a. Industry in
Scotland
James, although his
residence and court were removed to London, did not at all neglect
the internal interests of his kingdom of Scotland. In fact after his
accession in England, his authority in Scotland was more absolute
than it had been before. The Privy Council was his instrument, and
through it he carried out his schemes for the establishment of
order, economic development, and ecclesiastical settlement in
Scotland. The existence of a single authority for both kingdoms made
an organised effort to suppress disorder on the Borders possible.
There was no longer any danger of English or Scottish raids, and a
Commission of five Englishmen and five Scotsmen was appointed to
suppress feuds and establish order amongst the unruly Border clans.
They carried out their instructions mercilessly, unscrupulously and
thoroughly, with the result that it was said, with some truth, that
the "Middle Shires" were "as lawful, as peaceable and as quiet as
any part in any civil kingdom in Christianity." James also
endeavoured to establish his authority and some degree of order in
the Highlands and Islands. Peace on the border and some security
from Highland raids naturally tended to encourage the Lowlanders in
the pursuit of the arts of peace, and in this they received all
encouragement from the government. As a result there was
considerable economic activity in Scotland during the early part of
the seventeenth century until the beginning of the religious
struggles and the Civil Wars.
The encouragement and
improvement of already established manufactures, the introduction of
new methods, the regulation of import and export, and the interests
of foreign trade all received the attention of the King and his
Council. The development of the manufacture of cloth was a favourite
project which had for some time occupied the attention of the
authorities. Various efforts were made to improve it during the
sixteenth century, and in 1597 the "hame bringing of Englis claith"
was forbidden. The production of native cloth was not however
sufficient, and the prohibition was rescinded two years later. In
1600, efforts were made to introduce foreign help to improve the
manufacture. It was said that "the unskilfulness of our awin people
heirtofoir, togidder with the unwillingnes to suffer ony strangeris
to cum amangis thame, has bene ane of the caussis that hes hinderit"
the growth of the manufacture of wool; "they being unhable, without
the help of strangeris quha ar better acquent with that tred to
attine to ony perfectioun in that work." Liberty was therefore given
for a hundred families of foreign cloth-workers to settle. They were
to be naturalised, and made free burgesses of any burgh in which
they should settle. Several families did immigrate, although they
were not welcomed by the Scottish artisans.
In 1620 a patent was
given to the town of Edinburgh for making cloths, and a long list is
given of the different varieties which were made. Amongst them were
"cairseyis," "freissis and kiltis," "quhyte cottounes," "bumbaseyis,"
"growgraynes," "cottoun Fustianis," "seargeis " etc., also some
materials known by the strange names of "Stand-afar," "Over keik,"
and "Fair a far aff." Three years later, in accordance with James's
wishes as expressed in a letter to the Privy Council, a standing
committee for manufactures was appointed, with a large scope for
action. It was to consider chiefly the wool manufacture, what was
needed for its encouragement, how new works should be set up, what
variety of manufacture was best for home use, and what for
exportation, whether foreigners should be brought in, and whether
societies should be formed. On all these points the Committee was to
confer, and then to "sett down ordinanceis thairanent." The members
however did not meet very often, and do not seem to have done very
much in setting up new works or .introducing new processes. The
existing works were carried on very successfully. "Plaiding" was one
of the most important of Scottish manufactured exports. In 1634 and
1635 there was much discussion as to the way in which it should be
done up for sale. The manufacturers seem to have sold it in "hard
rolls," not "open folds," so that the purchasers could not see what
they were buying. This tended to give a bad name to Scots cloth
abroad, and so the Council decided that it must be laid out for sale
in folds for the buyers to examine. The other varieties of cloth
which were made were more for home use than for export, and were not
manufactured in any very large quantities. Some of these were new
manufactures, brought in by the efforts of James and Charles; but
their care resulted more in the increase of the quantity produced by
the old methods than in the introduction of new cloth industries.
The question of the
wool supply was an important problem during this period, and indeed
throughout the seventeenth century. It was felt that, in order to
encourage the cloth manufacture, the supply should be plentiful and
the price low. But when the export was prohibited, complaints were
at once made by the wool-growers, and also by the merchants and
shippers, who declared that their trade abroad would be ruined. And
as a matter of fact, the manufacturers were not, as a rule, able to
use all the wool in the kingdom. Also wool was one of the principal
exports, especially to Holland. It was therefore difficult for the
Council or Parliament to decide on a definite policy, and in
consequence the regulations varied from time to time. On the whole,
perhaps the export was more often prohibited than allowed, but
customs officials were neither strict nor numerous, and the laws
prohibiting the export were more often than not entirely ignored.
The export of wool
was forbidden in 1602, but the prohibition was evidently
disregarded, for in 1612 and 1614 it was said that "woll hes bene
transportit in verie grite quantities," and the prohibition was
re-enacted1. In 1616 the matter was brought up before the Convention
of Royal Burghs, who considered that "the haill countrey woll mycht
be wrogt at hame." At the same time, they "planelie and flatlie
refusit...to undertak any burdyne in that mater." Nevertheless the
export was prohibited again. Although the efforts to encourage the
cloth manufacture had been fairly successful, yet "since his sacred
Majestie's happy arryvall to the commandment of both kingdomes by
his Hienis solide government the store is sua increased" that
licences had of late been granted for export. So in 1623 the whole
question was most exhaustively discussed, information being got from
landowners and Justices of the Peace as to the price of wool in
different shires. The result was that export was again prohibited,
but, as before, licences were granted for transporting wool, and the
prohibition gradually fell into abeyance. Theoretical prohibition
and practical freedom therefore sum up the history of the export
trade in wool during the early part of the century.
