1729, Feb
The Edinburgh Courant of February 24th gravely records that, ‘some
days ago, died a young man in the parish of Glencorse, who since
Hallarday last hath been grievously tormented by wicked spirits, who
haunted his bed almost every night. There was no formed disease upon
him; yet he had extraordinary paroxysms, which could not proceed
from natural causes. He vomited vast quantities of blood, which was
like roasted livers, and at last, with violent cries, his lungs.’
Alexander, ninth Earl of Eglintoun, having died on the 18th of
February, was this day buried in the family tomb in the west
country, with the parade proper to his rank, according to the ideas
of the age. One feature of the ceremonial was considered as so
peculiar, that the Caledonian Mercury makes a paragraph of it alone.
‘There were between nine hundred and a thousand beggars assembled,
many of whom came over from Ireland, who had £50 of that nobleman’s
charity distribute among them.’
July
William Ged, ‘of the family of Balfarg,’ a goldsmith in
Edinburgh, and noted for the improvements he effected in his own
business, chanced to be brought into connection with the art of
typography by having to pay the workpeople of a printer to whom he
was related. Possessing an ingenious and inventive mind, he
conceived a plan for economising means in printing, by subjecting to
the press, not ‘forms of types,’ as usual, but plates made by
casting from those forms, thus at once saving the types from wear,
and obtaining a means of printing successive editions of any amount
without the necessity of setting up the types anew. He talked of
this invention to a friend so early as 1725; but it was not till now
that any active steps were taken towards realizing it. With one
Fenner, a bookseller of London, who happened to visit Edinburgh, he
entered at this date into a contract, by virtue of which the project
was to be prosecuted by Ged in England, with pecuniary means
furnished by Fenncr, the profits to be divided betwixt the parties.
It was iii a manner necessary to go to England for this purpose, as
peculiar types were required, and there was not now any
letter-founder in Scotland.
Ged was a simple,
pure-hearted man, perhaps a good deal carried away from prudential
considerations by the interest he felt in his invention. Fenner, and
others with whom Ged came ia contact in the south, were sharp and
selfish people, not over-disposed to use their associate justly. The
unfortunate projector had also to encounter positive treacheries,
arising from the fear that his plan would injure interests already
invested in the trade of printing. He spent several years between
London aad the university of Cambridge, and never got beyond some
abortive experiments, which, however, might have been sufficient to
convince any skilful printer of the entire practicability, as well
as advantageousness of the scheme. With a deep sense of injury from
Fenner and others, Gcd returned to Edinburgh in 1733, a poorer, if
not a wiser man than he had been eight years before.
It was impossible,
however, that so magnificent an addition to the invention of
Scheffer and Guttenberg as stereotyping should be suppressed. A few
kind neighbours entered into a subscription to enable Ged to make a
new effort in Scotland. Having a son named James, about twelve years
old, he put him apprentice to a printer, that the boy might supply
that technical skill which was wanting in himself. Before this child
had been a year at his business, being allowed by his master to
return to the office by himself at night for his father’s work, he
had begun to set up the types for an edition of Sallust in an 18mo
size; and plates from the forms were finished by Ged in 1736. The
impression from these constituted the first stereotyped book.
Several persons
beyond the limits of the book-producing trades had a sense of Ged's
merits. In 1740, when he sent a plate of nine pages of Sallust, and
a copy of the book, to the Faculty of Advocates, as an explanation
of his invention, they passed a resolution to appoint him some
suitable gratification when their stock should be in good
condition.’’ Mr Robert Smith, chancellor of the university of
Cambridge, and the bishop of St Asaph’s, were so favourably disposed
to him, that in 1742 they made a movement for getting him
established as printer to the university, that he might there
introduce his plan; but it came to nothing. William Ged, the author
of an invention which has unspeakably extended the utility of the
prmting—press, died a poor man in 1749. The boy James, who had set
the types of the Sallust, joined Prince Charles—for the family was
of Jacobite inclinations—and, being apprehended in Carlisle in
December 1745, he was condemned to death along with Colonel Townlcy.
The only benefit ever derived by the Gcds from their father’s
invention, was that the aforesaid Mr Robert Smith, by his interest
with the Duke of Newcastle, saved the young stcrcotypist from the
gallows.’
The subsequent
history of James Ged was unfortunate. ‘After he had obtained his
pardon, he followed his business for some time as a journeyman with
Mr Bettenham: afterwards, he commenced master for himself in Denmark
Court, in the Strand. Unsuccessful there, he privately shipped off
himself and his materials for the other side of the Atlantic.’ ‘He
went to Jamaica, where his younger brother was settled as a
reputable printer, and died soon after his arrival in that island.’
2
Aug 6
The ancient church was honourably distinguished by its charity
towards the poor, and more especially towards the diseased poor; and
it was a dreary interval of nearly two centuries which intervened
between the extinction of its lazar-honses and leper-houses, aad the
time when merely a civiliscd humanity dictated the establishment of
a regulated means of snccour for the sickness-stricken of the
humbler classes. The date here affixed is an interesting one, as
that when a hospital of the modern type was first opened in Scotland
for the reception of poor patients.
The idea of
establishing such an institution in Edinburgh was first agitated in
a pamphlet in 1721, and there is reason to believe that the
requirements of the rising medical school were largely concerned in
dictating it. The matter fell asleep, but was revived in 1725, with
a proposal to raise a fund of at least two thousand pounds sterling
to carry it out. Chiefly by the activity of the medical profession,
this fund was realised; and now the first step of practical
beneficence was taken by the opening of a house, and the taking in
of a small number of patients, for whom six physicians and surgeons
undertook to give attendance and medicine. The total number here
received during the first year was the modest one of thirty-five, of
whom nineteen were dismissed as cured.
