Portland was
naturally the very opposite of a flatterer, and, having been the
intimate friend of the Prince of Orange at a time when the interval
between the House of Orange and the House of Bentinck was not so
wide as it afterwards became, had acquired a habit of plain speaking
which he could not unlearn when the comrade of his youth had become
the sovereign of three kingdoms. He was a most trusty, but not a
very respectful, subject. There was nothing which he was not ready
to do or suffer for William. But in his intercourse with William he
was blunt and sometimes surly. Keppel, on the other hand, had a
great desire to please, and looked up with unfeigned admiration to a
master whom he had been accustomed, ever since he could remember, to
consider as the first of living men. Arts, therefore, which were
neglected by the elder courtier were assiduously practised by the
younger. So early as the spring of 1691 shrewd observers were struck
by the manner in which Keppel watched every turn of the King's eye,
and anticipated the King's unuttered wishes. Gradually the new
servant rose into favour. He was at length made Earl of Albemarle
and Master of the Robes. But his elevation, though it furnished the
Jacobites with a fresh topic for calumny and ribaldry, was not so
offensive to the nation as the elevation of Portland had been.
Portland's manners were thought dry and haughty; but envy was
disarmed by the blandness of Albemarle's temper and by the
affability of his deportment.
Portland, though strictly honest, was covetous; Albemarle was
generous. Portland had been naturalised here only in name and form;
but Albemarle affected to have forgotten his own country, and to
have become an Englishman in feelings and manners. The palace was
soon disturbed by quarrels in which Portland seems to have been
always the aggressor, and in which he found little support either
among the English or among his own countrymen.
William, indeed, was not the man to discard an old friend for a new
one. He steadily gave, on all occasions, the preference to the
companion of his youthful days. Portland had the first place in the
bed-chamber. He held high command in the army. On all great
occasions he was trusted and consulted. He was far more powerful in
Scotland than the Lord High Commissioner, and far deeper in the
secret of foreign affairs than the Secretary of State. He wore the
Garter, which sovereign princes coveted. Lands and money had been
bestowed on him so liberally that he was one of the richest subjects
in Europe. Albemarle had as yet not even a regiment; he had not been
sworn of the Council; and the wealth which he owed to the royal
bounty was a pittance when compared with the domains and the hoards
of Portland. Yet Portland thought himself aggrieved. He could not
bear to see any other person near him, though below him, in the
royal favour. In his fits of resentful sullenness, he hinted an
intention of retiring from the Court. William omitted nothing that a
brother could have done to soothe and conciliate a brother. Letters
are still extant in which he, with the utmost solemnity, calls God
to witness that his affection for Bentinck still is what it was in
their early days. At length a compromise was made. Portland,
disgusted with Kensington, was not sorry to go to France as
ambassador; and William with deep emotion consented to a separation
longer than had ever taken place during an intimacy of twenty-five
years. A day or two after the new plenipotentiary had set out on his
mission, he received a touching letter from his master. "The loss of
your society," the King wrote, "has affected me more than you can
imagine. I should be very glad if I could believe that you felt as
much pain at quitting me as I felt at seeing you depart; for then I
might hope that you had ceased to doubt the truth of what I so
solemnly declared to you on my oath. Assure yourself that I never
was more sincere. My feeling towards you is one which nothing but
death can alter." It should seem that the answer returned to these
affectionate assurances was not perfectly gracious; for, when the
King next wrote, he gently complained of an expression which had
wounded him severely. But, though Portland was an unreasonable and
querulous friend, he was a most faithful and zealous minister. His
despatches show how indefatigably he toiled for the interests, and
how punctiliously he guarded the dignity, of the prince by whom he
imagined that he had been unjustly and unkindly treated.