The English Privy
Council were exercised over the same question, which later in the
century became of very great importance. In 1622 the export of wool
from England was forbidden, because the "Cloth & Stuffes of this Our
Kingdom, haue not that Vent in foraine parts which formerly they
haue had." In 1632 the export was again forbidden. The discussions
of this question illustrate the different stages of economic
development of the two countries. The English export of cloth was of
far greater importance than the export of wool, and the export of
wool was forbidden in order that the cloth trade should "be
maintained. In Scotland, on the other hand, the export of the raw
material was a very important branch of her trade, and, although a
considerable amount of coarse cloth was exported, the main object of
the Scottish Council was that sufficient cloth should be made to
supply the home demand.
The freedom or
restraint of the export of other products besides wool also came
under consideration. The question of the export of several native
commodities—coals, wool, cattle, etc.—and of the import of foreign
victual came up before the Council in 1626, and the whole matter was
discussed at great length. The burghs and people generally wanted
restraint of export and free import; the landowners and coalowners
desired free export and restricted import. Finally, the export of
victual was allowed when the prices were under certain fixed sums.
The question of the free export of coal was one which had already
received much attention. Complaints had often been made of its
export on the grounds that the supply would become exhausted, and
also that it raised prices for the home consumer. The Council now
declared that the prices to Scottish dealers were to be 55. per ton
less than the price to foreigners, if they were going to sell it
again by retail, and 25. less if they were going to export it. The
rates on coal were doubled in 1634 to raise revenue, and also as a
protection against exhaustion of the supply by too much exportation.
A few years later (1641) it was found that the "trade hath not only
beene deserted by strangers in regarde of the said extraordinarie
imposition; to the undoing of manie of our poore subjects who had
thair subsistence thairby, bot also to the utter mine of the
maisters of the saide coale works." The extra duty was therefore
taken off.
The reform of the
tanning industry was another question which occupied the attention
of the Council. There were many complaints about the quality of
Scots leather due to "the ignorance and unskilfulness of the
tannaris." It was suggested that twelve persons skilled in the "trew
and upright form of tanning" should be brought from England for a
year to introduce better methods. Lord Erskine was appointed
undertaker in 1619, and had to pay the expenses of bringing in the
strangers, getting a patent of monopoly of tanning for thirty-one
years, and receiving 4s. per hide sealed by him as good for
twenty-one years. The Scottish tanners were not at all anxious to
receive instruction. The cordiners, who were for the most part
tanners, combined, "maligning and repineing aganis this intendit
reformatioun...and resolvit so far as in thame lyis to croce and
hinder the same, and to foister and interteine thair former
ignorance of the speciall pointis of that trade." In order to "mak
this intendit reforma-tioun seam distaistful to the people...they
haif verie extraordinarlie raised and highted the pryceis of thair
bootis and shoone." The cordiners were at first successful in their
resistance, for the Council declared in 1622 that "the whole panes
tane thairin ar lyke to prove void and ineffectuall." A few years
later, however, the development in the leather trade through the
improvement of tanning was noted, and there was an agitation for
free exportation of hides. This was not yet allowed, but licences
were occasionally granted to certain merchants or burghs to export
some of their stock of hides.
Several new
industries and new processes were introduced during this period. In
1611 a monopoly for twenty-one years was granted to Nathaniel Udward
for making linen cloth. He intended to bring in a number of
strangers from Holland to introduce " the best making and usuall
form and manner as is maid in Holland." Thus the yarn which was now
exported and wrought abroad would be made up at home. This Nathaniel
Udward was a person of great activity, quite one of the most
enterprising merchants and manufacturers of the time. He was
granted, in 1619, a patent of the sole right of making soap in
Scotland for twenty-one years. Hitherto foreign soap only had been
used, "with the quhilk saipe this kingdome is most shamefullie and
mischeantlie abused, the samyn being compoised of suche pestiferous
and filthie ingredientis as no civile kingdome, yea even the very
rude barbarianis, will nocht allow nor permitt the lyk to be sauld
amongis thame." In view of the contemporary reputation of Scotland
for dirtiness, it is interesting to read that this "pestiferous and
noysome saipe" was said to produce "mony schameful and havie
imputationis aganis this kingdome especiallie be strangearis hanting
and frequenting this kingdome quha may not abide the stinkin smell
of the naiprie and lynning clothes waschin with this filthie saip."
Udward's manufacture was not, however, able to supply the whole
kingdom, and the restraint on the import of foreign soap was
withdrawn in 1624. Udward was also, in 1628, granted a patent for
the manufacture of ordnance, the first attempt of that nature in
Scotland.
In the same year a
patent was granted to two London merchants and one Scot for the sole
right of refining sugar in Scotland for thirty-one years, both
imported and exported sugar to be free of duty for twenty-one years.
The manufacture of glass also received attention. Glass works were
set up in 1619, and a Venetian was brought to serve as master. The
glass used in Scotland had formerly been brought from Dantzig. A
commission was appointed two years later to inquire into the state
of the manufacture. They recommended that pieces of glass of each
kind manufactured should be brought from England to serve as
patterns for the Scots manufacture. The import of foreign glass was
forbidden for thirty-one years. In England, Scots glass was the only
kind which was allowed to be imported.
