On the day on which Tyrconnel died, the
advanced guard of the English army came within sight of Limerick.
Ginkell encamped on the same ground which William had occupied
twelve months before. The batteries, on which were planted guns and
bombs, very different from those which William had been forced to
use, played day and night; and soon roofs were blazing and walls
crashing in every corner of the city. Whole streets were reduced to
ashes. Meanwhile several English ships of war came up the Shannon
and anchored about a mile below the city.
Still the place held out; the garrison was, in numerical strength,
little inferior to the besieging army; and it seemed not impossible
that the defence might be prolonged till the equinoctial rains
should a second time compel the English to retire. Ginkell
determined on striking a bold stroke. No point in the whole circle
of the fortifications was more important, and no point seemed to be
more secure, than the Thomond Bridge, which joined the city to the
camp of the Irish horse on the Clare bank of the Shannon. The Dutch
General's plan was to separate the infantry within the ramparts from
the cavalry without; and this plan he executed with great skill,
vigour and success. He laid a bridge of tin boats on the river,
crossed it with a strong body of troops, drove before him in
confusion fifteen hundred dragoons who made a faint show of
resistance, and marched towards the quarters of the Irish horse. The
Irish horse sustained but ill on this day the reputation which they
had gained at the Boyne. Indeed, that reputation had been purchased
by the almost entire destruction of the best regiments. Recruits had
been without much difficulty found. But the loss of fifteen hundred
excellent soldiers was not to be repaired. The camp was abandoned
without a blow. Some of the cavalry fled into the city. The rest,
driving before them as many cattle as could be collected in that
moment of panic, retired to the hills. Much beef, brandy and harness
was found in the magazines; and the marshy plain of the Shannon was
covered with firelocks and grenades which the fugitives had thrown
away.
The conquerors returned in triumph to their camp. But Ginkell was
not content with the advantage which he had gained. He was bent on
cutting off all communication between Limerick and the county of
Clare. In a few days, therefore, he again crossed the river at the
head of several regiments, and attacked the fort which protected the
Thomond Bridge. In a short time the fort was stormed. The soldiers
who had garrisoned it fled in confusion to the city. The Town Major,
a French officer, who commanded at the Thomond Gate, afraid that the
pursuers would enter with the fugitives, ordered that part of the
bridge which was nearest to the city to be drawn up. Many of the
Irish went headlong into the stream and perished there. Others cried
for quarter, and held up handkerchiefs in token of submission. But
the conquerors were mad with rage; their cruelty could not be
immediately restrained; and no prisoners were made till the heaps of
corpses rose above the parapets. The garrison of the fort had
consisted of about eight hundred men. Of these only a hundred and
twenty escaped into Limerick.
This disaster seemed likely to produce a general mutiny in the
besieged city. The Irish clamoured for the blood of the Town Major
who had ordered the bridge to be drawn up in the face of their
flying countrymen. His superiors were forced to promise that he
should be brought before a court martial. Happily for him, he had
received a mortal wound, in the act of closing the Thomond Gate, and
was saved by a soldier's death from the fury of the multitude.
The cry for capitulation became so loud and importunate that the
generals could not resist it. D'Usson informed his government that
the fight at the bridge had so effectually cowed the spirit of the
garrison that it was impossible to continue the struggle. Some
exception may perhaps be taken to the evidence of D'Usson; for
undoubtedly he, like every Frenchman who had held any command in the
Irish army, was weary of his banishment, and impatient to see Paris
again. But it is certain that even Sarsfield had lost heart. Up to
this time his voice had been for stubborn resistance. He was now not
only willing, but impatient to treat. It seemed to him that the city
was doomed. There was no hope of succour, domestic or foreign. In
every part of Ireland the Saxons had set their feet on the necks of
the natives. Sligo had fallen. Even those wild islands which
intercept the huge waves of the Atlantic from the bay of Galway had
acknowledged the authority of William. The men of Kerry, reputed the
fiercest and most ungovernable part of the aboriginal population,
had held out long, but had at length been routed, and chased to
their woods and mountains.