The embassy was the most magnificent that England had ever sent to
any foreign court. Twelve men of honourable birth and ample fortune,
some of whom afterwards filled high offices in the State, attended
the mission at their own charge. Each of them had his own carriage,
his own horses, and his own train of servants. Two less wealthy
persons, who, in different ways, attained great note in literature,
were of the company. Rapin, whose history of England might have been
found, a century ago, in every library, was the preceptor of the
ambassador's eldest son, Lord Woodstock. Prior was Secretary of
Legation. His quick parts, his industry, his politeness, and his
perfect knowledge of the French language, marked him out as
eminently fitted for diplomatic employment. He had, however, found
much difficulty in overcoming an odd prejudice which his chief had
conceived against him. Portland, with good natural abilities and
great expertness in business, was no scholar. He had probably never
read an English book; but he had a general notion, unhappily but too
well founded, that the wits and poets who congregated at Will's were
a most profane and licentious set; and, being himself a man of
orthodox opinions and regular life, he was not disposed to give his
confidence to one whom he supposed to be a ribald scoffer. Prior,
with much address, and perhaps with the help of a little hypocrisy,
completely removed this unfavourable impression. He talked on
serious subjects seriously, quoted the New Testament appositely,
vindicated Hammond from the charge of popery, and, by way of a
decisive blow, gave the definition of a true Church from the
nineteenth Article. Portland stared at him. "I am glad, Mr. Prior,
to find you so good a Christian. I was afraid that you were an
atheist." "An atheist, my good lord!" cried Prior. "What could lead
your Lordship to entertain such a suspicion?" "Why," said Portland,
"I knew that you were a poet; and I took it for granted that you did
not believe in God." "My lord," said the wit, "you do us poets the
greatest injustice. Of all people we are the farthest from atheism.
For the atheists do not even worship the true God, whom the rest of
mankind acknowledge; and we are always invoking and hymning false
gods whom everybody else has renounced." This jest will be perfectly
intelligible to all who remember the eternally recurring allusions
to Venus and Minerva, Mars, Cupid and Apollo, which were meant to be
the ornaments, and are the blemishers, of Prior's compositions. But
Portland was much puzzled. However, he declared himself satisfied;
and the young diplomatist withdrew, laughing to think with how
little learning a man might shine in courts, lead armies, negotiate
treaties, obtain a coronet and a garter, and leave a fortune of half
a million.
The citizens of Paris and the courtiers of Versailles, though more
accustomed than the Londoners to magnificent pageantry, allowed that
no minister from any foreign state had ever made so superb an
appearance as Portland. His horses, his liveries, his plate, were
unrivalled. His state carriage, drawn by eight fine Neapolitan greys
decorated with orange ribands, was specially admired. On the day of
his public entry the streets, the balconies, and the windows were
crowded with spectators along a line of three miles. As he passed
over the bridge on which the statue of Henry IV. stands, he was much
amused by hearing one of the crowd exclaim: "Was it not this
gentleman's master that we burned on this very bridge eight years
ago?" The Ambassador's hotel was constantly thronged from morning to
night by visitors in plumes and embroidery. Several tables were
sumptuously spread every day under his roof; and every English
traveller of decent station and character was welcome to dine there.
The board at which the master of the house presided in person, and
at which he entertained his most distinguished guests, was said to
be more luxurious than that of any prince of the House of Bourbon.
For there the most exquisite cookery of France was set off by a
certain neatness and comfort which then, as now, peculiarly belonged
to England. During the banquet the room was filled with people of
fashion, who went to see the grandees eat and drink. The expense of
all this splendour and hospitality was enormous, and was exaggerated
by report. The cost to the English government really was fifty
thousand pounds in five months. It is probable that the opulent
gentlemen who accompanied the mission as volunteers laid out nearly
as much more from their private resources.
The malecontents at the coffeehouses of London murmured at this
profusion, and accused William of ostentation. But, as this fault
was never, on any other occasion, imputed to him even by his
detractors, we may not unreasonably attribute to policy what to
superficial or malicious observers seemed to be vanity. He probably
thought it important, at the commencement of a new era in the
relations between the two great kingdoms of the West, to hold high
the dignity of the Crown which he wore. He well knew, indeed, that
the greatness of a prince does not depend on piles of silver bowls
and chargers, trains of gilded coaches, and multitudes of running
footmen in brocade, and led horses in velvet housings. But he knew
also that the subjects of Lewis had, during the long reign of their
magnificent sovereign, been accustomed to see power constantly
associated with pomp, and would hardly believe that the substance
existed unless they were dazzled by the trappings.