The ever-active
Udward in 1631 obtained a monopoly for the manufacture of salt, for
which he had invented a new process. If his invention succeeded in
Scotland, he was to be allowed to manufacture it in England and
Ireland also. At the same time it was suggested that the amount of
salt to be imported into England should be restricted, and also the
importation of foreign salt into Scotland. Objections were raised to
both proposals. The restraint of the export to England would reduce
the quantity produced, and then both coal and salt-works would be
injured, as it did not pay to work the coal unless it could be used
in the salt manufacture. Foreign salt was necessary for the salting
of fish, a very important industry, as Scotland exported large
quantities of salted fish both to France and Spain.
The condition of the
fishing industry was a matter of great concern, especially to
Charles I. The fishing on the Scottish coasts was of course a very
valuable national asset, but it was far from being developed to the
utmost extent. The disturbed state of the Highlands and Islands was
a great drawback to fishing in the seas and lochs there. It was said
in 1605 that the fishermen were debarred by the "violence and
barbarous crueltie, abusis, and extortiouns of the hielandis and
cuntremen" from that "maist profitabill and easie fisching." The
state of these parts improved a little through James's efforts, but
then the Dutch stepped in and took a large share of the fishing.
Englishmen also began to fish in Scottish waters. In 1623 the burghs
complained of the "heavie hurt the haill borrowis of this realme
doth sustain be the Inglish-men and Fleymings who hes laitlie taken
upone tred of fishing in the North and West Yles of this kingdome."
They were further alarmed by the permission given by Charles in 1627
to the Earl of Seaforth to erect a burgh in Stornoway, which was to
be settled with Dutchmen who were to undertake the trade of fishing.
This prospective intrusion of the Dutch also aroused English
jealousy: "from our fish they ground their stock of all their other
adventures and make Holland the Staple for all Christendom, from
Scotland they serve France, Germany and all the Countries within the
Baltic sea." Scots and English both "agreed as to the necessity of
expelling the Dutch from Scottish waters, but there the agreement
ended. England wanted to share the benefits of the fishing, while
the Scots were almost as anxious to exclude the English as the
Dutch. A project was made for forming a great company, with an
elaborate organisation, of Scots, English and Irish, for carrying on
the fishing all round the coast. Charles was much interested in the
scheme, and wrote many letters to the Scottish Privy Council urging
them to further its promotion. One of these ended with the -words:
"this is a worke of so great good to both my kingdomes that I have
thought good by these few lines of my owne hand seriouslie to
recommend it unto yow The furthering of which will ather oblige or
disoblige me more than anie one business that has happened in my
time."
A committee was
appointed to consider the whole -question. They found the "associatioun
with England to be verie inconvenient to the estait." The Scots
first of all insisted on the reservation of all the fishing in the
lochs and bays, and within fourteen miles of the •coasts, so that
the English would have been in no better position than they were
before the association was formed. They also raised many
difficulties as to the settlements of the English on the coasts to
cure their fish, and as to their trade with the natives. The
negotiations almost came to grief on the subject of the
reservations. Charles wrote to the Earl of Menteith in 1631: "yow
must deall about the reservations for the fisching busines to keip
these places from being reserved that I have told you of, becaus I
foresee that otherwise that great business, whereof I have had so
great a care of, will run a hazard." In the end the only
reservations made were of the fishing between "St Tabsheid and
Ridheid," and the "Mules of Galloway and Kintyre," that is, of the
Firths of Forth and Clyde. Letters Patent were issued erecting the
company, and a charter constituting the association sent down to
Scotland. The government was vested in twelve councillors, half
Scottish, and half English and Irish. To propitiate the Scots, the
charter was drawn up with "speciall care to preserve the dignitie of
that our ancient kingdome." The company at first seemed to carry on
its work vigorously, especially the English members, who
occasionally complained of their treatment in the Highlands. But the
disturbances arising from the Civil War interrupted this, as many
other pursuits, and after the Restoration it was found to be very
much neglected.
The results of the
reign of James and of the first part of that of Charles in Scotland,
economically speaking, was a considerable industrial development,
greatly due to the personal interest of both sovereigns, manifested
chiefly through the action of their Privy Council. But the latter
part of Charles's reign was far from favourable to continued
economic prosperity. In spite of the increased taxation to meet the
expense of the army in England and the devastation caused by
Montrose's campaigns, industry and trade were still carried on for a
time, though under ever-increasing difficulties. Cromwell's
invasions, however, devastated the country and dealt a very severe
blow to Scottish economic prosperity, from which it did not recover
for many years.
In 1643 the Privy
Council appointed a commission to establish manufactories, and in
1645 the Act in favour of manufactories was passed. This Act granted
various privileges and exemptions for the benefit of manufacturers,
including an exemption from serving with the army or having soldiers
quartered on them. It was the first of a series which established a
system of parliamentary protection of industry in Scotland,
continued after the Restoration, and becoming fully developed by the
Act of 1681. The increasing expenses of army maintenance made new
taxation necessary, and in 1644 an excise was established. The
commodities taxed were ale, beer, wine, aqua vitae, tobacco, cattle,
sheep, silk stuffs, cloths and coal, but all the manufactures of the
kingdom were exempted. The government shewed its desire as far as
possible to encourage, or at all events, not to handicap industry,
but doubtless the strain of supporting an army had begun to tell
upon the country before the English invasions with their disastrous
results alike to industry and commerce laid the country desolate.
b. Trade with
England. Colonisation and Trade in America. Colonisation in Ireland
Trade with England
Scottish trade during
this period was earned on along much the same lines as before the
Union. Scotland did not gain any share in England's foreign trade.
