1736, June 24
Considering how important have been the proceedings under
the act of the ninth parliament of Queen Mary Anentis
Witchcrafts, it seems proper that we advert to the fact of its
being from this day repealed in the parliament of Great Britain,
along with the similar English act of the first year of King
James I. It became from that time incompetent to institute any
suit for ‘witchcraft, sorcery, enchantment, or conjuration,’ and
only a crime to pretend to exercise such arts, liable to be
punished by a year’s imprison¬ment, with the pillory. There
seems to be little known regarding the movement for abolishing
these laws. We only learn that it was viewed with disapprobation
by the more zealously pious people in Scotland, one of whom, Mr
Erskine of Grange, member for Clackmannanshire, spoke pointedly
against it in the House of Commons. Seeing how clearly the
offence is described in scripture, and how direct is the order
for its punishment, it seemed to these men a symptom of
latitudinarianism that the old statute should be withdrawn. When
the body of dissenters, calling themselves the Associate Synod
in 1742, framed their Testimony against the errors of the
established church and of the times generally, one of the
specific things condemned was the repeal of the acts against
witchcraft, which was declared to be ‘contrary to the express
letter of the law of God, “Thou shalt not suffer a witch to
live.”’
Nov 8
Amongst the gay and ingenious, who patronised and defended
theatricals, Allan Ramsay stood conspicuous. He entertained a
kind of enthusiasm on the subject, was keenly controversial in
behalf of the stage, and willing to incur some risk in the hope
of seeing his ideal of a sound drama in Scotland realised. We
have seen traces of his taking an immediate and personal
interest in the performances carried on for a few years by the
‘Edinburgh Company of Comedians’ in the Tailors’ Hall. He was
now induced to enter upon the design of rearing, in Edinburgh, a
building expressly adapted as a theatre; and we find him going
on with the work in the summer of this year, and announcing that
‘the New Theatre in Carrubber’s Close’ would be opened on the
1st of November. The poet at the same time called upon
gentlemen and ladies who were inclined to take annual tickets,
of which there were to be forty at 30s. each, to come forward
and subscribe before a particular day, after which the price
would be raised to two guineas.
Honest Allan knew
he would have to encounter the frowns of the clergy, and be
reckoned as a rash speculator by many of his friends; but he
never expected that any legislative enactment would interfere to
crush his hopes. So it was, however. The theatre in Carrubber’s
Close was opened on the 8th of November, and found to be, in the
esteem of all judges, ‘as complete and finished with as good a
taste as any of its size in the three kingdoms.’ 1 A prologue
was spoken by Mr Bridges, setting forth the moral powers of the
drama, and attacking its enemies— those who
‘From their gloomy thoughts and want
of sense,
Think what diverts the mind gives Heaven offence.’
The Muse, it was
said, after a long career of glory in ancient times, had reached
the shores of England, where Shakspeare taught her to soar:
‘At last, transported by your tender
care,
She hopes to keep her seat of empire here.
For your protection, then, ye fair and great,
This fabric to her use we consecrate;
On you it will depend to raise her name,
And in Edina fix her lasting fame.’
Alas! all these
hopes of a poet were soon clouded. Before the Carrubber’s Close
playhouse had seen out its first season, an act was passed (10
Geo. II. chap. 28) explaining one of Queen Anne regarding rogues
and vagabonds, the whole object in reality being to prevent any
persons from acting plays for hire, without authority or licence
by letters-patent from the king or his Lord Chamberlain. This
put a complete barrier to the poet’s design, threw the new
playhouse useless upon his hands, and had nearly shipwrecked his
fortunes. He addressed a poetical account of his disappointment
to the new Lord President of the Court of Session, Duncan
Forbes, a man who united a taste for elegant literature with the
highest Christian graces. He recites the project of the theatre:
‘Last year, my lord, nae farther
gane,
A costly wark was undertane
By me, wha had not the least dread
An act would knock it on the head:
A playhouse new, at vast expense,
To be a large, yet bien defence,
In winter nights, ‘gainst wind and weet,
To ward frae cauld the lasses sweet;
While they with bonny smiles attended,
To have their little failings mended.’
He asks if he who
has written with the approbation of the entire country, shall be
confounded with rogues and rascals, be twined of his hopes, and
‘Be made a loser,
and engage
With troubles in declining age,
While wights to whom my credit stands
For sums, make sour and thrawn demands ?'
Shall a good public object be defeated?
‘When ice and maw o’ercleads the
isle,
Wha now will think it worth their while
To leave their gousty country bowers,
For the ance blythesome Edinburgh’s towers,
Where there’s no glee to give delight,
And ward frae spleen the langsorne night ?'
He pleads with
the Session for at least a limited licence.
…. I humbly pray
Our lads may be allowed to play,
At least till new-house debts he paid off,
The cause that I’m the maist afraid of;
Which lade lies on my single back,
And I maun pay it ilka plack.’
Else let the
legislature relieve him of the burden of his house,
By ordering frae the public fund
A sum to pay for what I’m bound;
Syne, for amends for what I’ve lost,
Edge me into some canny post.’