If the object of William was to strike the imagination of the French
people, he completely succeeded. The stately and gorgeous appearance
which the English embassy made on public occasions was, during some
time, the general topic of conversation at Paris. Portland enjoyed a
popularity which contrasts strangely with the extreme unpopularity
which he had incurred in England. The contrast will perhaps seem
less strange when we consider what immense sums he had accumulated
at the expense of the English, and what immense sums he was laying
out for the benefit of the French. It must also be remembered that
he could not confer or correspond with Englishmen in their own
language, and that the French tongue was at least as familiar to
him, as that of his native Holland. He, therefore, who here was
called greedy, niggardly, dull, brutal, whom one English nobleman
had described as a block of wood, and another as just capable of
carrying a message right, was in the brilliant circles of France
considered as a model of grace, of dignity and of munificence, as a
dexterous negotiator and a finished gentleman. He was the better
liked because he was a Dutchman. For, though fortune had favoured
William, though considerations of policy had induced the Court of
Versailles to acknowledge him, he was still, in the estimation of
that Court, an usurper; and his English councillors and captains
were perjured traitors who richly deserved axes and halters, and
might, perhaps, get what they deserved. But Bentinck was not to be
confounded with Leeds and Marlborough, Orford and Godolphin. He had
broken no oath, had violated no law. He owed no allegiance to the
House of Stuart; and the fidelity and zeal with which he had
discharged his duties to his own country and his own master entitled
him to respect. The noble and powerful vied with each other in
paying honour to the stranger.
The Ambassador was splendidly entertained by the Duke of Orleans at
St. Cloud, and by the Dauphin at Meudon. A Marshal of France was
charged to do the honours of Marli; and Lewis graciously expressed
his concern that the frosts of an ungenial spring prevented the
fountains and flower beds from appearing to advantage. On one
occasion Portland was distinguished, not only by being selected to
hold the waxlight in the royal bedroom, but by being invited to go
within the balustrade which surrounded the couch, a magic circle
which the most illustrious foreigners had hitherto found impassable.
The Secretary shared largely in the attentions which were paid to
his chief. The Prince of Condé took pleasure in talking with him on
literary subjects. The courtesy of the aged Bossuet, the glory of
the Church of Rome, was long gratefully remembered by the young
heretic. Boileau had the good sense and good feeling to exchange a
friendly greeting with the aspiring novice who had administered to
him a discipline as severe as he had administered to Quinault. The
great King himself warmly praised Prior's manners and conversation,
a circumstance which will be thought remarkable when it is
remembered that His Majesty was an excellent model and an excellent
judge of gentlemanlike deportment, and that Prior had passed his
boyhood in drawing corks at a tavern, and his early manhood in the
seclusion of a college. The Secretary did not however carry his
politeness so far as to refrain from asserting, on proper occasions,
the dignity of his country and of his master. He looked coldly on
the twenty-one celebrated pictures in which Le Brun had represented
on the coifing of the gallery of Versailles the exploits of Lewis.
When he was sneeringly asked whether Kensington Palace could boast
of such decorations, he answered, with spirit and propriety: "No,
Sir. The memorials of the great things which my master has done are
to be seen in many places; but not in his own house."
Great as was the success of the embassy, there was one drawback.
James was still at Saint Germains; and round the mock King were
gathered a mock Court and Council, a Great Seal and a Privy Seal, a
crowd of garters and collars, white staves and gold keys. Against
the pleasure which the marked attentions of the French princes and
grandees gave to Portland, was to be set off the vexation which he
felt when Middleton crossed his path with the busy look of a real
Secretary of State. But it was with emotions far deeper that the
Ambassador saw on the terraces and in the antechambers of Versailles
men who had been deeply implicated in plots against the life of his
master. He expressed his indignation loudly and vehemently. "I
hope," he said, "that there is no design in this; that these
wretches are not purposely thrust in my way. When they come near me
all my blood runs back in my veins." His words were reported to
Lewis. Lewis employed Boufflers to smooth matters; and Boufflers
took occasion to say something on the subject as if from himself.