Such was the origiu
of the Edinburgh Infirmary, which, small as it was at first, was
designed from its very origin as a benefit to the whole kingdom, no
one then dreaming that a time would come when every considerable
county town would have a similar hospital. In 1735, the contributors
were incorporated, and three years later, they began to rear a
building for their purpose, calculated to accommodate seventeen
hundred patients per annum, allowing six weeks’ residence for each
at an average. It is remarkable how cordially the upper classes and
the heads of the medical profession concurred in raising and
managing this noble institution, and how readily the indnstrious
orders all over the country responded to the appeals made to their
charity for its support. While many contributed money, ‘others gave
stones, lime, wood, slate, and glass, which were carried by the
neighbouring farmers gratis. Not only many master masons, wrights,
slaters, and glaziers gave their attendance, but many journeymen and
labourers frequently gave their labour gratis; and many joiners gave
sashes for the windows.’ A Newcastle glass-making company generously
glazed the whole house. By correspondence and personal
intervention, money was drawn for the work, not only throughout
England and Ireland, but in other parts of Europe, and even in
America.’
It has always been
admitted that the prime moving spirit in the whole undertaking was
George Drummond, one of the Commissioners of Customs, and on three
several occasions Lord Provost of Edinbnrgh; a man of princely
aspect and character, further memorable as the projector of the New
Town. His merits in regard to the Infirmary have, indeed, been
substantially acknowledged by the setting np of a portrait of him in
the council-room, and a bust by Nollekins in the hall, the latter
having this inscription, dictated by Principal Robertson: ‘ George
Drummond, to whom this country is indebted for all the benefit which
it derives from the Royal Infirmary.’
It is not unworthy of
being kept in mind that, in the business of levying means from a
distance, Drummond was largely assisted by an eccentric sister,
named May, who had adopted the tenets of Quakerism, and occasionally
made tours through various parts of Great Britain for the purpose of
preaching to the people, of whom vast multitudes used to flock to
hear her. She was a gentle enthusiast, of interesting appearance,
and so noted did her addresses become, that Queen Caroline at length
condescended to listen to one. We get some idea of her movements in
the summer of 1735, from a paragraph regarding her then inserted in
a London newspaper: ‘We hear that the famous preaching maiden Quaker
(Mrs Drummond, who preached before the qneen), lately arrived from
Scotland, intends to challenge the champion of England, Orator
Henley, to dispute with him at the Bull and Mouth, upon the
doctrines and tenets of Quakerisin, at such time as he shall
appoint.’
In the pages,
moreover, of Sylvanus Urban, ‘a Lady’ soon after poured forth
strains of the highest admiration regarding this‘— happy virgin of
celestial race, Adorned with wisdom, and replete with grace;’
proclaiming that she outshone Theresa of Spain, and was sufficient
in herself to extinguish the malignant ridicule with which men
sometimes assail the capacities of women.’
Human nature,
however, is a ravelled hasp of rather mixed yarn, and it will be
heard with pity that this amiable missionary of piety and charity
was one of those anomalous beings who, without necessity or
temptation, are unable to restrain themselves from picking up and
carrying away articles belonging to their neighbours. The
propensity, though as veritable a disease as any ever treated within
the walls of her brother’s infirmary, threw a shade, deepening that
of poverty, over the latter years of May Drummond. Only the
enlightened and generous few could rightly apprehend such a case.
Amongst some memoranda on old-world local matters, kindly
communicated to me many years ago by Sir Walter Scott, I find one
touching gently on the memory of this unfortunate lady, and
directing my attention to ‘a copy of tolerably good elegiac verses,’
written on a picture in which she was represented in the character
of Winter. Of these he quoted from memory, with some slight
inaccuracies, the first and third of the following three:
Full justly hath the artist planned
In Winter’s guise thy furrowed brow,
And rightly raised thy feeble hand
Above the elemental glow.
I gaze upon that well-known face
But ab, beneath December's frost,
Lies buried all its vernal grace,
And every trait of May is lost.
Nor merely on thy trembling frame,
Thy wrinkled check, and deafened ear,
But on thy fortunes and thy fame,
Relentless Winter frowns severe.’
Sept
Sir Robert Monro of Foulis, in Ross-shire, ‘a very ancient
gentleman,’ and chief of a considerable clan, died in the enjoyment
of general esteem. Four counties turned out to sLew their respect at
his funeral. There were above six hundred horsemen, tolerably
mounted and apparelled. ‘The corpse was carried on a bier betwixt
two horses, fully harnessed in deepest mourning. A gentleman rode in
deep mourning before the corpse, uncovered, attended by two grooms
and four running-footmen, all in deep mourning. The
The remaining verses of the poem are
thus given in the Scots Magazine for June 1773;
Ah ! where is now th’
innumerous crowd,
that once with fond attention hung
On every truth divine that flowed,
Improved from thy persuasive tongue?
‘Tss gone —it seeks a
different road;
Life’s social joys to thee are o’er
Untrod the path to that abode
where hapless Penury keeps the door.
Drummond! thine
audience yet recall,
the woos young, the gay, the vain;
And ere thy tottering fabric fall,
Sound forth the deeply moral strain
For never, sure, could
bard or sage,
Howe'er inspired, more clearly shew,
That all upon this transient stage
Is folly vanity, or woe.