All this was of
course but vain prattle. The piece appeared in the Gentleman’s
Magazine (August 1737), and no doubt awoke some sympathy; but
the poet had to bear single-handed the burden of a heavy loss,
as a reward for his spirited attempt to enliven the beau monde
of Edinburgh.
Nov 28
Amongst other symptoms of a tendency to social enjoyments at
this time, we cannot overlook a marked progress of free-masonry
throughout the country. This day, the festival of the tutelar
saint of Scotland, the Masters and Wardens of forty regular
lodges met in St Mary’s Chapel, in Edinburgh, and unanimously
elected as their Grand Master, William Sinclair, of Roslin,
Esq., representative of an ancient though reduced family, which
had been in past ages much connected with free-masonry.
On St John’s Day,
27th December, this act was celebrated by the free-masons of
Inverness, with a procession to the cross in white gloves and
aprons, and with the proper badges, the solemnity being
concluded with ‘a splendid ball to the ladies.’
1737, June 30
The Edinburgh officials who had been taken to London for
examination regarding the Porteous Riot, being now at liberty to
return, there was a general wish in the city to give them a
cordial reception. The citizens rode out in a great troop to
meet them, and the road for miles was lined with enthusiastic
pedestrians. The Lord Provost, Alexander Wilson, from modesty,
eluded the reception designed for him; but the rest came through
the city, forming a procession of imposing length, while bells
rang and bonfires blazed, and the gates of the Netherbow, which
had been removed since the 7th of September last, were put up
again amidst the shouts of the multitude.
A month later,
one Baillie, who had given evidence before the Lords’ Committee
tending to criminate the magistrates, returned in a vessel from
London, and had no sooner set his foot on shore than he found
himself beset by a mighty multitude bent on marking their sense
of his conduct. To collect the people, some seized and rang a
ship’s bell; others ran through the streets ringing small bells.
‘ Bloody Baillie is come ! ‘ passed from mouth to mouth. The
poor man, finding that thousands were gathered for his honour,
flung himself into the stage-coach for Edinburgh, and was solely
indebted to a fellow-passenger of the other sex for the safety
in which he reached his home.
Captain Lind, of
the Town-guard, having given similar evidence, was discharged by
the town-council; but the government immediately after
appointed him ‘lieutenant in Tyrawley’s regiment of South
British Fusiliers at Gibraltar.’
1738, Feb 3
It was still customary to keep recruits in prison till an
opportunity was obtained of shipping them off for service. A
hundred young men, who had been engaged for the Dutch republic
in Scotland, had been for some time confined in the Canongate
Tolbooth, where probably their treatment was none of the best.
Disappointed in several attempts at escape, they turned at
length mutinous, and it was necessary to carry four of the most
dangerous to a dungeon in the lower part of the prison. By this
the rest were so exasperated, ‘that they seized one of their
officers and the turnkey, whom they clapped in close custody,
and, barricading the prison-door, bade defiance to all
authority. At the same time they intimated that, if their four
comrades were not instantly delivered up to them, they would
send the officer and turnkey to where the d——— sent his mother;
so that their demand was of necessity complied with.’
During all the
next day (Saturday) they remained in their fortress without any
communication either by persons coming in or by persons going
out. The authorities revolved the idea of a forcible attempt to
reduce them to obedience; but it seemed better to starve them
into a surrender. On the Sunday evening, their provisions being
exhausted, they beat a chamade and hung out a white flag;
whereupon some of their officers and a few officers of General
Whitham’s regiment entered into a capitulation with them; and,
a general amnesty being granted, they delivered up their
stronghold. ‘It is said they threatened, in case of
non-compliance with their articles, to fall instantly about
eating the turnkey.’
1738, Aug
Isabel Walker, under sentence of death at Dumfries for
child-murder, obtained a reprieve through unexpected means.
According to a letter dated Edinburgh, August 10, 1738, 'This
unhappy creature was destitute of friends, and had none to apply
for her but an only sister, a girl of a fine soul, that
overlooked the irnprobability of success, and helpless and
alone, went to London to address the great; and solicited so
well, that she got for her, first, a reprieve, and now a
remission. Such another instance of onerous friendship can
scarce be shewn; it well deserved the attention of the greatest,
who could not but admire the virtue, and on that account engage
in her cause.’
Helen Walker, who
acted this heroic part, was the daughter of a small farmer in
the parish of Irongray. Her sister, who had been under her care,
having concealed her pregnancy, it came to be offered to Helen
as a painful privilege, that she could save the accused if she
could say, on the trial, that she had received any communication
from Isabel regarding her condition. She declared it to be
impossible that she should declare a falsehood even to save a
sister’s life; and condemnation accordingly took place. Helen
then made a journey on foot to London, in the hope of being able
to plead for her sister’s life; and, having almost by accident
gained the ear and interest of the Duke of Argyle, she succeeded
in an object which most persons would have said beforehand was
next to unattainable.