Portland easily divined that in talking with Boufflers he was really
talking with Lewis, and eagerly seized the opportunity of
representing the expediency, the absolute necessity, of removing
James to a greater distance from England. "It was not contemplated,
Marshal," he said, "when we arranged the terms of peace in Brabant,
that a palace in the suburbs of Paris was to continue to be an
asylum for outlaws and murderers." "Nay, my Lord," said Boufflers,
uneasy doubtless on his own account, "you will not; I am sure,
assert that I gave you any pledge that King James would be required
to leave France. You are too honourable a man, you are too much my
friend, to say any such thing." "It is true," answered Portland,
"that I did not insist on a positive promise from you; but remember
what passed. I proposed that King James should retire to Rome or
Modena. Then you suggested Avignon; and I assented. Certainly my
regard for you makes me very unwilling to do anything that would
give you pain. But my master's interests are dearer to me than all
the friends that I have in the world put together. I must tell His
Most Christian Majesty all that passed between us; and I hope that,
when I tell him, you will be present, and that you will be able to
bear witness that I have not put a single word of mine into your
mouth."
When Boufflers had argued and expostulated in vain, Villeroy was
sent on the same errand, but had no better success. A few days later
Portland had a long private audience of Lewis. Lewis declared that
he was determined to keep his word, to preserve the peace of Europe,
to abstain from everything which could give just cause of offence to
England, but that, as a man of honour, as a man of humanity, he
could not refuse shelter to an unfortunate King, his own first
cousin. Portland replied that nobody questioned His Majesty's good
faith; but that while Saint Germains was occupied by its present
inmates it would be beyond even His Majesty's power to prevent
eternal plotting between them and the malecontents on the other side
of the Straits of Dover, and that, while such plotting went on, the
peace must necessarily be insecure. The question was really not one
of humanity. It was not asked, it was not wished, that James should
be left destitute. Nay, the English government was willing to allow
him an income larger than that which he derived from the munificence
of France. Fifty thousand pounds a year, to which in strictness of
law he had no right, awaited his acceptance, if he would only move
to a greater distance from the country which, while he was near it,
could never be at rest. If, in such circumstances, he refused to
move, this was the strongest reason for believing that he could not
safely be suffered to stay. The fact that he thought the difference
between residing at Saint Germains and residing at Avignon worth
more than fifty thousand a year sufficiently proved that he had not
relinquished the hope of being restored to his throne by means of a
rebellion or of something worse. Lewis answered that on that point
his resolution was unalterable. He never would compel his guest and
kinsman to depart. "There is another matter," said Portland, "about
which I have felt it my duty to make representations. I mean the
countenance given to the assassins." "I know nothing about
assassins," said Lewis. "Of course," answered the Ambassador, "your
Majesty knows nothing about such men. At least your Majesty does not
know them for what they are. But I can point them out, and can
furnish ample proofs of their guilt." He then named Berwick. For the
English Government, which had been willing to make large allowances
for Berwick's peculiar position as long as he confined himself to
acts of open and manly hostility, conceived that he had forfeited
all claim to indulgence by becoming privy to the Assassination Plot.
This man, Portland said, constantly haunted Versailles.
Barclay, whose guilt was of a still deeper dye,--Barclay, the chief
contriver of the murderous ambuscade of Turnham Green,--had found in
France, not only an asylum, but an honourable military position. The
monk who was sometimes called Harrison and sometimes went by the
alias of Johnson, but who, whether Harrison or Johnson, had been one
of the earliest and one of the most bloodthirsty of Barclays
accomplices, was now comfortably settled as prior of a religious
house in France. Lewis denied or evaded all these charges. "I
never," he said, "heard of your Harrison. As to Barclay, he
certainly once had a company; but it has been disbanded; and what
has become of him I do not know. It is true that Berwick was in
London towards the close of 1695; but he was there only for the
purpose of ascertaining whether a descent on England was
practicable; and I am confident that he was no party to any cruel
and dishonourable design." In truth Lewis had a strong personal
motive for defending Berwick. The guilt of Berwick as respected the
Assassination Plot does not appear to have extended beyond
connivance; and to the extent of connivance Lewis himself was
guilty.