Bid them at once he
warned and taught
Ah, no:- Suppress the ungrateful tale—
O’er every frailty, every fault,
Oblivion, draw thy friendly veil.
Tell rattler what
transcendent joy
Awaits them on th’ immortal shore,
If well they Summer's strength employ,
And well distributre Autumn's store.
Tell them if Virtue crown their bloom
Time shalt the happy period bring,
When the dark Winter of the tomb
shall yield to everlasting Spring.'
friends followed
immediately behind the corpse, and the gentlemen (strangers) in the
rear.t The scutcheons,’ says the reporter, ‘were the handsomest I
ever saw; the entertainment magnificent and full.’
Sep
General Wade was now dating from ‘my hutt at Dalnacardoch,’ having
been obliged for some time to station himself in the wilderness of
Drumnachter, in order to get the road from Dunkeld to Inverness
finished, and a shorter one planned as a branch to Crieff. The Lord
Advocate Forbes wrote to him sympathisingly, acknowledging that
‘never was penitent banished into a more barren desert for his
sins.’ Both gentlemen had their eyes open regarding a plotting among
the Jacobites, of which the government had got some inkling, but of
which nothing came.
In the latter part of
the month, the general advanced to Ruthven, in Badenoch, and there
the people for the first time beheld that modem luxury—a coach.
Everybody turned out to see it, for it was next to a prodigy among
that simple people. Here Forbes met General Wade, and some sort of
court of judicature was held by them; after which they parted, the
advocate to return to Inverness, and Wade to Dalnacardoch.
The good-natured
general had arranged for a fête to be held by those whom he
jocnlarly called his highwaymen; and it must have been a somewhat
picturesque affair. On a spot near Dalnaspidal, and opposite to the
opening of Loch Garry, the working-parties met under their officers,
and formed a square surrounding a tent. Four oxen were roasted
whole, ‘in great order and solemnity,’ and four ankers of brandy
were broached. The men dined al fresco; the general and his friend
Sir Robert Clifton, with Sir Duncan Campbell, Colonel Guest, Major
Duroure, and a number of other gentlemen, were regaled in the tent.
The beef, according to the general’s own acknowledgment, was
‘excellent,’ and after it was partaken of, a series of loyal toasts
was drunk amidst demonstrations of general satisfaction, the names
of the Lord Advocate and his brother, John Forbes of Culloden, being
not forgotten. There is something interesting in these simple
jocosities, considering the grand engine of civilisation they were
connected with.
The road from Ruthven
to Fort Augustus, involving tIie steep and difficult mountain of
Corryarrick, and the most difficult part of the whole undertaking,
was in the course of being completed in October 1731, when a
gentleman signing himself ‘N. M’Leod,’ being probably no other than
the Laird of Dunvegan, chanced to pass that way on his road to Skye,
and gave in the newspapers an accouut of what he saw. 'Upon
entering,’ he says, ‘into a little glen among the hills, lately
called Laggan a Vannah, but now by the soldiers Snugburgh, I heard
the noise of many people, and saw six great fires, about each of
which a number of soldiers were very busy. During my wonder at the
cause of this, an officer invited me to drink their majesties’
healths. I attended him to each fire, and found that these were the
six working-parties of Tatton’s, Montague’s, Mark Ker’s, Harrison’s,
and Handyside’ s regiments, and the party from the Highland
Companies, making in all about five hundred men, who had this
summer, with indefatigable pains, completed the great road for
wheel-carriages between Fort Augustus and Ruthven. It being the 30th
of October, his majesty’s birthday, General Wade had given to each
detachment an ox-feast, and liquor; six oxen were roasted whole, one
at the head of each party. The joy was great, both upon the occasion
of the day, and the work’s being completed, which is really a
wonderful undertaking.’
Before dismissing
General Wade, it may be mentioned that a permanent record of his
engineering skill and courage in building Tay Bridge, in the form of
a Latin inscription, was put upon that structure itself, being the
composition of Dr Friend, master of Westminster School. But this, if
the most classic, was not destined to be the most memorable memorial
of the worthy general’s labours. ‘To perpetuate the memory of the
marshal’s chief exploit, in making the road from Inverness to
Inverary, an obelisk is erected near Fort William, on which the
traveller is reminded of his merits by the following naïf couplet:
“Had you seen
these roads before they were made,
You would lift up your hands and bless General Wade.”’
‘Long before the
improvements of the Highlands were seriously thought of, Lord Kames,
being, in 1773, at Inverness on the circuit, gave, as a toast after
dinner, “Roads and Bridges.” Captain Savage, of the 37th regiment,
then at Fort George, sat near his lordship, and, being next asked
for a toast, gave “Chaises and Horses,” to the annoyance of the
entertainers, who thought it done in ridicule, though doubtless the
captain only meant to follow out the spirit of Lord Kames’s
sentiment.—Letter of the late H. R. Duff of Muirton to the author,
31st March 1827.
In Scotland,
oil-painting had had a morning-star in the person of George Jameson.
Two ages of darkness had followed. About the beginning of the
eighteenth century, a fereign artist, John Medina, found for a few
years a fair encouragement for his pencil in the painting of
portraits; and the Duke of Queens berry, as royal commissioner,
conferred upon him the honour of knighthood.’ Then arose two native
portrait-painters of some merit—John Alexander, who, moreover, was
able to decorate a staircase in Gordon Castle with a tolerable
picture of the Rape of Proserpine; and John Scougal, who has handed
down to us not a few of the lords and gentlemen of the reign of
Qneen Anne. William Aikman, a disciple of Medina, followed, and was
in vogue as a painter of portraits in Edinburgh about 1721. Such was
the meagre history of oil-painting in Scotland till the end of the
reign of the first George.