Isabel afterwards
married her lover, and lived at Whitehaven for many years. Helen
survived till 1791, a poor peasant woman, living by the sale of
eggs and other small articles, or doing country work, but always
distinguished by a quiet self-respect, which prevented any one
from ever talking to her of this singular adventure of her early
days. Many years after she had been laid in Irongray kirkyard, a
lady who had seen and felt an interest in her communicated her
story to Sir Walter Scott, who expanded it into a tale (The
Heart of Mid-Lothian) of which the chief charm lies in the
character and actings of the self-devoted heroine. It was one of
the last, and not amongst the least worthy, acts of the great
fictionist to raise a monument over her grave, with the
following inscription:
‘This stone was
erected by the Author of Waverley to the memory of HELEN WALKER,
who died in the year of God 1791. This humble individual
practised in real life the virtues with which fiction has
invested the imaginary character of JEANIE DEANS; refusing the
slightest departure from veracity, even to save the life of a
sister, she nevertheless shewed her hardiness and fortitude in
rescuing her from the severity of the law, at the expense of
personal exertions which the time rendered as difficult as the
motive was laudable. Respect the grave of poverty when combined
with love of truth and dear affection.’
1739, Jan
This month was commenced in Edinburgh a monthly miscellany and
chronicle, which long continued to fill a useful place in the
world under the name of the Scots Magazine. It was framed on the
model of the Gentleman’s Magazine, which had commenced in London
eight years before, and the price of each number was the modest
one of sixpence. Being strictly a magazine or store, into which
were collected all the important newspaper matters of the past
month, it could not be considered as a literary effort of much
pretension, though its value to us as a picture of the times
referred to is all the greater. Living persons connected with
periodical literature will hear with a smile that this
respectable miscellany was, about 1763 and 1764, conducted by a
young man, a corrector of the press in the printing-office which
produced it, and whose entire salary for this and other duties
was sixteen shillings a week.’
Jan 14
A hurricane from the west-south-west, commencing at one in the
morning, and accompanied by lightning, swept across the south of
Scotland, and seems to have been beyond parallel for
destructiveness in the same district before or since. The
blowing down of chimneys, the strewing of the streets with tiles
and slates, were among the lightest of its performances. It tore
sheet-lead from churches and houses, and made it fly through the
air like paper. In the country, houses were thrown down, trees
uprooted by hundreds, and corn-stacks scattered. A vast number
of houses took fire. At least one church, that of Kilearn, was
prostrated. Both on the west and east coast, many ships at sea
and in harbour were damaged or destroyed. ‘At Loch Leven, in
Fife, great shoals of perches and pikes were driven a great way
into the fields; so that the country people got horse-loads of
them, and sold them at one penny per hundred.’ The number of
casualties to life and limb seems, after all, to have been
small.’
1739
James, second Earl of Rosebery, was one who carried the vices
and follies of his age to such extravagance as to excite a
charitable belief that he was scarcely an accountable person. In
his father’s lifetime, he had been several times in the Old
Tolbooth for small debts. In 1726, after he had succeeded to the
family title, he was again incarcerated there for not answering
the summons of the Court of Justiciary ‘for deforcement, riot,
and spulyie.’ A few years later, his estates are found in the
hands of trustees.
At this date, he
excited the merriment of the thoughtless, and the sadness of all
other persons, by advertising the elopement of a girl named
Polly Rich, who had been engaged for a year as his servant;
describing her as a London girl, or ‘what is called a Cockney,’
about eighteen, ‘fine-shaped and blue-eyed,’ having all her
linen marked with his cornet and initials. Two guineas reward
were offered to whoever should restore her to her ‘right owner,’
either at John’s Coffee-house, or ‘the Earl of Roseberry, at
Denham’s Land, Bristow, and no questions will be asked.’ 1
The
potato—introduced from its native South American ground by
Raleigh into Ireland, and so extensively cultivated there in the
time of the civil wars, as to be a succour to the poor when all
cereal crops had been destroyed by the soldiery—transplanted
thence to England, but so little cultivated there towards the
end of the seventeenth century, as to be sold in 1694 at
sixpence or eightpence a pound ‘—is first heard of in Scotland
in 1701, when the Duchess of Buccleuch’s household-book mentions
a peck of the esculent as brought from Edinburgh, and costing
2s. 6d.’ We hear of it in 1733, as used occasionally at supper
in the house of the Earl of Eglintoun, in Ayrshire.4 About this
time, it was beginning to be cultivated in gardens, but still
with a hesitation about its moral character, for no reader of
Shakspeare requires to be told that some of the more
uncontrollable passions of human nature were supposed to be
favoured by its use.’
At the date here
noted, a gentleman, styled Robert Graham of Tamrawer, factor on
the forfeited estate of Kilsyth, ventured on the heretofore
unknown step of planting a field of potatoes. His experiment was
conducted on a half-acre of ground ‘on the croft of Neilstone,
to the north of the town of Kilsyth.’ It appears that the root
was now, and for a good while after, cultivated only on lazy
beds. Many persons - amongst whom was the Earl of Perth, who
joined in the insurrection of 1745—came from great distances to
witness so extraordinary a novelty, and inquire into the mode of
culture.
The field-culture
of the potato was introduced about 1746 into the county of
Edinburgh by a man named Henry Prentice, who had made a little
money as a travelling-merchant, and was now engaged in
market-gardening. His example was soon extensively followed, and
before 1760 the root was very generally reared in fields, as it
is at present.