Thus the audience terminated. All that was left to Portland was to
announce that the exiles must make their choice between Saint
Germains and fifty thousand a year; that the protocol of Ryswick
bound the English government to pay to Mary of Modena only what the
law gave her; that the law gave her nothing; that consequently the
English government was bound to nothing; and that, while she, her
husband and her child remained where they were, she should have
nothing. It was hoped that this announcement would produce a
considerable effect even in James's household; and indeed some of
his hungry courtiers and priests seem to have thought the chance of
a restoration so small that it would be absurd to refuse a splendid
income, though coupled with a condition which might make that small
chance somewhat smaller.
But it is certain that, if there was murmuring among the Jacobites,
it was disregarded by James. He was fully resolved not to move, and
was only confirmed in his resolution by learning that he was
regarded by the usurper as a dangerous neighbour. Lewis paid so much
regard to Portland's complaints as to intimate to Middleton a
request, equivalent to a command, that the Lords and gentlemen who
formed the retinue of the banished King of England would not come to
Versailles on days on which the representative of the actual King
was expected there. But at other places there was constant risk of
an encounter which might have produced several duels, if not an
European war. James indeed, far from shunning such encounters, seems
to have taken a perverse pleasure in thwarting his benefactor's wish
to keep the peace, and in placing the Ambassador in embarrassing
situations.
One day his Excellency, while drawing on his boots for a run with
the Dauphin's celebrated wolf pack, was informed that King James
meant to be of the party, and was forced to stay at home. Another
day, when his Excellency had set his heart on having some sport with
the royal staghounds, he was informed by the Grand Huntsman that
King James might probably come to the rendezvous without any notice.
Melfort was particularly active in laying traps for the young
noblemen and gentlemen of the Legation. The Prince of Wales was more
than once placed in such a situation that they could scarcely avoid
passing close to him. Were they to salute him? Were they to stand
erect and covered while every body else saluted him? No Englishman
zealous for the Bill of Rights and the Protestant religion would
willingly do any thing which could be construed into an act of
homage to a Popish pretender. Yet no goodnatured and generous man,
however firm in his Whig principles, would willingly offer any thing
which could look like an affront to an innocent and a most
unfortunate child.
Meanwhile other matters of grave importance claimed Portland's
attention. There was one matter in particular about which the French
ministers anxiously expected him to say something, but about which
he observed strict silence. How to interpret that silence they
scarcely knew. They were certain only that it could not be the
effect of unconcern. They were well assured that the subject which
he so carefully avoided was never, during two waking hours together,
out of his thoughts or out of the thoughts of his master. Nay, there
was not in all Christendom a single politician, from the greatest
ministers of state down to the silliest newsmongers of coffeehouses,
who really felt that indifference which the prudent Ambassador of
England affected. A momentous event, which had during many years
been constantly becoming more and more probable, was now certain and
near. Charles the Second of Spain, the last descendant in the male
line of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, would soon die without
posterity. Who would then be the heir to his many kingdoms,
dukedoms, counties, lordships, acquired in different ways, held by
different titles and subject to different laws? That was a question
about which jurists differed, and which it was not likely that
jurists would, even if they were unanimous, be suffered to decide.
Among the claimants were the mightiest sovereigns of the continent;
there was little chance that they would submit to any arbitration
but that of the sword; and it could not be hoped that, if they
appealed to the sword, other potentates who had no pretension to any
part of the disputed inheritance would long remain neutral. For
there was in Western Europe no government which did not feel that
its own prosperity, dignity and security might depend on the event
of the contest.
It is true that the empire, which had, in the preceding century,
threatened both France and England with subjugation, had of late
been of hardly so much account as the Duchy of Savoy or the
Electorate of Brandenburg. But it by no means followed that the fate
of that empire was matter of indifference to the rest of the world.
The paralytic helplessness and drowsiness of the body once so
formidable could not be imputed to any deficiency of the natural
elements of power. The dominions of the Catholic King were in extent
and in population superior to those of Lewis and of William united.