At that time, when
wealth was following industry, and religious gloom beginning to give
way to a taste for elegant amusements, the decorative arts were
becoming comparatively prominent. Roderick Chalmers and James Norie,
while ostensibly house-painters, aspired to a graceful use of the
pencil, seldom failing, when they painted a set of panelled rooms,
to leave a tolerable landscape from their own hands over the
fireplaces; and in some of the houses in the Old Town of Edinburgh,
these pieces are still seen to be far from contemptible. William
Adam, father of the celebrated brothers, William and Robert, was the
principal architect of the day. There was even a respectable
line-engraver in Richard Cooper, the person from whom Strange, some
years after, derived his first lessons. While these men had a
professional interest in art, there were others who viewed it with
favour on general grounds, and, from motives of public spirit, were
willing to see it encouraged in the Scottish capital.
There was,
accordingly, a design formed at this date for the erection of a sort
of academy in Edinburgh, under the name of the School of St Luke,
‘for the encouragement of painting, sculpture, architecture, &c.’ A
scheme of it, drawn up on parchment, described the principal
practical object to be, to have a properly lighted and furnished
room, where the members could meet periodically to practise drawing,
&c., from the figure, or from draughts; lots to be drawn for the
choice of seats. Private gentlemen who chose to contribute were
invited to join in the design, though they might not be disposed to
use the pencil. We find a surprisingly liberal list of subscribers
to this document, including Lord Linton, Lord Garlies, and Gilbert
Elliot; James M’Ewen, James Balfour, and Allan Ramsay, booksellers;
the artists above mentioned, and about fifteen other persons.
Amongst the rest was the name of Allan Ramsay, junior, now a mere
stripling, but who came to be portrait-painter to George III.’
The above is all that
we know about this proposed School of St Luke. Very pleasant it is
to know so much, to be assured that, in 1729, there was even a
handful of men in the Scottish capital so far advanced in taste for
one of the elegant arts, as to make a movement for its cultivation.
As to the preparedness of the general mind of the country for the
appreciation of high art, the following little narrative will enable
the modern reader to form some judgment.
In December 1734,
there was shewn in Edinburgh, ‘at Mr Yaxley Davidson’s, without the
Cowgate Port,’ a collection of curiosities, amongst which was
included a said-to-be-valuable picture of Raphael, probably
representing the Saviour on the Cross; also a view of the interior
of St Peter’s at Rome, as illuminated for the jubilee of 1700, ‘the
like never seen in Great Britain.’ The exhibition lingered for a few
weeks in the city with tolerable success, and was then removed to
the tavern of one Murray at the Bridge-end, opposite to Perth.
Here, in consequence
of 'a pathetic sermon’ preached by one of the ministers, and certain
printed letters industriously circulated on the subject of these
works of art, a crowd of the meaner sort of people rose tumultuously
on the 10th of July, and, crossing the Tay by the ferry-boat,
proceeded to Murray’s house, crying out: ‘Idolatry! molten and
graven images! popery!’ and so forth. Then, surrounding the door,
they attempted to enter for the purpose of dragging forth the
pictures, and were only with difficulty withstood by the landlord,
who, backed by his hostler, planted himself with a drawn cutlass in
the doorway. Time was thus given for some gentlemen of Perth to come
to the rescue, and also to allow of the Earl of Kinnoull’s bailie of
regality to come forward in behalf of the peace; ‘whereupon the men
concerned in the mob withdrew, the women still standing at the doors
of the house, crying out: “Idolatry, idolatry, and popery!” and
threatening still to burn the house, or have the pictures and graven
images destroyed, till some dozens of the female ringleaders were
carried over the river to Perth, the rest dispersing gradually of
their own accord. Immediately after, the poor stranger was glad to
make the best of his way, and went straight in a boat to Dundee,
which the mobbers no sooner perceived, but they sent an express by
land to that place to prompt some of the zealous there to mob him at
landing.’
Apparently this
message had taken effect, for we learn, a few days after, that the
collection of curiosities, ‘having made a fine retreat from the late
attack at the Bridge-end of Perth,’ are again on view in Edinburgh.’
Amongst the ‘signs
and causes of the Lord’s departure,’ adduced by the Seceders in a
testimony published by them soon after this time, is the fact that
‘an idolatrous picture of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was well
received in some remarkable places of the land.’
Nov
Mr Wodrow was regaled at this time with a few additional
chastisements for the city of Glasgow. Mrs Glen, who dealt largely
in silks and Hollands, had broken down under a bill for three
hundred pounds, with debt to tradesmen in the city for weaving cloth
to the amount of five hundred! In the ensuing June, the town
sustained ‘a very great loss’ by the breaking of a Scottish factor
in Holland; no less than two thousand pounds sterling: only—and here
was the great pity in the case—it was diffused over too many parties
to be very sensibly felt.
About fifteen months
after this date, the worthy pastor of East-wood adverted to the
‘great losses, hardships, and impositions’ which the trade of
Glasgow had recently undergone, and to the ‘several hundreds of
working poor’ which hung as a burden upon the city. Notwithstanding
all that—and we can imagine his perplexity in recording the fact—the
citizens were getting up a house of refuge for distressed people.