1740, Jan
A frost, which began on the 26th of the previous month, lasted
during the whole of this, and was long remembered for its
severity, and the many remarkable circumstances attending it. We
nowhere get a scientific statement of the temperature at any
period of its duration; but the facts related are sufficient to
prove that this was far below any point ordinarily attained in
this country. The principal rivers of Scotland were frozen over,
and there was such a general stoppage of water-mills, that the
knocking-stones usually employed in those simple days for
husking grain in small quantities, and of which there was one
at nearly every cottage-door, were used on this occasion as
means of grinding it. Such mills as had a flow of water, were
worked on Sundays as well as ordinary days. In some harbours,
the ships were frozen up. Food rose to famine prices, and large
contributions were required from the rich to keep the poor
alive.
The frost was
severe all over the northern portion of Europe. The Thames at
London being thickly frozen over, a fair was held upon it, with
a multitude of shows and popular amusements. At Newcastle, men
digging coal in the pits were obliged to have fires kindled to
keep them warm; and one mine was through this cause ignited
permanently. In the metropolis, coal became so scarce as to
reach 70s. per chaldron; and there also much misery resulted
among the poor. People perished of cold in the fields, and even
in the streets, and there was a prodigious mortality amongst
birds and other wild animals.
In consequence of
the failure of the crop of this year, Scotland was now
undergoing the distresses attendant upon the scarcity and high
price of provisions. The populace of Edinburgh attacked the
mills, certain granaries in Leith, and sundry meal-shops, and
possessed themselves of several hundred bolls of grain, the
military forces being too limited in number to prevent them.
Several of the rioters being captured, a mob attempted their
rescue, and thus led to a fusillade from the soldiery, by which
three persons were wounded, one of them mortally. Great efforts
were made by the magistracy to obtain corn at moderate prices
for the people, by putting in force the laws against reservation
of grain from market, and the dealing in it with a view to
profit; also by the more rational method of subscriptions among
the rich for the sale of meal at comparatively low rates to the
poor. The magistrates of Edinburgh also invited importations of
foreign grain (December 19), proclaiming that, in case of any
being seized by mobs, the community should make good the loss.’
1741, July
George Whitfield, whose preachings had been stirring up a great
commotion in England for some years past, came to Scotland, and
for a time held forth at various places in the open air,
particularly on the spot where the Edinburgh Theatre afterwards
stood. ‘This gentleman,’ says a contemporary chronicler,
‘recommends the essentials of religion, and decries the
distinguishing punctilos of parties; exclaims against the moral
preachers of the age; preaches the doctrine of free grace
according to the predestinarian scheme; mentions often the
circumstance of his own regeneration, and what success he has
had in his ministerial labours.’ 1 Having heard of the late
secession from the Church of Scotland by a set of clergymen
reputed to be unusually sanctimonious, he was eager to
fraternise with them, and lost no time in preaching to the
congregation of Mr Ralph Erskine at Dunfermline. But here he met
unexpected difficulties. The Scottish seceders could not hold
out the right hand of fellowship to one who did not unite with
them in their testimony against defective churches. He was a man
of too broad sympathies to suit them; so they parted; and
Whitfield from that time fraternised solely with the established
clergy.
1742, Feb
About this time began a series of religious demonstrations,
chiefly centering at Cambuslang on the Clyde, and long after
recognised accordingly as the Camb’slanq Wark. Mr Whitfield, in
his visit of some mouths last year, had stirred up a new zeal in
the Established Church. Mr M’Culloch, minister of Cambuslang,
was particularly inflamed by his eloquence, and he had all
winter been addressing his flock in an unusually exciting
manner. The local fervour waxing stronger and stronger, a
shoemaker and a weaver at length lent their assistance to it,
and now it was breaking out in those transports of terror of
hell-fire, prostrate penitence, and rejoicing re-assurance,
which mark what is called a revival. The meetings chiefly took
place in a natural amphitheatre or holm, on the river’s side,
and were externally very picturesque. There seldom was wanting a
row of patients in front of the minister, with their heads tied
up, and pitchers of water ready to recover those who fainted.
Early in the summer, Mr Whitfield returned to Scotland, and
immediately came to lend his assistance to the work, both at
Cambuslang, and in the Barony parish of Glasgow. ‘From that time
the multitudes who assembled were more numerous than they had
ever been, or perhaps than any congregation which had ever
before been collected in Scotland; the religious impressions
made on the people were apparently much greater and more
general; and the visible convulsive agitations which
accompanied them, exceeded everything of the kind which had yet
been observed.’ The clergy of the establishment were pleased
with what was going on, as it served to shew that their lamp was
not gone out, thereby enabling them to hold up their heads
against the taunts of the Secession as to growing lukewarmness
and defection. And they pointed with pathetic earnestness to the
many sinners converted from evil ways, as a proof that real good
was done. On the other hand, the seceders loudly deplored ‘the
present awful symptom of the Lord’s anger with the church and
land, in sending them strong delusion, that they should believe
a lie,’ and ordained a day to be observed as a fast, in order to
avert the evils they apprehended in consequence.1 A fierce
controversy raged for some time between the two bodies, as to
whether the Camb’slang Wark was of God or of the Devil, each
person being generally swayed in his decision by his love for,
or aversion to, the Established Church. A modern divine just
quoted (Erskine), disclaims for them a miraculous character, but
asserts, as matter of historic verity, that fully four hundred
persons at Cambuslang underwent a permanent religious change,
independent of those who were converted in like manner at
Kilsyth. It is understood that the proceedings of the Associate
Synod on the occasion have since been much deplored by their
successors.
