force for both peoples. The Scots could be both Scottish
and British at the same time – it was to be one of the most
successful partnerships the world has ever seen.
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i An Act for an Union of the Two Kingdoms of England and
Scotland 1707 & Rosalind Mitchison; A History of Scotland,
London, Methuen & Co. Ltd, 1970 pp. 161-336
ii Neil Davidson; The Origins of Scottish Nationhood,
London, Pluto Press, 2000 pp. 47-111
iii A Gaelic word originally derived from the Gaelic for
‘Saxon’ and originally applied to both Lowlanders and the
English.
iv Rosalind Mitchison; A History of Scotland pp. 342-343 &
Linda Colley; Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837 2nd Ed.,
Reading, Yale University Press, 2005 p. 119
v Neil Davidson; The Origins of Scottish Nationhood pp.
94-95
vi Ibid. pp. 94-95, Linda Colley; Britons: Forging the
Nation 1707-1837 pp. 110 & 121-129 & Rosalind Mitchison; A
History of Scotland pp. 344 & 365-366
vii Linda Colley; Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837 pp.
105-132
viii Colin Kidd; Subverting Scotland’s Past, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press, 1993 pp. 1-29
ix Linda Colley; Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837 pp.
113-114
xiv Charles Withers; ‘The Historical Creation of The
Scottish Highlands’, The Manufacture of Scottish History ed. Ian
Donnachie & Christopher Whatley, Edinburgh, Polygon, 1992 pp.
150-151
xv Murray G. H. Pittock; The Invention of Scotland, London,
Routledge, 1991 p. 75
xvi Ibid. pp. 73-79 & Charles Withers; ‘The Historical
Creation of The Scottish Highlands’ pp. 147-152
xvii Murray G. H. Pittock; The Invention of Scotland p. 87
xviii Ibid. pp. 84-90, Charles Withers; ‘The Historical
Creation of The Scottish Highlands’ pp. 152-154, Hugh
Trevor-Roper; ‘The Invention of Tradition: The Highland
Tradition of Scotland’ pp. 29-30 & J. G. Lockhart; Life of Sir
Walter Scott, Edinburgh, Adam & Charles Black, 1888, vol. 2 pp.
511-523
xix Hugh Trevor-Roper; ‘The Invention of Tradition: The
Highland Tradition of Scotland’, The Invention of Tradition ed.
E. J. Hobsbawn & T. Ranger, Canto, Cambridge, 1983 p. 30
xx Hugh Trevor-Roper; ‘The Invention of Tradition: The
Highland Tradition of Scotland’ pp. 23-41 & Alex Tyrrell; ‘The
Queen’s Little Trip: The Royal Visit to Scotland in 1842’,
Scottish Historical Review, vol. lxxxii, 1:no. 213: April 2003
pp. 65-66
xxi Hugh Trevor-Roper; ‘The Invention of Tradition: The
Highland Tradition of Scotland’ pp. 30-41
xxii Charles Withers; ‘The Historical Creation of The
Scottish Highlands’ pp. 150-151 & Hugh Trevor-Roper; ‘The
Invention of Tradition: The Highland Tradition of Scotland’ pp.
18-27
xxiii Charles Withers; ‘The Historical Creation of The
Scottish Highlands’ pp. 150-151, Jeremy Black & Donald M.
MacRaild; Nineteenth-Century Britain, Hampshire, Palgrave
Macmillan, 2003 pp. 199-200 & Neil Davidson; The Origins of
Scottish Nationhood pp. 140-142
xxiv Charles Withers; ‘The Historical Creation of The
Scottish Highlands’ pp. 145-156, Hugh Trevor-Roper; ‘The
Invention of Tradition: The Highland Tradition of Scotland’ pp.
15-41 & Murray G. H. Pittock; The Invention of Scotland pp.
73-98 & 105-112
xxv Neil Davidson; The Origins of Scottish Nationhood p. 120
xxviii Ibid. pp. 116-122 & Linda Colley; Britons: Forging
the Nation 1707-1837 pp. 1-7 & 126-127
xxix Linda Colley; Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837 pp.
5-7 & 364-368
xxxi Magnus Magnusson; Scotland: the
story of a nation, London, Harper Collins, 2001 pp. 339-348 &
388-390
xxxii Ibid. pp. 5-9, 11-54 & 367-369
xxxiii Ibid. pp. 122-125 & Jeremy Black & Donald M. MacRaild;
Nineteenth-Century Britain p. 2
xxxiv Neil Davidson; The Origins of Scottish Nationhood p.
94
xxxv Ibid. pp. 92-94 & 171-174, Jeremy Black & Donald M.
MacRaild; Nineteenth-Century Britain pp. 200-203 & Linda Colley;
Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837 pp. 122-123
xxxvi Jeremy Black & Donald M. MacRaild; Nineteenth-Century
Britain pp. 85-87 & 197, Linda Colley; Britons: Forging the
Nation 1707-1837 p. 123 & Neil Davidson; The Origins of Scottish
Nationhood pp. 174-175
xxxvii Linda Colley; Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837
pp. 5-7 & Neil Davidson; The Origins of Scottish Nationhood pp.
165-199
xxxviii Named after Balmoral Castle in Aberdeenshire,
Scotland. It was purchased by Prince Albert for the monarchy in
1852.
xxxix Alex Tyrrell; ‘The Queen’s Little Trip: The Royal
Visit to Scotland in 1842’ p. 65
xl Alex Tyrrell; ‘The Queen’s Little Trip: The Royal Visit
to Scotland in 1842’ pp. 47-73 & Charles Withers; ‘The
Historical Creation of The Scottish Highlands’ pp. 152-154