‘In a week or two, twelve hundred pounds was signed for, besides two
hundred Mr Orr gives,’ and certain sums to be contributed by public
bodies. What would he have thought if he could have been assured
that, in little more than a century, Glasgow would, in a few weeks,
and without difficulty, raise forty-five thousand pounds as its
quota towards a national fund for the succour of the sufferers in
the British army by a single campaign!
Dec 24
Lord Balmerino, son of the lord who had been the subject of a
notable prosecution under the tyrannical government of Charles I.,
was now residing in advanced age at his house in Coatfield Lane, in
Leith. One of his younger sons, named Alexander (the immediate
younger brother of Arthur, who made so gallant a death on Tower Hill
in 1746), was leading a life of idleness and pleasure at the same
place. As this young gentleman was now to be involved in a bloody
affair which took place in Leith Links, it may be worth while to
recall that, five years back, he was engaged on the same ground in
an affair of gaiety and sport, which yet had some ominous
associations about it. It was what a newspaper of the day calls ‘a
solemn match at golf’ played by him for twenty guineas with Captain
Porteous of the Edinburgh Town-guard; an affair so remarkable on
account of the stake, that it was attended by the Duke of Hamilton,
the Earl of Morton, and a vast mob of the great and little besides,
Alexander Elphinstone ending as the winner.3 No one could well have
imagined, as that cheerful game was going on, that both the players
were, not many years after, to have blood upon their hands, one of
them to take on the murderer’s mark upon this very field.
On the 23d of
December 1729, the Honourable Alexander Elphinstone met a Lieutenant
Swift of Cadogan’s regiment at the house of Mr Michael Watson,
merchant in Leith. Some hot words having risen between them,
Elphinstone rose to depart, but before he went, he touched Swift on
the shoulder with his sword, and dropped a hint that he would expect
to receive satisfaction next morning on the Links. Next day,
accordingly, the two gentlemen met at eleven in the forenoon in that
comparatively public place (as it now appears), and fought a single
combat with swords, which ended in Swift receiving a mortal wound in
the breast.
Elphinstone was
indicted for this act before the High Court of Justiciary; but the
case was never brought forward, and the young man died without
molestation at Leith three years after.
1730
The merit of the invention of that noble instrument, the Reflecting
Telescope, is allowed to rest with David Gregory, a native of
Scotland, although that of first completing one (in 1671) is due to
the illustrious Newton. It was thought very desirable by Sir Isaac
to substitute glass for metallic reflectors; but fifty years elapsed
without the idea being realised, when at length, about this date, a
very young Edinburgh artist, named James Short, ‘executed no fewer
than six reflecting telescopes with glass specula, three of which
were fifteen inches, and three nine inches in focal length,’ to
which Professor Maclaurin gave his approbation, though ultimately
their light was found fainter than was deemed necessary.
Two years afterwards,
when Short had only attained the age of twenty-two, he began to
enter into competition with the English makers of reflecting
telescopes, but without attempting to make specula of glass. ‘To
such perfection did he carry the art of grinding and polishing
metallic specula, and of giving them the true parabolic figure,
that, with a telescope of fifteen inches in focal length, he and Mr
Bayne, Professor of Law in the University of Edinburgh, read the
Philosophical Transactions at the distance of five hundred feet, and
several times, particularly on the 24th of November and the 7th of
December 1734, they saw the five satellites of Saturn together, an
achievement beyond the reach of Hadley’s six-feet telescope.’
This ingenious man,
attaining some celebrity for the making of reflecting telescopes,
was induced, in 1742, to settle in London, where for a number of
years he continued to use his remarkable talents in this way,
occasionally furnishing instruments at high prices to royal
personages throughout Europe.
Oct 26
One William Muir, brother of two men who had recently been hanged at
Ayr for theft, was this day tried before a jury, for housebreaking,
by the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, acting as ‘High Sheriff within
burgh.’ The man was condemned to death, and the sentence was duly
executed on the ensuing 2d of December, he dying penitent.
It seems strange to
us, but about this time the condemnation of criminals to capital
punishment by sheriffs of counties, and by the chief-magistrate of
Edinburgh, was by no means infrequent, being entirely in accordance
with the statutory arrangements of the country. Nay more, great
territorial lords, especially in the Highlands, still acted upon
their ancient privileges of pit and gallows. It is related that the
Duke of Athole one day received at Blair an application from his
baron-bailie for pardon to a man whom he had condemned to be hanged
for theft, but who was a person of such merits otherwise that it
seemed a pity to put justice in force against him. The Lord
President Forbes, who had stopped to dine with his Grace in the
course of a journey to Edinburgh, expressed his surprise that the
power of pardoning a condemned criminal should be attributed to any
person but the king. ‘Since I have the power of punishing,’ said the
duke, ‘it is but right that I should have the power of pardoning.’
Then, calling a servant, he quietly added: ‘Send an express to
Logierait, and order Donald Stewart, presently under sentence, to
be set at liberty.’
We are now arrived at
a time which seems to mark very decidedly a transition in Scotland
from poverty to growing wealth, from the puritanic manners of the
seventeenth century to the semi-licence and ease of the eighteenth,
from narrow to liberal education, and consequently from restricted
to expanded views. It may, therefore, be proper here to introduce a
few general observations.