Oct 10
Public attention was strongly roused by an accident of an
uncommon kind which happened in the lowlands of Ross-shire. The
church of Fearn parish was an old Gothic structure covered with
a heavy roof of flagstone. This day, being Sunday, while the
parishioners were assembled at worship, the roof and part of the
side-wall gave way, under the pressure of a load of prematurely
fallen snow; and the bulk of the people present were buried
under the ruins. The fortunate arrangement of the seats of the
gentry in the side recesses saved most of that class from
injury; and the minister, Mr Donald Ross, was protected by the
sounding-board of his pulpit. There chanced to be present Mr
James Robertson, the minister of Lochbroom, a man of uncommon
personal strength and great dexterity and courage. He, planting
his shoulder under a falling lintel, sustained it till a number
of the people escaped. Forty poor people were dug out dead, and
in such a state of mutilation that it was found necessary to
huddle them all into one grave.
1743
The period of the extinction of wild and dangerous animals in a
country is of some importance, as an indication of its advance
in Civilisation, and of the appropriation of its soil for purely
economic purposes. One learns with a start how lately the wolf
inhabited the Highlands of Scotland. It is usually said that the
species was extirpated about 1680 by the famous Sir Ewen Cameron
of Locheil; but the tradition to that effect appears to be only
true of Sir Ewen’s own district of Western Invernessshire, and
there is reason to believe that the year at which this chronicle
has arrived is the date of the death of the last wolf in the
entire kingdom. The slayer of the animal is represented as being
a notable Highland deer-stalker of great stature and strength,
named Macqueen of Pall-a’-chrocain, and the Forest of Tarnaway
in Morayland is assigned as the scene of the incident. The
popular Highland narration on the subject is as follows:
‘One winter’s
day, about the year before mentioned, Macqueen received a
message from the Laird of Macintosh that a large “black beast,”
supposed to be a wolf, had appeared in the glens, and the day
before killed two children, who, with their mother, were
crossing the hills from Calder; in consequence of which a
“Tainchel,” or gathering to drive the country, was called to
meet at a tryst above Fi-Ginthas, where Macqueen was invited to
attend with his dogs. Pall-a’-chrocain informed himself of the
place where the children had been killed, the last tracks of the
wolf, and the conjectures of his haunts, and promised his
assistance.
‘In the morning
the “Tainchel” had long assembled, and Macintosh waited with
impatience, but Macqueen did not arrive; his dogs and himself
were, however, auxiliaries too important to be left behind, and
they continued to wait until the best of a hunter’s morning was
gone, when at last he appeared, and Macintosh received him with
an irritable expression of disappointment.
“Ciod e a’
chabhag ? “—“What was the hurry?” said Pall-a’chrocain.
‘Macintosh gave
an indignant retort, and all present made some impatient reply.
‘Macqueen lifted
his plaid, and drew the black bloody head of the wolf from under
his arm—” Sin e dhuibh" - There it is for you!” said he, and
tossed it on the grass in the midst of the surprised circle.
‘Macintosh
expressed great joy and admiration, and gave him the land called
Sean-achan for meat to his dogs.’
1743, May
Owing to a severe spring, a malady called ‘fever and cold’
prevailed in Edinburgh, and was spreading all over the country.
On Sunday, the 8th May, fifty sick people were prayed for in the
city churches, and in the preceding week there had been seventy
burials in the Greyfriars, being three times the usual number.
July
For a number of years, the six independent companies of armed
Highlanders, commonly called the Reicudan Dhu, or Black Watch,
had been effective in keeping down that system of cattle-lifting
which ancient prejudice had taught the Highlanders generally to
regard as only a kind of clan warfare. But in 1739, the
government was induced to form these companies into a regular
regiment for service in the foreign war then entered upon; and
in March of this year, they were actually sent into England,
leaving the Highlands without adequate protection. The
consequence was an immediate revival of old practices.
In July of this
year, it was reported to the Edinburgh newspapers that the
highlands of Nairnshire were absolutely infested with
depredators, who came by day as well as night, and drove off the
cattle, not scrupling to kill the inhabitants when they were
resisted. The proprietors were trying to form a watch or guard
for the country; but these people often fell into complicity
with the spoilers, or entered on a similar career themselves.
The greatest confusion and difficulty prevailed, and other
districts were soon after involved in the same calamitous
grievance.
One day in
October, a party of nine cearnochs or caterans, well armed, came
from Rannoch into Badenoch, and laid a large part of the
district under contribution, ‘forcing the people to capitulate
for their lives at the expense of all they possessed,’ and
carrying off a great quantity of sheep. The gentlemen of the
district hastily assembled with some of their people, but felt
greatly at a loss on account of their want of arms.
Nevertheless, with a few old weapons, they resolved to attack
the depredators. A smoke seen on a distant hillside led them to
the place where the robbers were halting. Their firearms were by
this time useless with wet; yet they fell on with great courage,
and obtained a victory, at the expense of a wound to one of
their party. Four of the offenders were secured, and carried to
the prison at Ruthven.’ It was hoped that the fate of this party
would deter others; but the hope was not rea1ised.