Spain alone, without a single dependency, ought to have been a
kingdom of the first rank; and Spain was but the nucleus of the
Spanish monarchy. The outlying provinces of that monarchy in Europe
would have sufficed to make three highly respectable states of the
second order. One such state might have been formed in the
Netherlands. It would have been a wide expanse of cornfield, orchard
and meadow, intersected by navigable rivers and canals. At short
intervals, in that thickly peopled and carefully tilled region, rose
stately old towns, encircled by strong fortifications, embellished
by fine cathedrals and senate-houses, and renowned either as seats
of learning or as seats of mechanical industry. A second flourishing
principality might have been created between the Alps and the Po,
out of that well watered garden of olives and mulberry trees which
spreads many miles on every side of the great white temple of Milan.
Yet neither the Netherlands nor the Milanese could, in physical
advantages, vie with the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, a land which
nature had taken pleasure in enriching and adorning, a land which
would have been paradise, if tyranny and superstition had not,
during many ages, lavished all their noxious influences on the bay
of Campania, the plain of Enna, and the sunny banks of Galesus.
In America the Spanish territories spread from the Equator northward
and southward through all the signs of the Zodiac far into the
temperate zone. Thence came gold and silver to be coined in all the
mints, and curiously wrought in all the jewellers' shops, of Europe
and Asia. Thence came the finest tobacco, the finest chocolate, the
finest indigo, the finest cochineal, the hides of innumerable wild
oxen, quinquina, coffee, sugar. Either the viceroyalty of Mexico or
the viceroyalty of Peru would, as an independent state with ports
open to all the world, have been an important member of the great
community of nations.
And yet the aggregate, made up of so many parts, each of which
separately might have been powerful and highly considered, was
impotent to a degree which moved at once pity and laughter. Already
one most remarkable experiment had been tried on this strange
empire. A small fragment, hardly a three hundredth part of the whole
in extent, hardly a thirtieth part of the whole in population, had
been detached from the rest, had from that moment begun to display a
new energy and to enjoy a new prosperity, and was now, after the
lapse of a hundred and twenty years, far more feared and reverenced
than the huge mass of which it had once been an obscure corner. What
a contrast between the Holland which Alva had oppressed and
plundered, and the Holland from which William had sailed to deliver
England! And who, with such an example before him, would venture to
foretell what changes might be at hand, if the most languid and
torpid of monarchies should be dissolved, and if every one of the
members which had composed it should enter on an independent
existence?
To such a dissolution that monarchy was peculiarly liable. The King,
and the King alone, held it together. The populations which
acknowledged him as their chief either knew nothing of each other,
or regarded each other with positive aversion. The Biscayan was in
no sense the countryman of the Valencian, nor the Lombard of the
Biscayan, nor the Fleeting of the Lombard, nor the Sicilian of the
Fleeting. The Arragonese had never ceased to pine for their lost
independence. Within the memory of many persons still living the
Catalans had risen in rebellion, had entreated Lewis the Thirteenth
of France to become their ruler with the old title of Count of
Barcelona, and had actually sworn fealty to him. Before the Catalans
had been quieted, the Neapolitans had taken arms, had abjured their
foreign master, had proclaimed their city a republic, and had
elected a Loge. In the New World the small caste of born Spaniards
which had the exclusive enjoyment of power and dignity was hated by
Creoles and Indians, Mestizos and Quadroons. The Mexicans especially
had turned their eyes on a chief who bore the name and had inherited
the blood of the unhappy Montezuma. Thus it seemed that the empire
against which Elizabeth and Henry the Fourth had been scarcely able
to contend would not improbably fall to pieces of itself, and that
the first violent shock from without would scatter the ill- cemented
parts of the huge fabric in all directions.
But, though such a dissolution had no terrors for the Catalonian or
the Fleming, for the Lombard or the Calabrian, for the Mexican or
the Peruvian, the thought of it was torture and madness to the
Castilian. Castile enjoyed the supremacy in that great assemblage of
races and languages. Castile sent out governors to Brussels, Milan,
Naples, Mexico, Lima. To Castile came the annual galleons laden with
the treasures of America. In Castile was ostentatiously displayed
and lavishly spent great fortunes made in remote provinces by
oppression and corruption. In Castile were the King and his Court.