A French fleet, if a French fleet were now to arrive on the coast of
Munster, would find the mouth of the Shannon guarded by English men
of war. The stock of provisions within Limerick was already running
low. If the siege were prolonged, the town would, in all human
probability, be reduced either by force or by blockade. And, if
Ginkell should enter through the breach, or should be implored by a
multitude perishing with hunger to dictate his own terms, what could
be expected but a tyranny more inexorably severe than that of
Cromwell? Would it not then be wise to try what conditions could be
obtained while the victors had still something to fear from the rage
and despair of the vanquished; while the last Irish army could still
make some show of resistance behind the walls of the last Irish
fortress? On the evening of the day which followed the fight at the
Thomond Gate, the drums of Limerick beat a parley; and Wauchop, from
one of the towers, hailed the besiegers, and requested Ruvigny to
grant Sarsfield an interview. The brave Frenchman who was an exile
on account of his attachment to one religion, and the brave Irishman
who was about to become an exile on account of his attachment to
another, met and conferred, doubtless with mutual sympathy and
respect.
Ginkell, to whom Ruvigny reported what had passed, willingly
consented to an armistice. For, constant as his success had been, it
had not made him secure. The chances were greatly on his side. Yet
it was possible that an attempt to storm the city might fail, as a
similar attempt had failed twelve months before. If the siege should
be turned into a blockade, it was probable that the pestilence which
had been fatal to the army of Schomberg, which had compelled William
to retreat, and which had all but prevailed even against the genius
and energy of Marlborough, might soon avenge the carnage of Aghrim.
The rains had lately been heavy. The whole plain might shortly be an
immense pool of stagnant water. It might be necessary to move the
troops to a healthier situation than the bank of the Shannon, and to
provide for them a warmer shelter than that of tents. The enemy
would be safe till the spring. In the spring a French army might
land in Ireland; the natives might again rise in arms from Donegal
to Kerry; and the war, which was now all but extinguished, might
blaze forth fiercer than ever.
A negotiation was therefore opened with a sincere desire on both
sides to put an end to the contest. The chiefs of the Irish army
held several consultations at which some Roman Catholic prelates and
some eminent lawyers were invited to assist. A preliminary question,
which perplexed tender consciences, was submitted by the Bishops.
The late Lord Lieutenant had persuaded the officers of the garrison
to swear that they would not surrender Limerick till they should
receive an answer to the letter in which their situation had been
explained to James. The Bishops thought that the oath was no longer
binding. It had been taken at a time when the communications with
France were open, and in the full belief that the answer of James
would arrive within three weeks. More than twice that time had
elapsed. Every avenue leading to the city was strictly guarded by
the enemy. His Majesty's faithful subjects, by holding out till it
had become impossible for him to signify his pleasure to them, had
acted up to the spirit of their promise.
The next question was what terms should be demanded. A paper,
containing propositions which statesmen of our age will think
reasonable, but which to the most humane and liberal English
Protestants of the seventeenth century appeared extravagant, was
sent to the camp of the besiegers. What was asked was that all
offences should be covered with oblivion, that perfect freedom of
worship should be allowed to the native population, that every
parish should have its priest, and that Irish Roman Catholics should
be capable of holding all offices, civil and military, and of
enjoying all municipal privileges.