Her merchants still confined themselves to voyages to France, Spain
and the Baltic, and did not venture to join in the East Indian,
African or Levant trades. Nor did they share in the' Plantation
trade which was gradually becoming of great importance to England.
Only one Scotsman is mentioned as trading from Scotland to America
before 1660, an Aberdeen merchant. Farther north the enterprising
Udward began a fishing trade in the Greenland seas, but he met with
much opposition from the English companies who traded thither.
In her European
trade, which was by far the most important, Scotland suffered from
her connection with England throughout the seventeenth century. She
became involved in the wars which her sovereign waged as King of
England, which handicapped her trade and from which she did not
derive any benefits. This was especially the case with France and
Holland, with whom she chiefly traded. During these wars her trade
with England's enemy was prohibited, though as a matter of fact the
prohibitions were not always regarded. She was taxed to support them
and had also to maintain herself in a state of defence while they
continued, while she reaped no benefit from them in the end. For the
support of the Elector Palatine in 1621, £1,200,000 Scots payable in
three years was granted to James, "the greatest taxatione that ever
was granted in Scotland heirtofoir in aney age." In 1625 a grant of
£400,000 was made to Charles for support in his war with France.
These additional burdens fell very heavily on the mercantile
classes, who were already suffering from the hindrance to their
trade caused by the war.
James's desire to
make his two kingdoms one was shewn by his union scheme. Although
that was a failure, he afterwards did all he could to bring the
administration of England and Scotland as near uniformity as
possible. His ecclesiastical policy was directed towards the setting
up of the same form of Church government in Scotland as in England.
Of less importance but more wisdom was his introduction of the
English Justice of the Peace system into Scotland. In commercial
affairs, he tried to make the laws relating to navigation in
Scotland conform to those in England. In 1615 he issued a
Proclamation in England enforcing the earlier statutes with regard
to navigation. These declared that only English ships should be-
used in shipping goods to or from English ports. In Scotland this
policy had never been followed, but in the same year James suggested
that regulations of the same nature should be made there. There was
much discussion of the proposal. The chief reason urged against it
by the burghs was, that if they should restrain their trade to
native ships, other nations would do likewise. This would mean
"decay and wrack to our schipping," as a large number of ships were
employed by foreigners, and "the half of the number of schippis
quhilkis ar presentlie in Scotland will serve for our awin privat
tred." The Privy Council were of another opinion. They declared that
"the cuntry, quhilk of laite yeiris wes furnist with a nomber of
good and strong schippis is now become empty of schipping.. .whereas
yf according to the loveabill custome of all otheris weile governit
commonwealthis no strangearis shippis wer sufferit to be frauchtet
be the subjectis ot this cuntrey quhen Scottis and Inglis schippis
may be had the shipping of this cuntrey wald daylie incresce." The
skippers were also anxious for the restraint. The Council decided
that for the south and east, "France, Flanderis, Spayne and Italie
and utheris southe and west pairtis and portis quhair this kingdome
hes commerce" the restraint should be made. The freight prices were
to be settled by representatives both of the merchants and of the
skippers. But it was not found possible to regulate the "easterlyne"
trade, as from those parts were brought necessary commodities such
as timber, pitch and tar. These the country could not do without,
but the native ships were not fitted for carrying them, therefore
importation in foreign vessels was still allowed. According to the
Proclamation of 1615, the term "native" ships included also English
ships. These regulations, however, soon fell into abeyance.
The fact of the Union
and the sovereign's anxiety to draw the two nations together seem to
have resulted in some increase of the trade between the two
countries, though neither nation was at all popular with the other.
The English expressed many fears at the time of the Union that herds
of impoverished Scots would descend upon them, and, like the lean
kine of Egypt, would devour their prosperity. The King did his best
to restrain his more needy subjects from following him. "Homers"
were forbidden to pass into England. Skippers were forbidden to take
any "beggarlie passengeris" thither. Later a licence was required
for anyone who wished to go to England. These were only to be
granted to "gentlemen of goode qualitie and merchantis for
traffique." James suited his own convenience in prohibiting one
class of person from repairing to his English court—persons who came
to sue for debts due from the King, "whereas thair is no sorte of
importunitie more ungratious to His Majesty." A few Englishmen seem
to have repaired to Scotland, artisans, as the tanners who were
introduced, and a few glass workers; also some manufacturers, two
who set up a sugar-refining work, some who had patents for searching
for saltpetre, or for working gold and silver mines, and others. On
the whole, however, there does not seem to have been much settlement
by either nationality in the country of the other.
The merchants
repairing to England were still looked upon as strangers, whatever
their legal position might be. Those trading to London found it
necessary in 1612 to appoint an agent to look after their interests
there, as they were "wonderfullie abusit be the serchours customers
and others thair." In ports on the east coast—Yarmouth, Hull, Lynu,
etc.—they complained of being made to pay larger entry and officers'
fees than they had formerly paid in London. Soon after the
Proclamation of 1615 the farmers of the customs in London proposed
to search all Scottish ships coming to that port, which was not done
in any other country and was only suggested "to trouble his
Majesties good subjectis." James took this matter into
consideration, and after representations from the Scottish Privy
Council on the question, he refused to grant permission to search
Scots ships. Complaints and disagreements were very common,
especially with the Scots merchants, who resorted to England more
than English merchants to Scotland. This was the case in particular
branches of trade as well as in general commercial relations. In any
direction where the interests of the two countries clashed, England
was always anxious to regulate Scottish affairs to meet her
convenience. She manifested the same spirit as in her dealings with
Ireland and with the Plantations. England was to be the head, her
interests were to be supreme, and their affairs were to be regulated
as best to conduce to her prosperity. England forgot that Scotland
was neither a conquered country nor a dependency settled with her
own "blood and treasure." And in time she found that there was a
strong Scottish national spirit, and that her own interests would be
better served by concession than by coercion.