Although, only a few
years back, we find Wodrow speaking of the general poverty, it is
remarkable that, after this time, complaints on that point are not
heard in almost any quarter. The influx of commercial prosperity at
Glasgow, had now fairly set in, and the linen manufacture and other
branches of industry begin to be a good deal spoken of. Agricultural
improvements and the decoration of the country by wood had now been
commenced. There was great chafing under the taxation introduced
after the Union, and smuggling was popular, and the revenue-officers
were detested; yet the people had become able to endure the
deductions made from their income. Thus did matters go on during the
time between 1725 and 1745, making a slow but sensible
advance—nothing like what took place after the question of the
dynasty had been settled at Culloden, but yet such as to very
considerably affect the condition of the people. Much of this was
owing to the pacific policy of Sir Robert Walpole, to whom, with all
his faults, the British people certainly owe more than to any
minister before Sir Robert Peel.
If we wish to realise
the manners before this period, we must think of the Scotch as a
people living in a part of Britain remote from the
centre—peninsulated and off at a side—enjoying little intercourse
with strangers; but, above all, as a people on whom the theology of
the Puritans, with all their peculiar views regarding the forms of
religion and the arrangements of a church, had taken a powerful
hold. Down to 1730, all respectable persons in Scotland, with but
the slightest exceptions, maintained a strictly evangelical creed,
went regularly to church, and kept up daily family-worship. Nay, it
had become a custom that every house should contain a small closet
built on purpose, to which the head of the family could retire at
stated times for his personal or private devotions, which were
usually of a protracted kind, and often accompanied by great motions
and groanings, expressive of an intense sense of human worthlessness
without the divine favour. On Sunday, the whole family, having first
gathered for prayers in the parlour, proceeded at ten to church. At
half-past twelve, they came home for a light dinner of cold viands
(none being cooked on this sacred day), to return at two for an
afternoon service of about two hours. The remainder of the day was
devoted to private devotions, catechising of children, and the
reading of pious books, excepting a space of time set aside for
supper, which in many families was a comfortable meal, and an
occasion, the only one during the day, when a little cheerful
conversation was indulged in. Invariably, the day was closed with a
repetition of family prayers.
It was customary for
serious people to draw up a written paper, in which they formally
devoted themselves to the service of God—a sort of personal covenant
with their Maker—and to renew this each year at the time of the
celebration of the communion by a fresh signature with the date. The
subscriber expressed his entire satisfaction with the scheme of
Christian salvation, avowed his willingness to take the Lord to be
his all-sufficient portion, and to be resigned to his will and
providence in all things. He also expressed his resolution to be
mortified to the world, and to engage heartily and steadfastly
persevere in the performance of all religious duties. An earnest
prayer for the divine help usually closed this document.
As all were trained
to look up to the Deity with awe and terror, so, ‘with the same
feelings, were children accustomed to look up to their parents, and
servants to their masters. Amongst the upper classes, the head of
the family was for the most part an awful personage, who sat in a
special chair by the fireside, and at the head of the table, with
his hat on, often served at meals with special dishes, which no one
else, not even guests, partook of. In all the arrangements of the
house, his convenience and tastes were primarily studied. His
children approached him with fear, and never spoke with any freedom
before him. At meals, the lady of the house helped every one as she
herself might choose. The dishes were at once ill-cooked and
ill-served. It was thought unmeet for man that he should be nice
about food. Nicety and love of rich feeding were understood to be
hateful peculiarities of the English, and unworthy of the people who
had been so much more favoured by God in a knowledge of matters of
higher concern.
There was,
nevertheless, a great amount of hospitality. And here it is to be
observed, that the poverty of those old times had less effect on the
entertainments of the higher classes than might have been expected.
What helped the gentlefolks in this respect, was the custom of
receiving considerable payments from their tenants in kind. This
enabled them to indulge in a rude abundance at home, while their
means of living in a town-house, or in an inn while travelling, was
probably very limited. We must further remember the abundance of
game in Scotland, how every moor teemed with grouse and black-cock,
and every lake and river with fish. These furnished large supplies
for the table of the laird, both in Lowlands and Highlands; and I
feel convinced that the miserable picture drawn by a modern
historian of the way of living among the northern chiefs is untrue
to a large extent, mainly by his failure to take such resources into
account.
A lady, born in 1714,
who has left a valuable set of reminiscences of her early days,
lays great stress on the home-staying life of the Scottish gentry.
She says that this result of their narrow circumstances kept their
minds in a contracted state, and caused them to regard all manners
and habits different from their own with prejudice. The adult had
few intelligent books to read; neither did journals then exist to
give them a knowledge of public affairs. The children, kept at a
distance by their parents, lived much amongst themselves or with
underlings, and grew up with little of either knowledge or
refinement. Restrained within a narrow social circle, they often
contracted improper marriages. It was not thought necessary in those
days that young ladies should acquire a sound knowledge of even
their own language, much less of French, German, or Italian; nor
were many of them taught music or any other refined accomplishment.
‘The chief thing required was to hear them psalms and long
catechisms, in which they were employed an hour or more every day,
and almost the whole day on Sunday. They were allowed to run about
and amuse themselves in the way they choosed, even to the age of
woman, at which time they were generally sent to Edinburgh for a
winter or two, to learn to dress themselves, and to dance, and see a
little of the world. The world was only to be seen at church, at
marriages, burials, and baptisms When in the country, their
employment was in coloured work, beds, tapestry, and other pieces of
furniture; imitations of fruits and flowers, with very little taste.
If they read any, it was either books of devotion or long romances,
and sometimes both.’
