into
which wedges were driven so as to crush the limb of the prisoner.
Thirty-five more were executed in the country, not without some difficulty
to the authorities, as the executioners generally refused to exercise
their profession against such culprits.
Soon after this time, the extreme severity of the
government in Scotland made itself heard of and felt at court, and orders
were sent down for the adoption of gentler measures.
In 1668, a milder rule was established under the Earl of Tweeddale,
who would at once have proceeded to grant some ‘indulgence’ to the
Presbyterians, but for an attempt being made to shoot Archbishop Sharpe,
as he was about to step into his carriage in Edinburgh. As it was, the
Indulgence was granted next year, and consisted in permitting such of the
extruded clergy as had lived peaceably to return to their parishes when a
vacancy occurred, receiving the whole temporalities if they should take
collation from the bishops; and where they did not, to be allowed the use
of the manse and glebe; further, allowing four hundred merks per annum to
all outed ministers, while unpresented to charges, provided they
had lived peaceably, and would agree to do so in future. This was in
reality a measure of greater generosity than the Presbyterian Church had
ever extended to dissenters; yet it was not attended with much good. It
was denounced by all the more zealous sort of people as Erastianism,
and consequently the indulged ministers were not popular. The
government, moreover, professing to consider the holding of irregular
meetings for worship as less excusable than before, became more
threatening against them, and thus caused the people to hold conventicles
in the open fields in remote places, attending, in some instances, with
arms in their hands. Hence resulted the fining of a vast number of
respectable people of the middle classes, women as well as men, and the
imprisonment of a considerable number. The parliament also passed an
express act against conventicles, whereby an ejected or unlicensed
minister who should perform worship anywhere but in his own family, or who
should be present at worship in any other family, became liable to a fine
of five thousand merks; the people being also forbidden to be present at
such meetings under pain of fines proportioned to their circumstances. By
this act, the performance of worship in the fields inferred death, and
attendance was to be punished with double fines. The king is said to have
disapproved of the act, remarking truly that bloody laws did no good; it
was detested even by those who in parliament gave it their votes. In spite
of its severity, the people continued in some districts to meet in the
fields for worship, feeling that there was a great show of the ‘divine
presence’ on these occasions. It seemed as if every attempt to enforce
conformity only sent a certain portion of them into a stronger dissent.
Although nearly every one of the measures of the government had its
prototype in those of the Presbyterian regime, and no one thought of
demanding liberty of conscience upon principle, yet such was the effect of
the large scale on which these severities were conducted, that the
Scottish mind was generally impressed with an abhorrence of prelacy and
all its belongings, a feeling which no lapse of time has yet been able to
efface.
The years 1671 and 1672 were distinguished by few
events of note besides the acts of severity against troublesome ministers.
During this time, there was going on a conspiracy on the part of the king
and his ministers to establish absolute monarchy in England, the Earl of
Lauderdale undertaking to secure Scotland, while the French king was
engaged to give his assistance; and to favour the object, a new war was
commenced against Holland. In 1673, the spirit of the English nation was
roused against the ministry, and the contagion was in some measure
communicated to Scotland, where the Duke of Hamilton gave such a
resistance to Lauderdale (now created a duke) that he was obliged to
dissolve the parliament. But no marked improvement in the government
resulted.
1660, June 10
This day commenced a period of thanksgiving through all the parishes in
Lothian, for the restoration of the king. The magistrates and town-council
of Edinburgh went to church in solemn procession,. all in their best
robes, and with ‘the great mace and sword of honour’ borne before them.
After service, they went with a great number of citizens to the Cross,
where a long board, covered with sweetmeats and wine, had been placed,
under a burgess guard numbering four or five hundred persons. Here the
healths of the king and the Duke of York were drunk with the utmost
enthusiasm, three hundred dozen of glasses being cast away and broken on
the occasion. At the same time, bells rang, drums beat, trumpets sounded,
and the multitude of people cheered. The spouts of the Cross ran with
claret for the general benefit. At night, there were bonfires throughout
the streets, and fireworks in the Castle and the citadel of Leith till
after midnight. ‘There were also six viola, three of them base viola,
playing there continually. There were also some musicians placed there,
wha were resolved to act their parts, and were willing and ready, but by
reason of the frequent acclamations and cries of the people universally
through the haill town, their purpose was interrupted. Bacchus also, being
set upon ane puncheon of wine upon the front of the Cross with his
cummerholds, was not idle. In the end, the effigies of Oliver Cromwell,
being set upon a pole, and the devil upon another, upon the Castle Hill,
it was ordered by firework, engine, and train, that the devil did chase
that traitor, till he blew him in the air.’—Nic.