The negotiations
regarding the wool trade in James's reign are an illustration of
England's attitude. The cloth trade was the most important of the
English industries at this period. The supply of raw material was a
question of great importance, and the export of wool was forbidden.
All through the. seventeenth century there was friction between the
two countries regarding this trade. England wanted first of all to
prevent the Scots from taking English wool to Scotland, and then
exporting it to supply the rivals of England; and also, if possible,
to secure that English manufacturers should be able to command the
supply of Scots wool also, and that it should not be exported to any
other country. For a few years before 1622 there was no restraint on
the wool trade between the two countries, and during that period
there were some complaints of the export of English wool through
Scotland to the continent, The Merchant Adventurers complained in
1616 that the Hollanders had prohibited the use of their cloth, and
were promoting their own manufactures. They demanded that the export
of wool from Scotland should be forbidden, as well as from England.
The export from Scotland had been forbidden at different times, but
the prohibitions were never strictly enforced. In 1622 the export of
English wool to Scotland was prohibited in order that it might not
be supplied to foreign markets by the Scots. The English authorities
then considered that the Scots wool supply might be reserved
exclusively for their use. Commissioners from both nations were
ordered to meet, "to aduise of the best way, how the Woolles of that
Our Kingdom of Scotland which shall not there be draped may be
brought hither into England...that all parts of Our Dominion may
mutually be helpful one to another, and further their common good
and that our neighbouring nations may not be furnished with
Wools...from any our Realms or Dominions, and thereby be enabled to
hinder the vent of our Cloth...it being the most staple commodity of
this our realme of England." But wool, in spite of occasional
prohibitions, was one of the chief articles of Scottish trade. The
point of view of the Scots commissioners was therefore different. If
"the vent sould be absolutlie restreaned to Ingland...quhen
Englische salbe assured that we have no privilege to vent our
woollis bot with thame...they will contemne and scorne to give
pryces for our Wooll to the countreyis great prejudice." In the end
nothing was done, the English commissioners "being maid to
understand that the mater wes not of that importance as wes
pretendit." Although no definite arrangement was made, a good deal
of Scots wool was brought to England, some by land and some by sea.
There was a good deal of trade between the two countries by sea,
especially in coal, which was brought to London in large quantities.
The ports to which the Scots most resorted were London, Bristol,
Plymouth, Yarmouth, Newcastle, and also some ports in North Wales.
In 1620 the Bristol merchants complained that the owners there were
"few and poore in regard of the frequent resort of Scottish shippes
hither." When the Bishops' War broke out in 1639, commercial
intercourse with England was stopped, and Scottish trade suffered
considerably. All Scottish ships in English ports were arrested4,
and others were taken which were sailing to foreign ports. In 1640
over fifty Scots ships were-. detained in various English harbours,
besides several in Ireland. These were all released on the
conclusion of peace. The English were said to have suffered more
than the Scots from the stoppage of trade, especially from a dearth
of coal, of which large quantities were usually brought from
Scotland to London and other English towns. After the peace in 1640,
there was no prohibition of trade until the English invasion in
1650. The royalist privateers and pirates were, however, a great
hindrance to trade in spite of the Commonwealth fleet. They infested
the coasts, and even made it difficult for the Scots to victual
their forces in England. In 1644, on the representation of the Scots
commissioners, eight ships were appointed to guard the Scottish
coasts, but they do not seem to have been of much service.
Communication with France and Holland was much hindered, "to the
utter ruine of many merchants." The burghs suffered so much that in
1644 a grant was made to them of £15,000 to compensate them for
their losses by sea and land, and in 1647 another grant of £20,000.
The trading estate as a whole, though fairly prosperous during the
early years of the seventeenth century, yet suffered considerably
during the decade 1640 to 1650, and was in no condition to support
the losses incurred during the English invasions and occupation.
Of the resentment of
the English merchants at any infringement of their privileges on the
part of the Scots, there is, during this period, an instance in the
Greenland trade. The ubiquitous Udward, in 1627, obtained from
Charles, under the Great Seal of Scotland, a patent to trade and
make oil by fishing in Greenland and in the islands adjoining. "The
oil was to be used in the soap-works which had been set up in 1619.
The English Muscovy Company, which had the monopoly in England of
trading thither, attacked the two ships which were sent out,
forcibly preventing them from taking any share in the fishing. They
declared that the Scottish patent was not in force in England, and
that the Scots were merely interlopers. In 1630 matters were further
complicated, for two Englishmen, one who had formerly belonged to
the Muscovy Company and another, "an adwersary to the Company," made
preparations for trading from Yarmouth under the Scots patent. The
intrusion of English interlopers still further alarmed the English
company, and they resisted the ships which sailed under cover of the
Scots patent with "wild outrages, ryotts, Murther and effusion of
blood." The Scottish Privy Council, aroused by the slight to the
powers of the Scottish Crown, remonstrated against its liberties and
privileges being "trod underfoot." It was declared that "the
question now standeth between the two nations," and urged that a
committee of both should be nominated to settle the matter. This was
agreed to, and several well-known men were appointed on both sides:
the Lord Privy Seal, the Lord Marshal, and Secretaries Coke and
Windebank for England; the Earls of Stirling, Roxburgh and others
for Scotland. The committee seem to have agreed that the holder of
the Scots patent should be allowed to bring a certain quantity of
oil from Greenland to Scotland, for the use of the Scottish soap
manufacturers only. About this time Edward transferred his patent to
a certain Thomas Horth, who carried on the trade for some time,
although he also had some disagreement later with the English
companies.