Previous to this
time, the universal dress of the middle classes was of plain country
cloth, much of it what was called hodden gray—that is, cloth spun at
home from the undyed wool. Gentlemen of figure wore English or
foreign cloth, and their clothes were costly in comparison with
other articles. We find, for instance, a gentleman at his marriage,
in 1711, paying £340 Scots for two suits, a night-gown, and a suit
to his servant. Linen being everywhere made at home—the spinning
executed by the servants during the long winter evenings, and the
weaving by the village webster—there was a general abundance of
napery and of under-clothing. Holland, being about six shillings an
ell, was worn only by men of refinement. ‘I remember,’ says the lady
aforesaid, ‘in the ‘30 or ‘31, of a ball where it was agreed that
the company should be dressed in nothing but what was manufactured
in the country. My sisters were as well dressed as any, and their
gowns were striped linen at 2s. 6d. per yard. Their heads and
ruffles were of Paisley muslins, at 4s. 6d., with fourpenny edging
from Hamilton; all of them the finest that could be had At
the time I mention, hoops were constantly worn four and a half yards
wide, which required much silk to cover them; and gold and silver
were much used for trimming, never less than three rows round the
petticoat; so that, though the silk was slight, the price was
increased by the trimming. Then the heads were all dressed in laces
from Flanders; no blondes or course-edging used: the price of these
was high, but two suits would serve for life; they were not renewed
but at marriage, or some great event. Who could not afford these
wore fringes of thread. In those days, the ladies went to church,
and appeared on other public occasions, in full dress. A row of them
so rigged out, taking a place in the procession at the opening of
the General Assembly, used to be spoken of by old people as a fine
show. When a lady appeared in undress on the streets of Edinburgh,
she generally wore a mask, which, however, seems to have been
regarded as simply an equivalent for the veil of modern times.
One marked
peculiarity of old times, was the union of fine parade and elegant
dressing with vulgarity of thought, speech, and act. The seemliness
and delicacy observed now-a-days regarding both marriages and births
were unknown long ago. We have seen how a bridal in high life was
conducted in the reign of Queen Anne. Let us now observe the
ceremonials connected with a birth at the same period. ‘On the
fourth week after the lady’s delivery, she is set on her bed on a
low footstool; the bed covered with some neat piece of sewed work or
white sattin, with three pillows at her back covered with the same;
she in full dress with a lappet head-dress and a fan in her hand.
Having informed her acquaintance what day she is to see company,
they all come and pay their respects to her, standing, or walking a
little through the room (for there’s no chairs). They drink a glass
of wine and eat a bit of cake, and then give place to others.
Towards the end of the week, all the friends are asked to what was
called the Cummers’ Feast. This was a supper where every gentleman
brought a pint of wine to be drunk by him and his wife. The supper
was a ham at the head, and a pyramid of fowl at the bottom. This
dish consisted of four or five ducks at bottom, hens above, and
partridges at top. There was an eating posset in the middle of the
table, with dried fruits and sweetmeats at the sides. When they had
finished their supper, the meat was removed, and in a moment
everybody flies to the sweetmeats to pocket them. Upon which a
scramble ensued; chairs overturned, and everything on the table;
wrestling and pulling at one another with the utmost noise. When all
was quiet, they went to the stoups (for there were no bottles), of
which the women had a good share; for though it was a disgrace to be
seen drunk, yet it was none to be a little intoxicat in good
company.’
Any one who has
observed the conduct of stiff people, when on special occasions they
break out from their reserve, will have no difficulty in reconciling
such childish frolics with the general sombreness of old Scottish
life.
It is to be observed
that, while puritanic rigour was characteristic of the great bulk
of society, there had been from the Restoration a minority of a more
indulgent complexion. These were generally persons of rank, and
adherents of Episcopacy and the House of Stuart. Such tendency as
there was in the country to music, to theatricals, to elegant
literature, resided with this party almost exclusively. After the
long dark interval which ensued upon the death of Drummond, Sir
George Mackenzie, the ‘persecutor,’ was the first to attempt the
cultivation of the belleslettres in Scotland. Dr Pitcairn was the
centre of a small circle of wits who, a little later, devoted
themselves to the Muses, but who composed exclusively in Latin. When
Addison, Steele, Pope, and Swift were conferring Augustine glories
on the reign of Anne in England, there was scarcely a single writer
of polite English in Scotland; but under George I., we find Ramsay
tuning his rustic reed, and making himself known even in the south,
notwithstanding the peculiarity of his language. These men were all
of them unsympathetic with the old church Calvinism of their native
country—as, indeed, have been nearly all the eminent cultivators of
letters in Scotland down to the present time. We learn that copies
of the Tatler and Spectator found their way into Scotland; and we
hear not only of gentlemen, but of clergymen reading them. Allan
Ramsay lent out the plays of Congreve and Farquhar at his shop in
Edinburgh. Periodical amateur concerts were commenced, as we have
seen, as early as 1717. The Easy Club—to which Ramsay belonged—and
other social fraternities of the same kind, were at the same time
enjoying their occasional convivialities in Edinburgh. A small
miscellany of verse, published in Edinburgh in 1720, makes us aware
that there were then residing there several young aspirants to the
laurel, including two who have since obtained places in the roll of
the British poets—namely, Thomson and Mallet—and also Mr Henry Home
of Kames, and Mr Joseph Mitchell: moreover, we gather from this
little volume, that there was in Edinburgh a ‘Fair Intellectual
Club,’ an association, we must presume, of young ladies who were
disposed to cultivate a taste for the belles-lettres. About this
time, the tea-table began to be a point of reunion for the upper
classes. At four in the afternoon, the gentlemen and ladies would
assemble round a multitude of small china cups, each recognisable by
the number of the little silver spoon connected with it, and from
these the lady of the house would dispense an almost endless series
of libations, while lively chat and gossip went briskly on, but it
is to be feared, in most circles, little conversation of what would
now be called an intellectual cast. On these occasions, the singing
of a Scottish song to an accompaniment on the spinet was considered
a graceful accomplishment; and certainly no superior treat was to be
had.