Ginkell knew little of the laws and feelings of the English; but he
had about him persons who were competent to direct him. They had a
week before prevented him from breaking a Rapparee on the wheel; and
they now suggested an answer to the propositions of the enemy. "I am
a stranger here," said Ginkell; "I am ignorant of the constitution
of these kingdoms; but I am assured that what you ask is
inconsistent with that constitution; and therefore I cannot with
honour consent." He immediately ordered a new battery to be thrown
up, and guns and mortars to be planted on it. But his preparations
were speedily interrupted by another message from the city. The
Irish begged that, since he could not grant what they had demanded,
he would tell them what he was willing to grant. He called his
advisers round him, and, after some consultation, sent back a paper
containing the heads of a treaty, such as he had reason to believe
that the government which he served would approve. What he offered
was indeed much less than what the Irish desired, but was quite as
much as, when they considered their situation and the temper of the
English nation, they could expect. They speedily notified their
assent. It was agreed that there should be a cessation of arms, not
only by land, but in the ports and bays of Munster, and that a fleet
of French transports should be suffered to come up the Shannon in
peace and to depart in peace. The signing of the treaty was deferred
till the Lords justices, who represented William at Dublin, should
arrive at Ginkell's quarters. But there was during some days a
relaxation of military vigilance on both sides. Prisoners were set
at liberty. The outposts of the two armies chatted and messed
together. The English officers rambled into the town. The Irish
officers dined in the camp. Anecdotes of what passed at the friendly
meetings of these men, who had so lately been mortal enemies, were
widely circulated. One story, in particular, was repeated in every
part of Europe. "Has not this last campaign," said Sarsfield to some
English officers, "raised your opinion of Irish soldiers?" "To tell
you the truth," answered an Englishman, we think of them much as we
always did." "However meanly you may think of us," replied
Sarsfield, "change Kings with us, and we will willingly try our luck
with you again." He was doubtless thinking of the day on which he
had seen the two Sovereigns at the head of two great armies, William
foremost in the charge, and James foremost in the flight.
On the first of October, Coningsby and Porter arrived at the English
headquarters. On the second the articles of capitulation were
discussed at great length and definitely settled. On the third they
were signed. They were divided into two parts, a military treaty and
a civil treaty. The former was subscribed only by the generals on
both sides. The Lords justices set their names to the latter.
By the military treaty it was agreed that such Irish officers and
soldiers as should declare that they wished to go to France should
be conveyed thither, and should, in the meantime, remain under the
command of their own generals. Ginkell undertook to furnish a
considerable number of transports. French vessels were also to be
permitted to pass and repass freely between Britanny and Munster.
Part of Limerick was to be immediately delivered up to the English.
But the island on which the Cathedral and the Castle stand was to
remain, for the present, in the keeping of the Irish.
The terms of the civil treaty were very different from those which
Ginkell had sternly refused to grant. It was not stipulated that the
Roman Catholics of Ireland should be competent to hold any political
or military office, or that they should be admitted into any
corporation. But they obtained a promise that they should enjoy such
privileges in the exercise of their religion as were consistent with
the law, or as they had enjoyed in the reign of Charles the Second.
To all inhabitants of Limerick, and to all officers and soldiers in
the Jacobite army, who should submit to the government and notify
their submission by taking the oath of allegiance, an entire amnesty
was promised. They were to retain their property; they were to be
allowed to exercise any profession which they had exercised before
the troubles; they were not to be punished for any treason, felony,
or misdemeanour committed since the accession of the late King; nay,
they were not to be sued for damages on account of any act of
spoliation or outrage which they might have committed during the
three years of confusion. This was more than the Lords justices were
constitutionally competent to grant. It was therefore added that the
government would use its utmost endeavours to obtain a Parliamentary
ratification of the treaty.
As soon as the two instruments had been signed, the English entered
the city, and occupied one quarter of it. A narrow, but deep branch
of the Shannon separated them from the quarter which was still in
the possession of the Irish.
In a few hours a dispute arose which seemed likely to produce a
renewal of hostilities. Sarsfield had resolved to seek his fortune
in the service of France, and was naturally desirous to carry with
him to the Continent such a body of troops as would be an important
addition to the army of Lewis. Ginkell was as naturally unwilling to
send thousands of men to swell the forces of the enemy. Both
generals appealed to the treaty. Each construed it as suited his
purpose, and each complained that the other had violated it.
Sarsfield was accused of putting one of his officers under arrest
for refusing to go to the Continent. Ginkell, greatly excited,
declared that he would teach the Irish to play tricks with him, and
began to make preparations for a cannonade. Sarsfield came to the
English camp, and tried to justify what he had done. The altercation
was sharp. "I submit," said Sarsfield, at last: "I am in your
power." "Not at all in my power," said Ginkell, "go back and do your
worst." The imprisoned officer was liberated; a sanguinary contest
was averted; and the two commanders contented themselves with a war
of words.