In March 1744, a
general meeting of the gentlemen of the district of Badenoch
took into consideration the sad state of their Country. It was
represented that, owing to the frequent thefts committed, the
tenants were on the brink of utter ruin: some who paid not above
fifteen pounds of. rent, had suffered losses to the extent of a
hundred. Evan Macpherson of Cluny, the leading man of the
district, and a person of activity and intelligence, had been
repeatedly entreated to undertake the formation and management
of an armed watch, to be supported from such small contributions
as could be raised; but he regarded the country as too poor to
support such an establishment as would be necessary. Yet he now
told them that, unless the king could protect them, he could
suggest no other course than the putting of their own and the
neighbouring districts under persons who could guard the country
by their own armed retainers, and guarantee the restitution of
lost goods to all such as would contribute to the necessary
funds.
On the entreaty
of his neighbours, Cluny, in May, did muster a number of his
people, of honest character, whom he planted at the several
passes through which predatory incursions were made, ‘giving
them most strict orders that these passes should be punctually
travelled and watched night and day, for keeping off,
intercepting, seizing, and imprisoning the villains, as occasion
offered, and as strictly forbidding and discharging them to act
less or more in the ordinary way of other undertakers (leviers
of black-mail), who, instead of suppressing theft, do greatly
support it, by currying the favour of the thieves,, and
gratifying them for their diverting of the weight of theft from
such parts of the countries as pay the undertaker for their
protection, to such parts as do not pay them.’
Cluny is allowed
to have tolerably well effected his purpose. The thieves, being
hemmed in by him, and reduced to great straits, offered to keep
his own lands skaithiess if he would cease to guard those of his
neighbours, a proposal to which, as might be expected, he gave
no heed. They tried to evade his vigilance by taking a sprectth
of cattle from Strathnairn by boats across Loch Ness, instead of
by the ordinary route; but he then set guards on the ferries of
Loch Ness, albeit at a great additional expense. The lands of
gentlemen who declined to contribute were as safe as those in
the opposite circumstances He was even able to restore some
cattle taken from distant places, as Banffshire, Strathallan,
and the Colquhoun’s grounds near Dumbarton.’
The Rev. Mr
Lapslie, writing in 1795 the statistical account of his parish
of Campsie, remarks with a feeling of wonder the fact that, so
recently as 1744, his father ‘paid black-mail to Macgregor of
Glengyle, in order to prevent depredations being made upon his
property; Macgregor engaging, upon his part, to secure him from
suffering any hardship (hership, that is, despoliation), as it
was termed; and he faithfully fulfilled the contract; engaging
to pay for all sheep which were carried away, if above the
number of seven, which he styled a lifting; if below seven, he
only considered it a piking; and for the honour of this warden
of the Highland march, Mr John Lapalie having got fifteen sheep
lifted in the commencement of the year 1745, Mr Macgregor
actually had taken measures to have their value restored, when
the rebellion broke out, and put an end to any further payment
of black-mail, and likewise to Mr Macgregor’s self-created
wardenship of the Highland borders.’ 1
Oct
We have seen that an abortive attempt was made in 1678 to set up
a stage-coach between Edinburgh and Glasgow. Nothing more is
heard of such a scheme till the present date, when John Walker,
merchant in Edinburgh, proposed to the town council of Glasgow
the setting up of a stage-coach between the two towns, for six
persons, twice a week, for twenty weeks in summer, and once a
week during the rest of the year, receiving ten shillings per
passenger, provided that he should have the sale of two hundred
tickets per annum guaranteed.3 This effort was likewise
abortive.
It was not till
1758, when the population of Glasgow had risen to about
thirty-five thousand, that a regular conveyance for passengers
was established between the two cities. It was drawn by four
horses, and the journey of forty-two miles was performed in
twelve hours, the passengers stopping to dine on the way. Such
was the only stage-coach on that important road for thirty
years, nor during that time did any acceleration take place. A
young lady of Glasgow, of distinguished beauty, having to travel
to Edinburgh about 1780, a lover towards whom she was not very
favourably disposed, took all the remaining tickets, was of
course her sole companion on the journey, entertained her at
dinner, and otherwise found such means of pressing his suit,
that she soon after became his wife. This was, so far as it
goes, a very pretty piece of stage-coach romance; but,
unluckily, the lover was unworthy of his good-fortune, and the
lady, in a state of worse than widowhood, was, a few years
after, the subject of the celebrated Clarinda correspondence of
Burns.