Two things at this
period told powerfully in introducing new ideas and politer manners:
first, the constant going and coming of sixty-one men of importance
between their own country and London in attendance on parliament;
and second, the introduction of a number of English people as
residents or visitors into the country, in connection with the army,
the excise and customs, and the management of the forfeited estates.
This intercourse irresistibly led to greater cleanliness, to a
demand for better house accommodation, and to at once greater ease
and greater propriety of manners. The minority of the tasteful and
the gay being so far reinforced, assemblies for dancing, and even in
a modest way theatricals, were no longer to be repressed. The change
thus effected was by and by confirmed, in consequence of young men
of family getting into the custom of travelling for a year or two on
the continent before settling at their professions or in the
management of their affairs at home. This led, too, to a somewhat
incongruous ingrafting of French politeness on the homely manners
and speech of the general flock of ladies and gentlemen. Reverting
to the matter of house accommodation, it may be remarked that a
floor of three or four rooms and a kitchen was then considered a
mansion for a gentleman or superior merchant in Edinburgh. We ought
not to be too much startled at the idea of a lady receiving
gentlemen along with ladies in her bedroom, when we reflect that
there were then few rooms which had not beds in them, either openly
or behind a screen. It is a significant fact that, in 1745, there
was in Inverness only one house which contained a room without a
bed—namely, that in which Prince Charles took up his lodgings.
As a consequence of
the narrowness of house accommodation in those days, taverns were
much more used than they are now. A physician or advocate in high
practice was to be consulted at his tavern, and the habits of each
important practitioner in this regard were studied, and became
widely known. Gentlemen met in tavern clubs each evening for
conversation, without much expense, a shilling’s reckoning being
thought high—more generrally, it was the half of that sum. ‘In some
of these clubs they played at backgammon or catch-honours for a
penny the game.’ At the consultations of lawyers, the liquor was
sherry, brought in mutchkin stoups, and paid for by the employer.
‘It was incredible the quantity that was drunk sometimes on those
occasions.’ Politicians met in taverns to discuss the affairs of
state. One situated in the High Street, kept by Patrick Steil, was
the resort of a number of the patriots who urged on the Act of
Security and resisted the Union; and the phrase, Pate Steil’s
Parliament, occasionally appears in the correspondence of the time.
It was in the same place, as we have seen, that the weekly concert
was commenced. In the freer days which ensued upon this time, it was
not thought derogatory to ladies of good rank that they should
occasionally join oyster-parties in these places of resort.
Miss Mure, in her
invaluable memoir, remarks on the change which took place in her
youth in the religious sentiments of the people. A dread of the
Deity, and a fear of hell and of the power of the devil, she cites
as the predominant feelings of religious people in the age
succeeding the Revolution. It was thought a mark of atheistic
tendencies to doubt witchcraft, or the reality of apparitions, or
the occasional vaticinative character of dreams. When the generation
of the Revolution was beginning to pass away, the deep convictions
as well as the polemical spirit of the seventeenth century gave
place to an easier and a gentler faith. There was no such thing as
scepticism, except in the greatest obscurity; but a number of
favourite preachers began to place Christianity in an amiable light
before their congregations. ‘We were bid,’ says Miss Mure, ‘to draw
our knowledge of God from his works, the chief of which is the soul
of a good man; then judge if we have cause to fear. . . . Whoever
would please God must resemble him in goodness and benevolence. . .
. The Christian religion was taught as the purest rule of morals;
the belief of a particular providence and of a future state as a
support in every situation. The distresses of individuals were
necessary for exercising the good affections of others, and the
state of suffering the post of honour.’ At the same time, dread of
parents also melted away. ‘The fathers would use their sons with
such freedom, that they should be their first friend; and the
mothers would allow of no intimacies but with themselves. For their
girls the utmost care was taken that fear of no kind should enslave
the mind; nurses were turned off who would tell the young of ghosts
and witches. The old ministers were ridiculed who preached up hell
and damnation; the mind was to be influenced by gentle and generous
motives alone.’
A country gentleman,
writing in 1729, remarks the increase in the expense of housekeeping
which he had seen going on during the past twenty years. While
deeming it indisputable that Edinburgh was now less populous than
before the Union, ‘yet I am informed,’ says he, ‘there is a greater
consumption since, than before the Union, of all provisions,
especially fleshes and wheat-bread. The butcher owns he now kills
three of every species of cattle for every one he killed before the
Union.’ Where formerly he had been accustomed to see ‘two or three
substantial dishes of beef, mutton, and fowl, garnished with their
own wholesome gravy,’ he now saw ‘several services of little
expensive ashets, with English pickles, yea Indian mangoes, and
catch-up or anchovy sauces.’ Where there used to be the quart stoup
of ale from the barrel, there was now bottled ale for a first
service, and claret to help out the second, or else ‘a snaker of
rack or brandy punch.’ Tea in the morning and tea in the evening had
now become established. There were more livery-servants, and better
dressed, and more horses, than formerly. French and Italian silks
for the ladies, and English broadcloth for the gentlemen, were more
and more supplanting the plain home-stuffs of former days. This
writer was full of fears as to the warranitableness of this superior
style of living, but his report of the fact is not the less
valuable.