Ginkell put forth proclamations assuring the Irish that, if they
would live quietly in their own land, they should be protected and
favoured, and that if they preferred a military life, they should be
admitted into the service of King William. It was added that no man,
who chose to reject this gracious invitation and to become a soldier
of Lewis, must expect ever again to set foot on the island.
Sarsfield and Wauchop exerted their eloquence on the other side. The
present aspect of affairs, they said, was doubtless gloomy; but
there was bright sky beyond the cloud. The banishment would be
short. The return would be triumphant. Within a year the French
would invade England. In such an invasion the Irish troops, if only
they remained unbroken, would assuredly bear a chief part. In the
meantime it was far better for them to live in a neighbouring and
friendly country, under the parental care of their own rightful
King, than to trust the Prince of Orange, who would probably send
them to the other end of the world to fight for his ally the Emperor
against the Janissaries. The help of the Roman Catholic clergy was
called in. On the day on which those who had made up their minds to
go to France were required to announce their determination, the
priests were indefatigable in exhorting.
At the head of every regiment a sermon was preached on the duty of
adhering to the cause of the Church, and on the sin and danger of
consorting with unbelievers. Whoever, it was said, should enter the
service of the usurpers would do so at the peril of his soul. The
heretics affirmed that, after the peroration, a plentiful allowance
of brandy was served out to the audience, and that, when the brandy
had been swallowed, a Bishop pronounced a benediction. Thus duly
prepared by physical and moral stimulants, the garrison, consisting
of about fourteen thousand infantry, was drawn up in the vast meadow
which lay on the Clare bank of the Shannon. Here copies of Ginkell's
proclamation were profusely scattered about; and English officers
went through the ranks imploring the men not to ruin themselves, and
explaining to them the advantages which the soldiers of King William
enjoyed. At length the decisive moment came. The troops were ordered
to pass in review. Those who wished to remain in Ireland were
directed to file off at a particular spot. All who passed that spot
were to be considered as having made their choice for France.
Sarsfield and Wauchop on one side, Porter, Coningsby and Ginkell on
the other, looked on with painful anxiety. D'Usson and his
countrymen, though not uninterested in the spectacle, found it hard
to preserve their gravity. The confusion, the clamour, the grotesque
appearance of an army in which there could scarcely be seen a shirt
or a pair of pantaloons, a shoe or a stocking, presented so
ludicrous a contrast to the orderly and brilliant appearance of
their master's troops, that they amused themselves by wondering what
the Parisians would say to see such a force mustered on the plain of
Grenelle.
First marched what was called the Royal regiment, fourteen hundred
strong. All but seven went beyond the fatal point. Ginkell's
countenance showed that he was deeply mortified. He was consoled,
however, by seeing the next regiment, which consisted of natives of
Ulster, turn off to a man. There had arisen, notwithstanding the
community of blood, language and religion, an antipathy between the
Celts of Ulster and those of the other three provinces; nor is it
improbable that the example and influence of Baldearg O'Donnel may
have had some effect on the people of the land which his forefathers
had ruled. In most of the regiments there was a division of opinion;
but a great majority declared for France. Henry Luttrell was one of
those who turned off. He was rewarded for his desertion, and perhaps
for other services, with a grant of the large estate of his elder
brother Simon, who firmly adhered to the cause of James, with a
pension of five hundred pounds a year from the Crown, and with the
abhorrence of the Roman Catholic population. After living in wealth,
luxury and infamy, during a quarter of a century, Henry Luttrell was
murdered while going through Dublin in his sedan chair; and the
Irish House of Commons declared that there was reason to suspect
that he had fallen by the revenge of the Papists.
Eighty years after his death his grave near Luttrellstown was
violated by the descendants of those whom he had betrayed, and his
skull was broken to pieces with a pickaxe. The deadly hatred of
which he was the object descended to his son and to his grandson;
and, unhappily, nothing in the character either of his son or of his
grandson tended to mitigate the feeling which the name of Luttrell
excited.