Colonisation and Trade
in America
Although the Scottish
nation as a whole was not at this time imbued with the trading and
colonising spirit, there were some few individuals of the type of
Raleigh and the Gilberts who were anxious that the Scots should have
some interest in the New World. The best known of these was Sir
William Alexander, Earl of Stirling, poet, statesman, courtier,
adventurer. He, in 1621, sought and received a grant of the land
between Newfoundland and New England, to be held of his Majesty from
his kingdom of Scotland. The land was given the name of New
Scotland. James took a great interest in the scheme of plantation,
and suggested for its encouragement that a certain number of
baronetcies should be created, to be granted to the larger settlers,
as had been done in the Ulster plantation. Each baronet was to have
a grant of 30,000 acres, on which he was either to establish six
settlers or to pay 2000 marks. It was considered a "fitt and
convenient means of disburding this His Majesties said ancient
kingdome of all such younger brether and meane gentlemen quhois
moyens ar short of their birth worth or myndis." The promoters also
hoped that the settlement would prove advantageous to Scottish
trade. But there was no eagerness to join in the project, which
seems strange considering the number of Scotsmen who flocked to join
foreign armies. About a hundred and ten baronets were created, of
whom twelve were English, but a number of these were made after the
settlement had been given up, and few, if any, took any practical
interest in the scheme.
The first settlers
were sent out by Alexander in 1622. They spent the winter in
Newfoundland, surveyed the coast of Nova Scotia, and returned home
next year. Later another detachment of settlers went out, and in
1627 two ships, one from London and the other from Dumbarton, sailed
with powder, ordnance, etc. for their use. Next year Alexander's son
joined the colonists with four ships, returning to Scotland in 1628,
leaving seventy men and two women in Nova Scotia. The sole right of
trading in the "Gulf and River of Canada," for beaver skins, furs
and hides, was granted to the two Alexanders, father and son.
Connection with the English settlements was to be encouraged. In
1631 licence, under the Scottish seal, was given to William
Clayborne, one of the Council in Virginia, to "keep a course for
interchange of trade" with Nova Scotia and New England.
Unfortunately the situation of the Scottish colony was ill-chosen.
In 1603 a settlement had been made by the French, and New Scotland
was situated in the territory which they considered they had taken
possession of as Acadia and New France. Port Royal was the
headquarters of their settlement. In 1613 an Englishman, Captain
Argall, took possession of the fort there and dislodged the French.
No English settlement was made, however, and the Scots found neither
French nor English colony when their small band of settlers went
out. They also established themselves at Port Royal. In 1630,
however, on the conclusion of peace between England and France, the
latter claimed Nova Scotia by virtue of the settlement of 1603. The
Scots urged that the French had given up their settlement at Port
Royal, and had never laid claim to the land since the Scots charter
had been granted. Also they had settled before the outbreak of the
war. Charles hesitated to give up the claims of his Scots subjects,
but in 1632, by the treaty of St Germain-en-Laye, it was provided
that Port Royal should be abandoned. Quebec, which had been gained
by the English, was also given up. Nova Scotia was taken by the
English again in 1656, and the Alexander family asserted their claim
to it, but without success. It was again given up to France by the
peace of 1667.
Scotland was
unfortunate in her seventeenth century colonising attempts. Nova
Scotia was in French, Darien in Spanish territory, and both had to
be given up. But the "thoughts of the nation were not yet turned to
trade and there was no national remonstrance when the earlier
settlement was abandoned. Nor were there present any of the
peculiarly aggravating circumstances of the Darien episode. Charles
was genuinely interested in this Scottish scheme, and did his best
to maintain it. William, though certainly driven by necessity, acted
with callousness. But, had Scotland been able to maintain her
settlement in Nova Scotia, she might have found an outlet for her
energies and a market for her goods, and much of the bitterness of
the latter part of the century might have been avoided.
One or two other
commercial schemes are recorded in the manuscripts of the period,
grandiose and vague in theory, and never put into execution in
practice. In 1633 Charles wrote informing the Lord Advocate that the
Earl of Stirling, Sir John Hay and others were going to form a
society for trade. He was ordered to grant a warrant to them of
power to form companies of any who would undertake any u new
traffique in America Asia Africa and Muscovie not formerlie used in
that Kingdome." In the next year a patent was drawn up giving
thirty-one years' monopoly of the trade in Africa, between the
Senegal River and the Cape of Good Hope, to certain persons unnamed.