There stood the stately Escurial, once the centre of the politics of
the world, the place to which distant potentates looked, some with
hope and gratitude, some with dread and hatred, but none without
anxiety and awe. The glory of the house had indeed departed. It was
long since couriers bearing orders big with the fate of kings and
commonwealths had ridden forth from those gloomy portals. Military
renown, maritime ascendency, the policy once reputed so profound,
the wealth once deemed inexhaustible, had passed away. An
undisciplined army, a rotting fleet, an incapable council, an empty
treasury, were all that remained of that which had been so great.
Yet the proudest of nations could not bear to part even with the
name and the shadow of a supremacy which was no more. All, from the
grandee of the first class to the peasant, looked forward with dread
to the day when God should be pleased to take their king to himself.
Some of them might have a predilection for Germany; but such
predilections were subordinate to a stronger feeling. The paramount
object was the integrity of the empire of which Castile was the
head; and the prince who should appear to be most likely to preserve
that integrity unviolated would have the best right to the
allegiance of every true Castilian. No man of sense, however, out of
Castile, when he considered the nature of the inheritance and the
situation of the claimants, could doubt that a partition was
inevitable. Among those claimants three stood preeminent, the
Dauphin, the Emperor Leopold, and the Electoral Prince of Bavaria.
If the question had been simply one of pedigree, the right of the
Dauphin would have been incontestable. Lewis the Fourteeenth had
married the Infanta Maria Theresa, eldest daughter of Philip the
Fourth and sister of Charles the Second. Her eldest son, the
Dauphin, would therefore, in the regular course of things, have been
her brother's successor. But she had, at the time of her marriage,
renounced, for herself and her posterity, all pretensions to the
Spanish crown. To that renunciation her husband had assented. It had
been made an article of the Treaty of the Pyrenees. The Pope had
been requested to give his apostolical sanction to an arrangement so
important to the peace of Europe; and Lewis had sworn, by every
thing that could bind a gentleman, a king, and a Christian, by his
honour, by his royal word, by the canon of the Mass, by the Holy
Gospels, by the Cross of Christ, that he would hold the renunciation
sacred.
The claim of the Emperor was derived from his mother Mary Anne,
daughter of Philip the Third, and aunt of Charles the Second, and
could not therefore, if nearness of blood alone were to be regarded,
come into competition with the claim of the Dauphin. But the claim
of the Emperor was barred by no renunciation. The rival pretensions
of the great Houses of Bourbon and Habsburg furnished all Europe
with an inexhaustible subject of discussion. Plausible topics were
not wanting to the supporters of either cause. The partisans of the
House of Austria dwelt on the sacredness of treaties; the partisans
of France on the sacredness of birthright. How, it was asked on one
side, can a Christian king have the effrontery, the impiety, to
insist on a claim which he has with such solemnity renounced in the
face of heaven and earth? How, it was asked on the other side, can
the fundamental laws of a monarchy be annulled by any authority but
that of the supreme legislature? The only body which was competent
to take away from the children of Maria Theresa their hereditary
rights was the Comes. The Comes had not ratified her renunciation.
That renunciation was therefore a nullity; and no swearing, no
signing, no sealing, could turn that nullity into a reality.
Which of these two mighty competitors had the better case may
perhaps be doubted. What could not be doubted was that neither would
obtain the prize without a struggle which would shake the world. Nor
can we justly blame either for refusing to give way to the other.
For, on this occasion, the chief motive which actuated them was, not
greediness, but the fear of degradation and ruin. Lewis, in
resolving to put every thing to hazard rather than suffer the power
of the House of Austria to be doubled; Leopold, in determining to
put every thing to hazard rather than suffer the power of the House
of Bourbon to be doubled; merely obeyed the law of self
preservation. There was therefore one way, and one alone, by which
the great woe which seemed to be coming on Europe could be averted.
Was it possible that the dispute might be compromised? Might not the
two great rivals be induced to make to a third party concessions
such as neither could reasonably be expected to make to the other?