When the long procession had closed, it was found that about a
thousand men had agreed to enter into William's service. About two
thousand accepted passes from Ginkell, and went quietly home. About
eleven thousand returned with Sarsfield to the city. A few hours
after the garrison had passed in review, the horse, who were
encamped some miles from the town, were required to make their
choice; and most of them volunteered for France.
Sarsfield considered the troops who remained with him as under an
irrevocable obligation to go abroad; and, lest they should be
tempted to retract their consent, he confined them within the
ramparts, and ordered the gates to be shut and strongly guarded.
Ginkell, though in his vexation he muttered some threats, seems to
have felt that he could not justifiably interfere. But the
precautions of the Irish general were far from being completely
successful. It was by no means strange that a superstitious and
excitable kerne, with a sermon and a dram in his head, should be
ready to promise whatever his priests required; neither was it
strange that, when he had slept off his liquor, and when anathemas
were no longer ringing in his ears, he should feel painful
misgivings. He had bound himself to go into exile, perhaps for life,
beyond that dreary expanse of waters which impressed his rude mind
with mysterious terror. His thoughts ran on all that he was to
leave, on the well known peat stack and potatoe ground, and on the
mud cabin, which, humble as it was, was still his home. He was never
again to see the familiar faces round the turf fire, or to hear the
familiar notes of the old Celtic songs. The ocean was to roll
between him and the dwelling of his greyheaded parents and his
blooming sweetheart. Here were some who, unable to bear the misery
of such a separation, and, finding it impossible to pass the
sentinels who watched the gates, sprang into the river and gained
the opposite bank. The number of these daring swimmers, however, was
not great; and the army would probably have been transported almost
entire if it had remained at Limerick till the day of embarkation.
But many of the vessels in which the voyage was to be performed lay
at Cork; and it was necessary that Sarsfield should proceed thither
with some of his best regiments. It was a march of not less than
four days through a wild country. To prevent agile youths, familiar
with all the shifts of a vagrant and predatory life, from stealing
off to the bogs, and woods under cover of the night, was impossible.
Indeed, many soldiers had the audacity to run away by broad daylight
before they were out of sight of Limerick Cathedral. The Royal
regiment, which had, on the day of the review, set so striking an
example of fidelity to the cause of James, dwindled from fourteen
hundred men to five hundred. Before the last ships departed, news
came that those who had sailed by the first ships had been
ungraciously received at Brest. They had been scantily fed; they had
been able to obtain neither pay nor clothing; though winter was
setting in, they slept in the fields with no covering but the
hedges. Many had been heard to say that it would have been far
better to die in old Ireland than to live in the inhospitable
country to which they had been banished. The effect of those reports
was that hundreds, who had long persisted in their intention of
emigrating, refused at the last moment to go on board, threw down
their arms, and returned to their native villages.
Sarsfield perceived that one chief cause of the desertion which was
thinning his army was the natural unwillingness of the men to leave
their families in a state of destitution. Cork and its neighbourhood
were filled with the kindred of those who were going abroad. Great
numbers of women, many of them leading, carrying, suckling their
infants, covered all the roads which led to the place of
embarkation. The Irish general, apprehensive of the effect which the
entreaties and lamentations of these poor creatures could not fail
to produce, put forth a proclamation, in which he assured his
soldiers that they should be permitted to carry their wives and
families to France. It would be injurious to the memory of so brave
and loyal a gentleman to suppose that when he made this promise he
meant to break it. It is much more probable that he had formed an
erroneous estimate of the number of those who would demand a
passage, and that he found himself, when it was too late to alter
his arrangements, unable to keep his word. After the soldiers had
embarked, room was found for the families of many. But still there
remained on the water side a great multitude clamouring piteously to
be taken on board. As the last boats put off there was a rush into
the surf. Some women caught hold of the ropes, were dragged out of
their depth, clung till their fingers were cut through, and perished
in the waves. The ships began to move. A wild and terrible wail rose
from the shore, and excited unwonted compassion in hearts steeled by
hatred of the Irish race and of the Romish faith. Even the stern
Cromwellian, now at length, after a desperate struggle of three
years, left the undisputed lord of the bloodstained and devastated
island, could not hear unmoved that bitter cry, in which was poured
forth all the rage and all the sorrow of a conquered nation.