It does not seem, however, that any advantage was taken of these
powers. Only one merchant had sufficient enterprise to establish a
trade to America from Scotland, one John Burnett of Aberdeen. He was
" the sole Merchant of our Kingdom of Scotland, that hath supplyed
the plantacon of that our Colony of Virginia and become our tenant
there." In 1637, orders were given that all tobacco from Virginia
should be brought to London. Burnett feared that he was included in
the order, but Charles in the next year wrote to the Governor and
Council of Virginia, declaring that it was "noewayes intended to
impeach the freedome of comerce and Traffique into our Kingdom of
Scotland by the Natives thereof," and that Burnett was to have "free
comerce and Traffique from our Kingdome of Scotlande to that our
Colony and from thence back again." Unfortunately Charles's liberal
policy in this respect was not followed by the Parliaments of his
son.
Colonisation in
Ireland
Though unsuccessful
in their American colony one settlement of great importance was made
by the Scots during James's reign. This was the plantation of
Ulster, which not only modified the whole character of the North of
Ireland, but contributed later numbers of sturdy Scots-Irish to the
building up of the American colonies. The rebellion of Sir Cahir
O'Dogherty in 1608 and its punishment made an opportunity for
planting a colony in Ulster, as had been attempted in the previous
reign in Ulster and Munster. In the first scheme for this plantation
90,000 acres were set aside for which the Scots might apply, and
this was quickly taken up by seventy-seven would-be settlers.
Finally the scheme was revised by the English Privy Council, and
81,000 acres in Donegal, Tyrone and Fermanagh were distributed
amongst fifty-nine Scottish undertakers. They had each to give
security that they would fulfil certain conditions, build a
substantial fortified house or castle and establish a certain number
of settlers, differing according to the size of the estate. The Earl
of Abercorn, Lord Ochiltree and other well-known names were amongst
the list of undertakers. They took over a number of men, and also
cattle, sheep, etc. for stocking the land. The traffic between the
north of Ireland and the west of Scotland became so great that the
passage became a constant ferry. The boatmen and skippers saw their
advantage here and raised prices to "ane extra-ordinarie heicht,"
but after some complaints the Justices of the Peace on the west
coast were directed to fix the rates of freight and passage. Great
care was taken to prevent undesirable persons from crossing over,
and also to prevent the passage of stolen goods. Every person had to
have a licence before he could be received on any ship, and traffic
with Ireland was only allowed at certain ports. These were Corshorne,
Portpatrick, Kirkcudbright, Bal-lintrae, Ayr, Irvine, Largs,
Dumbarton and Glasgow. At these there was much traffic, first of all
in carrying over the settlers and their effects, and later in trade
between the colony and the south and west of Scotland. The settlers
were very successful, and became a hard-working and prosperous
agricultural community. A great deal of their produce seems to have
found a market in Scotland— butter, eggs and cheese especially were
imported—and the Irish trade became one of great importance to the
ports on the Clyde and the south-west coasts.
c. Trade with
France, Holland, etc.
The beginning of the
Scottish breach with France was made in the sixteenth century, when
in 1560 the Scots accepted the Reformed Religion. The breach was
widened with the union of the crowns of England and Scotland in
1603. The bonds of union—a common sovereign and a common
Protestantism—were more obvious than the seeds of
dissension—different forms of Protestantism, different Parliaments
and different commercial interests. The Scots, conscious of the
last, held firmly to their trading privileges in France, which were
retained during the first part of the seventeenth century, although
not without frequent applications for renewal. But the old friendly
feeling and continual intercourse were quickly becoming things of
the past. The English connection brought with it also more active
disabilities, arising from English wars with France, in which
Scotland was an unwilling participator, and from the danger that
Scotland would be included in the retaliations caused by English
policy.
As early as 1614, a
difficulty of this nature arose. In reply to the English
Proclamation of that year, prohibiting any goods from being imported
into England except in English ships, the French king issued an
edict to the same effect for France, "to the grate preuidice of the
merchant estait of the kingdome of Scotland." The Scots factors at
once complained to the Parliament of Paris, pointing out that the
French still had liberty of trading in Scotland, in spite of the
English regulations. The French decision was that the edict "did no
wayes extend towards the subiects of the Kingdome of Scotland, their
ancient friends and allayes," and that the Scots were still as free
within the dominions of France as they had ever been. The year
before, the Scots privileges in Normandy had again been ratified.
Scotland's next alarm was that her merchants might be involved in
the difficulties of Louis XIll's Huguenot subjects, because they
were also of the Reformed Religion. They urged the King to order his
ambassador in Paris to ask Louis to continue the Scots privileges.
The French king promised to do so, "for the love he carried to the
Scotts nation the most ancient allayes of the French crown."
The wars with Spain
and France which broke out in 1625 and 1627 were serious checks to
Scottish as to English trade. For a few months in 1626 no
ship-owners were allowed to undertake any voyage, except with
licence of the Privy Council, as his Majesty might require some of
the vessels to serve in the fleet. The import of wine from France
was also forbidden, except in Scots bottoms. Both the Scottish and
English ships which sailed to Bordeaux and other ports at the
vintage time in the next year were arrested. The Scottish ships
were, however, released in a short time because of their ancient
league. In the same year no offers were made for the farm of the
impost on wines when it was rouped. This was chiefly accounted for
by the interruption of trade with France. Shortly after this the
import of French goods was forbidden altogether. This was followed
by remonstrances from the merchants. They declared that they now had
to take the native commodities, which they usually disposed of in
France, to the Low Countries. If they were not allowed to get French
goods there, their trade would be ruined, for they already got a
sufficiency of the products of the Low Countries. Trade would then
decay, for the "Easterlynne trade being in these difficult tymes
interrupted and in a manner relinquished," there would be no vent
for their commodities, and they would remain on the merchants'
hands. Later they complained that English merchants were allowed to
import French wines from the Low Countries to England, and the
merchants begged his Majesty "to vouchsafe the lyke princelie
indulgence to your subjects of this Kingdome." In 1629, in view of
his Majesty's visit to Scotland, the prohibition on the import of
French wines was at last discharged.