Mr Palmer, the
manager of the Bath Theatre, having succeeded in introducing his
smart stage-coaches, one was established, in July 1788, between
London and Glasgow, performing the distance (405 miles) in
sixty-five hours. This seems to have led to an improvement in
the conveyances between Edinburgh and the western city. Colin
M’Farlane, of the Buck’s Head Inn of Glasgow, announced, in the
ensuing October, his having commenced a four-seated coach
between the two cities every lawful day at eleven o’clock, thus
permitting mercantile men to transact business at the banks and
public offices before starting. ‘In most of the coaches running
at present,’ says he, ‘six are admitted, and three into a
chaise, which proves very disagreeable for passengers to be so
situated for a whole day. The inconvenience is entirely removed
by the above plan Owing to the lightness of the carriage,
and frequent change of horses, she arrives at Glasgow and
Edinburgh as soon as the carriages that set off early in the
morning.’ ‘Price of the tickets from both towns, 9s. 6d.’ 1
Notwithstanding this provocative to emulation, ‘the Diligence’
for Edinburgh was announced in 1789 as starting from the
Saracen’s Head each morning at nine, ‘or at any other hour the
two first passengers might agree on.’2 It was not till 1799 that
the time occupied by a stage-coach journey between these two
cities was reduced so low as even six hours, being still an hour
and a half beyond the time ultimately attained before the
opening of the railway in 1842.
1744
For some years the use of tea had been creeping in amongst
nearly all ranks of the people. It was thought by many
reflecting persons, amongst whom was the enlightened Lord
President Forbes, to be in many respects an improper diet,
expensive, wasteful of time, and calculated to render the
population weakly and effeminate. During the course of this
year, there was a vigorous movement all over Scotland for
getting the use of tea abated. Towns, parishes, and counties
passed resolutions condemnatory of the Chinese leaf and pointing
strongly to the manlier attractions of beer. The tenants of
William Fullarton of Fullarton, in Ayrshire, in a bond they
entered into on the occasion, thus delivered themselves: ‘We,
being all farmers by profession, think it needless to restrain
ourselves formally from indulging in that foreign and
consumptive luxury called tea; for when we consider the slender
constitutions of many of higher rank, amongst whom it is used,
we conclude that it would be but an improper diet to qualify us
for the more robust and manly parts of our business; and
therefore we shall only give our testimony against it, and leave
the enjoyment of it altogether to those who can afford to be
weak, indolent, and useless.’
1745, Oct
Lord Lovat, writing to the Lord President Forbes on the 20th of
this month, adverts to the effect of the civil broils in giving
encouragement to men of prey in the Highlands. He says:
‘This last
fortnight, my cousin William (Fraser), Struie’s uncle, that is
married to Kilbockie’s daughter, and who is a very honest man,
and she a good woman, had twenty fine cows stolen from him. The
country (that is, the country people) went upon the track, and
went into Lochaber and to Rannoch, and came up with the thieves
in my Lord Breadalbane’s forest of Glenurchy. The thieves, upon
seeing the party that pursued them, abandoned the cattle, and
ran off; and William brought home his cattle, but had almost
died, and all that was with him, of fatigue, cold, and hunger;
but, indeed, it is the best-followed track that ever I heard of
in any country. You see how loose the whole country is, when
four villains durst come a hundred miles, and take up the best
cattle they could find in this couutry; for they think there is
no law, and that makes them so insolent.’
The practice of
stealing cattle in the Highlands has already been several times
alluded to, as well as the system of compromise called
black-mail, by which honest people were enabled in some degree
to secure themselves against such losses. Down to 1745, there
does not appear to have been any very sensible abatement of this
state of things, notwithstanding the keeping up of the armed
companies, professedly for the maintenance of law and order.
Perhaps the black-mail caused there being less robbery than
would otherwise have been the case, and also the occasional
restoration of property which had been taken away; but it was of
course necessary for the exactors of the mail to allow at least
as much despoliation as kept up the occasion for the tax.
Mr Graham of
Gartmore, writing on this subject immediately after the close of
the rebellion, enters into a calculation of the entire losses to
the Highlands through robbery and its consequences.
‘It may be safely
affirmed,’ he says, ‘that the horses, cows, sheep, and goats
yearly stolen in that country are in value equal to £5000, and
that the expenses lost in the fruitless endeavours to recover
them, will not be less than £2000; that the extraordinary
expenses of keeping (neat-) herds and servants to look more
narrowly after cattle on account of stealing, otherwise not
necessary, is £10,000. There is paid in black-mail or
watch-money, openly or privately, £5000; and there is a yearly
loss, by understocking the grounds, by reason of thefts, of at
least £15,000; which is altogether a loss to landlords and
farmers in the Highlands of £37,000 a year.
‘. . . . The
person chosen to command this watch, as it is called, is
commonly one deeply concerned in the thefts himself, or at least
that hath been in correspondence with the thieves, and
frequently who hath occasioned thefts in order to make this
watch, by which he gains considerably, necessary. The people
employed travel through the country armed, night and day, under
pretence of inquiring after stolen cattle, and by this means
know the situation and circumstances of the whole country. And
as the people thus employed are the very rogues that do these
mischiefs, so one half of them are continued in their former
businesses of stealing, that the business of the other half. may
be necessary in recovering Whoever considers the shameful
way these watches were managed, particularly by Barrisdale and
the Macgregors, in the west ends of Perth and Stirling shires,
will easily see into the spirit, nature, and consequences of
them.’
Pennant informs
us that many of the lifters of black-mail ‘were wont to insert
an article by which they were to be released from their
agreement, in case of any civil commotion; thus, at the breaking
out of the last rebellion, a Macgregor (who assumed the name of
Graham), who had with the strictest honour till that event
preserved his friends’ cattle, immediately sent them word that
from that time they were out of his protection, and must now
take care of themselves.’