The sails disappeared. The emaciated and brokenhearted crowd of
those whom a stroke more cruel than that of death had made widows
and orphans dispersed, to beg their way home through a wasted land,
or to lie down and die by the roadside of grief and hunger. The
exiles departed, to learn in foreign camps that discipline without
which natural courage is of small avail, and to retrieve on distant
fields of battle the honour which had been lost by a long series of
defeats at home. In Ireland there was peace. The domination of the
colonists was absolute. The native population was tranquil with the
ghastly tranquillity of exhaustion and of despair. There were indeed
outrages, robberies, fireraisings, assassinations. But more than a
century passed away without one general insurrection. During that
century, two rebellions were raised in Great Britain by the
adherents of the House of Stuart. But neither when the elder
Pretender was crowned at Scone, nor when the younger held his court
at Holyrood, was the standard of that House set up in Connaught or
Munster.
In 1745, indeed, when the Highlanders were marching towards London,
the Roman Catholics of Ireland were so quiet that the Lord
Lieutenant could, without the smallest risk, send several regiments
across Saint George's Channel to recruit the army of the Duke of
Cumberland. Nor was this submission the effect of content, but of
mere stupefaction and brokenness of heart. The iron had entered into
the soul. The memory of past defeats, the habit of daily enduring
insult and oppression, had cowed the spirit of the unhappy nation.
There were indeed Irish Roman Catholics of great ability, energy and
ambition; but they were to be found every where except in Ireland,
at Versailles and at Saint Ildefonso, in the armies of Frederic and
in the armies of Maria Theresa. One exile became a Marshal of
France. Another became Prime Minister of Spain. If he had staid in
his native land he would have been regarded as an inferior by all
the ignorant and worthless squireens who drank the glorious and
immortal memory. In his palace at Madrid he had the pleasure of
being assiduously courted by the ambassador of George the Second,
and of bidding defiance in high terms to the ambassador of George
the Third. Scattered over all Europe were to be found brave Irish
generals, dexterous Irish diplomatists, Irish Counts, Irish Barons,
Irish Knights of Saint Lewis and of Saint Leopold, of the White
Eagle and of the Golden Fleece, who, if they had remained in the
house of bondage, could not have been ensigns of marching regiments
or freemen of petty corporations. These men, the natural chiefs of
their race, having been withdrawn, what remained was utterly
helpless and passive. A rising of the Irishry against the Englishry
was no more to be apprehended than a rising of the women and
children against the men.
There were indeed, in those days, fierce disputes between the mother
country and the colony; but in those disputes the aboriginal
population had no more interest than the Red Indians in the dispute
between Old England and New England about the Stamp Act. The ruling
few, even when in mutiny against the government, had no mercy for
any thing that looked like mutiny on the part of the subject many.
None of those Roman patriots, who poniarded Julius Caesar for
aspiring to be a king, would have had the smallest scruple about
crucifying a whole school of gladiators for attempting to escape
from the most odious and degrading of all kinds of servitude. None
of those Virginian patriots, who vindicated their separation from
the British empire by proclaiming it to be a selfevident truth that
all men were endowed by the Creator with an unalienable right to
liberty, would have had the smallest scruple about shooting any
negro slave who had laid claim to that unalienable right.
And, in the same manner, the Protestant masters of Ireland, while
ostentatiously professing the political doctrines of Locke and
Sidney, held that a people who spoke the Celtic tongue and heard
mass could have no concern in those doctrines. Molyneux questioned
the supremacy of the English legislature. Swift assailed, with the
keenest ridicule and invective, every part of the system of
government. Lucas disquieted the administration of Lord Harrington.
Boyle overthrew the administration of the Duke of Dorset. But
neither Molyneux nor Swift, neither Lucas nor Boyle, ever thought of
appealing to the native population. They would as soon have thought
of appealing to the swine.