In 1635, by an arrest
of the "gritt counsall of the estait of France," the Scots merchants
were exempted from some new duties imposed in Normandy. When the
Bishops' War began in 1639, there was some alarm in England because
it was rumoured that the French were sending help to the Scots "to
foment our disorders for their own interests." It was said too that
they were laying heavy burdens on English merchants and favouring
the Scots "after the old manner2." In spite of this report, the
Privy Council wrote to complain to Charles, in 1642, of "the
sufferings and losses of our subjects by the infringement of those
ancient priviledges and liberties" -which they had formerly enjoyed
in France. The Council Avas authorised to send some one to France to
endeavour to have the privileges renewed, and the Earl of Lothian
was dispatched. He seems to have been successful in his mission.
Although the Scots retained their privileged position in France
during this period, it was not without some effort, and the
connection was not so close as it had been during the last two or
three centuries. Nevertheless enough of the old tie remained to
alarm the English when, as during the Bishops' War, they feared that
France would encourage the Scots; and still more when, later in the
century, they began to look upon France as their principal rival,
both commercially and politically.
During this period
England and the Netherlands were at peace, and accordingly Scottish
trade with the Netherlands was carried on without much interruption.
The war with Spain, however, put a check for a time to almost all
Scottish trade, because of the danger from Spanish ships of war and
from privateers sent out from Dunkirk. These were such a menace to
Scots shipping that the merchants dare not put to sea at all for a
time. Charles sent some ships to defend the coasts, but as they
declined to leave the harbours they were not of much use as convoys.
On the whole, the merchants who traded to Campvere flourished and
formed there a community of some importance. They were "attached to
the true Principles of Liberty," and are said to have furnished the
supporters of the same principles with arms and ammunition "to an
immense Value." But after the King's death these merchants, in
common with the Scottish nation, lent their support to the
restoration of the monarchy.
Spanish trade was of
course interrupted by the war of 1625-32. Even earlier, the Scots
merchants trading thither had some trouble. They had bought a number
of Flemish ships, and these, during the war of Spain with the Low
Countries, were arrested and confiscated when they reached Spanish
ports. The skippers therefore begged the Council to certify that
they were the lawful owners of the ships which they had bought.
In the Portugal trade
the merchants complained of an Englishman, consul at Lisbon, who
exacted the same duties from the Scots ships trading thither as from
the English, and then did nothing to guard their interests. The
Burghs therefore appointed a consul of their own, a Scot residing in
Lisbon, granting him a duty of a ducat from every Scottish ship
coming to Lisbon.
The Baltic trade was
important and flourishing. It was said to be a very necessary trade,
and was carried on partly in foreign ships. The imports from the
east were more numerous than the exports thence, for the merchants
declared that "the said trade cannot be, nor never wes interteyned
with the native commodityis of the countrey, bot that of necessitie
some moneyis must be exportit to that effect." The exports were
chiefly skins, woollen cloths and stockings.
But more numerous
than the Scots who traded to Germany were those who settled there
and traded in the country, mostly as pedlars. Dr Fischer says,
"There was a very large Scottish immigration to Danzig, Konigs-berg
and Poland from the end of the fifteenth Century and earlier,
gradually increasing until the end of the eighteenth." The traveller
Lithgow in 1640 called Poland the "mother and nurse of the youths
and younglings of Scotland, clothing, feeding and enriching them
with the fatness of her best things, besides 30,000 Scots families
that live incorporate in her bowels." The Scots pedlars and small
merchants were not welcomed by the burghers either in Poland or
Germany, and to defend themselves they were banded together in
Brotherhoods in both countries. Some who settled in the large towns
were admitted to the number of the citizens. Charles
II thought it worth while to try to get
financial support from the Scots in Poland, desiring that the King
should not permit any to "enjoy the Hbertie they have in that
kingdome but such as shall approve their loyaltie and good affection
to us by some supply of money."
The Swedish trade
increased considerably in the seventeenth century, Stockholm being
the favourite port. In 1636 there were sixteen Scots ships employed
in importing salt to Sweden.
The Scots, although
they had not taken up with any enthusiasm the project of settling in
America, left their native country in great numbers for the
Continent. Thousands went to serve in the Thirty Years' War, where
Leslie and many other warriors of the Civil War served their
apprenticeship. Mackay's regiment, 4000 strong in 1626, a detachment
of 6000 in 1631, and many others, joined Gustavus Adolphus; and
there were many Scots fighting on the other side. A number also took
up service in Russia. In 1632 Charles solicited permission for one
James Wallace and his servants to pass freely through Denmark,
Sweden and Russia, as he was appointed a messenger for conveying
letters to and from the Scottish subjects in the service of the
Russian Emperor. The military spirit was more active in Scotland
during this time than the trading spirit. Religious affairs also
became more and more absorbing. The Scottish trading interest,
before the Civil War began, were a fairly prosperous community, but
they carried on their trade along the same lines and in the same
manner as their forefathers, almost untouched by the influences
which had effected such changes in English trade in the sixteenth
and early seventeenth centuries.
Note.—The blank in
the Burgh Records from 1631 to 1649 deprives us of a very important
source of information on the commercial and industrial history of
these years.