The third party, to whom all who were anxious for the peace of
Christendom looked as their best hope, was a child of tender age,
Joseph, son of the Elector of Bavaria. His mother, the Electress
Mary Antoinette, was the only child of the Emperor Leopold by his
first wife Margaret, a younger sister of the Queen of Lewis the
Fourteenth. Prince Joseph was, therefore, nearer in blood to the
Spanish throne than his grandfather the Emperor, or than the sons
whom the Emperor had by his second wife. The Infanta Margaret had
indeed, at the time of her marriage, renounced her rights to the
kingdom of her forefathers. But the renunciation wanted many
formalities which had been observed in her sister's case, and might
be considered as cancelled by the will of Philip the Fourth, which
had declared that, failing his issue male, Margaret and her
posterity would be entitled to inherit his Crown. The partisans of
France held that the Bavarian claim was better than the Austrian
claim; the partisans of Austria held that the Bavarian claim was
better than the French claim. But that which really constituted the
strength of the Bavarian claim was the weakness of the Bavarian
government. The Electoral Prince was the only candidate whose
success would alarm nobody; would not make it necessary for any
power to raise another regiment, to man another frigate, to have in
store another barrel of gunpowder. He was therefore the favourite
candidate of prudent and peaceable men in every country.
Thus all Europe was divided into the French, the Austrian, and the
Bavarian factions. The contests of these factions were daily renewed
in every place where men congregated, from Stockholm to Malta, and
from Lisbon to Smyrna. But the fiercest and most obstinate conflict
was that which raged in the palace of the Catholic King. Much
depended on him. For, though it was not pretended that he was
competent to alter by his sole authority the law which regulated the
descent of the Crown, yet, in a case in which the law was doubtful,
it was probable that his subjects might be disposed to accept the
construction which he might put upon it, and to support the claimant
whom be might, either by a solemn adoption or by will, designate as
the rightful heir. It was also in the power of the reigning
sovereign to entrust all the most important offices in his kingdom,
the government of all the provinces subject to him in the Old and in
the New World, and the keys of all his fortresses and arsenals, to
persons zealous for the family which he was inclined to favour. It
was difficult to say to what extent the fate of whole nations might
be affected by the conduct of the officers who, at the time of his
decease, might command the garrisons of Barcelona, of Mons, and of
Namur.
The prince on whom so much depended was the most miserable of human
beings. In old times he would have been exposed as soon as he came
into the world; and to expose him would have been a kindness. From
his birth a blight was on his body and on his mind. With difficulty
his almost imperceptible spark of life had been screened and fanned
into a dim and flickering flame. His childhood, except when he could
be rocked and sung into sickly sleep, was one long piteous wail.
Until he was ten years old his days were passed on the laps of
women; and he has never once suffered to stand on his ricketty legs.
None of those tawny little urchins, clad in rags stolen from
scarecrows, whom Murillo loved to paint begging or rolling in the
sand, owed less to education than this despotic ruler of thirty
millions of subjects, The most important events in the history of
his own kingdom, the very names of provinces and cities which were
among his most valuable possessions, were unknown to him. It may
well be doubted whether he was ware that Sicily was an island, that
Christopher Columbus had discovered America, or that the English
were not Mahometans. In his youth, however, though too imbecile for
study or for business, he was not incapable of being amused. He
shot, hawked and hunted. He enjoyed with the delight of a true
Spaniard two delightful spectacles, a horse with its bowels gored
out, and a Jew writhing in the fire. The time came when the
mightiest of instincts ordinarily wakens from its repose. It was
hoped that the young King would not prove invincible to female
attractions, and that he would leave a Prince of Asturias to succeed
him. A consort was found for him in the royal family of France; and
her beauty and grace gave him a languid pleasure. He liked to adorn
her with jewels, to see her dance, and to tell her what sport he had
had with his dogs and his falcons. But it was soon whispered that
she was a wife only in name. She died; and her place was supplied by
a German princess nearly allied to the Imperial House. But the
second marriage, like the first, proved barren; and, long before the
King had passed the prime of life, all the politicians of Europe had
begun to take it for granted in all their calculations that he would
be the last descendant, in the male line, of Charles the Fifth.
Meanwhile a sullen and abject melancholy took possession of his
soul. The diversions which had been the serious employment of his
youth became distasteful to him. He ceased to find pleasure in his
nets and boar spears, in the fandango and the bullfight. Sometimes
he shut himself up in an inner chamber from the eyes of his
courtiers. |