At a later period Henry Flood excited the dominant class to demand a
Parliamentary reform, and to use even revolutionary means for the
purpose of obtaining that reform. But neither he, nor those who
looked up to him as their chief, and who went close to the verge of
treason at his bidding, would consent to admit the subject class to
the smallest share of political power. The virtuous and accomplished
Charlemont, a Whig of the Whigs, passed a long life in contending
for what he called the freedom of his country. But he voted against
the law which gave the elective franchise to Roman Catholic
freeholders; and he died fixed in the opinion that the Parliament
House ought to be kept pure from Roman Catholic members. Indeed,
during the century which followed the Revolution, the inclination of
an English Protestant to trample on the Irishry was generally
proportioned to the zeal which he professed for political liberty in
the abstract. If he uttered any expression of compassion for the
majority oppressed by the minority, he might be safely set down as a
bigoted Tory and High Churchman.
All this time hatred, kept down by fear, festered in the hearts of
the children of the soil. They were still the same people that had
sprung to arms in 1641 at the call of O'Neill, and in 1689 at the
call of Tyrconnel. To them every festival instituted by the State
was a day of mourning, and every public trophy set up by the State
was a memorial of shame. We have never known, and can but faintly
conceive, the feelings of a nation doomed to see constantly in all
its public places the monuments of its subjugation. Such monuments
every where met the eye of the Irish Roman Catholics. In front of
the Senate House of their country, they saw the statue of their
conqueror. If they entered, they saw the walls tapestried with the
defeats of their fathers. At length, after a hundred years of
servitude, endured without one vigorous or combined struggle for
emancipation, the French revolution awakened a wild hope in the
bosoms of the oppressed. Men who had inherited all the pretensions
and all the passions of the Parliament which James had held at the
Kings Inns could not hear unmoved of the downfall of a wealthy
established Church, of the flight of a splendid aristocracy, of the
confiscation of an immense territory.
Old antipathies, which had never slumbered, were excited to new and
terrible energy by the combination of stimulants which, in any other
society, would have counteracted each other. The spirit of Popery
and the spirit of Jacobinism, irreconcilable antagonists every where
else, were for once mingled in an unnatural and portentous union.
Their joint influence produced the third and last rising up of the
aboriginal population against the colony. The greatgrandsons of the
soldiers of Galmoy and Sarsfield were opposed to the greatgrandsons
of the soldiers of Wolseley and Mitchelburn. The Celt again looked
impatiently for the sails which were to bring succour from Brest;
and the Saxon was again backed by the whole power of England. Again
the victory remained with the well educated and well organized
minority. But, happily, the vanquished people found protection in a
quarter from which they would once have had to expect nothing but
implacable severity. By this time the philosophy of the eighteenth
century had purifed English Whiggism from that deep taint of
intolerance which had been contracted during a long and close
alliance with the Puritanism of the seventeenth century. Enlightened
men had begun to feel that the arguments by which Milton and Locke,
Tillotson and Burnet, had vindicated the rights of conscience might
be urged with not less force in favour of the Roman Catholic than in
favour of the Independent or the Baptist.
The great party which traces its descent through the Exclusionists
up to the Roundheads continued during thirty years, in spite of
royal frowns and popular clamours, to demand a share in all the
benefits of our free constitution for those Irish Papists whom the
Roundheads and the Exclusionists had considered merely as beasts of
chase or as beasts of burden. But it will be for some other
historian to relate the vicissitudes of that great conflict, and the
late triumph of reason and humanity. Unhappily such a historian will
have to relate that the triumph won by such exertions and by such
sacrifices was immediately followed by disappointment; that it
proved far less easy to eradicate evil passions than to repeal evil
laws; and that, long after every trace of national and religious
animosity had been obliterated from the Statute Book, national and
religious animosities continued to rankle in the bosoms of millions.
May he be able also to relate that wisdom, justice and time
gradually did in Ireland what they had done in Scotland, and that
all the races which inhabit the British isles were at length
indissolubly blended into one people! |