The same author
justly remarks the peculiar code of morality which
circumstances, partly political, had brought into existence in
the Highlands, whereby cattle-stealing came to be considered
rather as a gallant military enterprise than as theft. He says
the young men regarded a proficiency in it as a recommendation
to their mistresses. Here, however, it must be admitted, we only
find the disastrous results of a general civil disorder arising
from political disaffection and antagonisms.
Both Gartmore and
Mr Pennant speak of ‘Barrisdale’ as a person who at this time
stood in great notoriety as a levier of black-mail, or, as
Barrisdale himself might have called it, a protector of the
country. Descended from a branch of the Glengarry family, his
father had obtained from the contemporary Glengarry, on wadset,
permission to occupy a considerable tract of ground named
Barrisdale, on the south side of Loch Hourn, and from this he
had hereditarily derived the appellative by which he was most
generally known, while his real name was Coll MacDonell, and his
actual residence was at Inverie, on Loch Nevis. Although the
government had kept up a barrack and garrison at Glenelg since
1723, Barrisdale carried on his practice as a cattle-protector
undisturbed for a course of years, drawing a revenue of about
five hundred a year from a large district, in which there were
many persons that might have been expected to give him
opposition. According to Pennant, ‘he behaved with genuine
honour in restoring, on proper consideration, the stolen cattle
of his friends He was indefatigable in bringing to
justice any rogues that interfered with his own. He was a man of
a polished behaviour, fine address, and fine person. He
considered himself in a very high light, as a benefactor to the
public, and preserver of general tranquillity, for on the silver
plates, the ornaments of his bbaldric, he thus addresses his
broadsword:
“Hae tibi sunt artes, pacis
componere mores;
Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos.” ‘
At the breaking
out of the rebellion, Barrisdale and his son acted as partisans
of the Stuart cause, the latter in an open manner, the
consequence of which was his being named in the act of
attainder. During the frightful time of vengeance that followed
upon Culloden, the father made some sort of submission to the
government troops, which raised a rumour that he had undertaken
to assist in securing and delivering up the fugitive prince.
What truth or falsehood there might be in the allegation, no one
could now undertake to certify; but certain it is, that, when a
party of the Camerons were preparing, in September 1746, to
leave the country with Prince Charles in a French vessel, they
seized the Barrisdales, father and son, as culprits, and carried
them to France, where they underwent imprisonment, first at St
Malo, and afterwards at Saumur, for about a year. It was at the
same time reported to London that the troops had found, in
Barrisdale’s house, ‘a hellish engine for extorting confession,
and punishing such thieves as were not in his service. It is all
made of iron, and stands upright; the criminal’s neck, hands,
and feet are put into it, by which he ‘s in a sloping posture,
and can neither sit, lie, nor stand.’ This report must also
remain in some degree a matter of doubt.
The younger
Barrisdale, making his escape from the French prison, returned
to the wilds of Inverness-shire, and was there allowed for a
time to remain in peace. The father, liberated when Prince
Charles was expelled from France, also returned to Scotland; but
he had not been more than two days at his house in Knoydart,
when a party from Glenelg apprehended him. Being placed as a
prisoner in Edinburgh Castle, he died there in June 1750, after
a confinement of fourteen months. The son was in like manner
seized in July 1753, in a wood on Loch-Hourn-side, along with
four or five other gentlemen in the same circumstances, and
imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle. He was condemned upon the act of
attainder to die in the Grassmarket on the 22d of May 1754, and
while he lay under sentence, his wife, who attended him, brought
a daughter into the world.2 He was, however, reprieved from time
to time, and ultimately, after nine years’ confinement, received
a pardon in March 1762, took the oath of allegiance to George
III., and was made a captain in Colonel Graeme’s regiment, being
the same which was afterwards so noted under the name of the
Forty-second. When Mr John Knox made his tour of the West
Highlands in 1786, to propagate the faith in herring-curing and
other modern arts of peace, he found ‘Barrisdale ‘—that name so
associated with an ancient and ruder state of things—residing at
the place from which he was named. ‘He lives,’ says the
traveller, ‘in silent retirement upon a slender income, and
seems by his appearance, conversation, and deportment, to have
merited a better fate. He is about six feet high, proportionably
made, and was reckoned one of the handsomest men of the age. He
is still a prisoner, in a more enlarged sense, and has no
society excepting his own family, and that of Mr Macleod of
Arnisdale. Living on opposite sides of the loch, their
communications are not frequent.’’
It seems not
inappropriate that this record of the old life of Scotland
should end with an article in which we find the associations of
the lawless times of the Highlands inosculating with the
industrial proceedings of a happier age. A further extension of
our domestic annals would shew how the good movements of the
last fifteen years were now accelerated, and how our northern
soil became, in the course of little more than a lifetime, one
of the fairest scenes of European civilisation. Fully to
describe this period—its magnificent industries, its rapid
growth of intelligence, of taste, of luxury, the glories it
achieved in literature, science, and art—would form a noble
task; but it is one which would need to be worked out on a plan
different from the present work, and which I should gladly see
undertaken by some son of Caledonia who may have more power than
I to do her story justice, though he cannot love or respect her
more.