The same chronicler notes a circumstance very likely to
occur at a Restoration. ‘There went out from Scotland an innumerable
number of people of all sorts, ranks, and degrees—earls, lords, barons,
burgesses, and some ministers—pretending their errand to be to
congratulate the king; but the truth is, it was for procuring of
dignities, honours, and offices, and for sundry other ends; carrying with
them great sums of money, to the vastation of this puir land, being
altogether ruined of before in their means and estate.’
‘His majesty not being able to satisfy all, there did
arise great heart-burnings, animosity, and envy among them,’ particularly
‘betwixt the Earl of Southesk and the Master of Gray, for the sheriffship
of Forfarshire; and in that contention they drew to parties, and provoked
other to duels, in the whilk the Earl of Southesk did kill the Master of
Gray upon this side of London.’
Aug
We hear at this time of a number of ‘louss and idle men in the Hielands,’
who had gathered themselves together in companies, and were employed in
‘carrying away spraichs of cattle and other bestial to the hills,
and committing many other insolencies:’ that is to say, the more active
spirits on the Highland border were taking advantage of this interval of
regular authority to help themselves from the pastures of their Lowland
neighbours. The newly reassembled Committee of Estates, having no force at
their command for the repression of these disorders, were glad to revert
to the old practice of holding the chiefs of clans ‘bund for the peaceable
behaviour of their clan, kinsmen, followers, and tenants.’ They therefore
(August 29) sent letters to the Earls of Seafortb, Tullibardine, Athole,
Airlie, and Aboyne, the Lords Reay and Lovat, the Lairds of Ballingowan,
Foulis, Assynt, Glengarry, M’Leod, Locheil, Macintosh, Grant, Glenurchy,
Auchinbreck, Luss, Macfarlane, Buchanan, and Edzell, Sir James Macdonald,
the Captain of Clanranald, Callum Macgregor Tutor of Macgregor, and
others, calling on them to take special notice of their dependents, ‘and
of all others travelling through your bounds whom you may stop or let,’
that they carry themselves inoffensively; certifying these heads of clans,
that they will be called to account for any depredations or insolencies
hereafter committed.
Having immediately after heard of an assault committed
by one Robert Oig Buchanan and a companion upon Robert M’Capie, a tenant
of Lord Napier (they had attacked him in his own house at night, wounded
him, and cut off his ear, after which they drove off his cattle), the
Committee ordered the Laird of Buchanan to forward the guilty persons to
them before a certain day, in order that they might be brought to
punishment. The two culprits failed to appear on summons, and their chief
was then commissioned to seize them wherever they could be found.
At the beginning of October, the chancellor received a
letter from the Laird of Grant, stating that he had apprehended ‘ane noted
robber named Halkit Stirk.’ The Committee of Estates immediately
sent an answer heartily thanking the laird ‘for doing so good a work for
his majesty and the peace of the kingdom;’ further informing him that they
would protect and maintain him against all injury that might be done to
him or his followers on that account. They soon after gave the laird a
commission to raise a band of forty men for the taking of Highland sorners
and robbers.
The Halkit Stirk was subsequently ordered to be
handed by the Laird of Grant to the magistrates of Aberdeen; by them to
the magistrates of Montrose; from these again to those of Dundee; thence
to Cupar and Burntisland in succession, under a suitable guard; to rest in
the Tolbooth of Burntisland till further orders.
At the same time, the Highland bandit, John Dhu Ger,
whom we have seen killed three times about twenty years before, is ordered
to be brought under a sufficient guard from Stirling to the Tolbooth of
Edinburgh.-R. C. E.
Sep 13
The Letter-office at Edinburgh was in 1649 under the care of Mr John Mean,
a merchant noted throughout the reign of Charles I. for his zeal as a
Presbyterian; which, however, had not forbidden him to be also a strenuous
loyalist. Latterly, the same function had been bestowed upon Messrs Mew
and Barringer, who, from their names, may be supposed to have been
Englishmen, friends of the Cromwellian rule. At the date now noted, the
king bestowed the office upon Robert Mean, superseding the two
above-mentioned officials, and the Committee of Estates accordingly
inducted him, ‘requiring the postmaster of Haddington to direct the
packets constantly from time to time to the said Robert Mean, and cause
the same to be delivered to him at Edinburgh.’—R. C. E.
The post-system for correspondence underwent a
considerable improvement under the régime of the Restoration. The
parliament, in August 1662, ordained that for this purpose posts should be
established between Edinburgh and Port-Patrick, the intermediate stations
being Linlithgow, Kilsyth, Glasgow, Kilmarnock, Ayr, Drumbeg, and
Ballantrae. Robert Mean was commissioned to establish these posts for the
next ensuing year, and allowed ‘for each letter from Edinburgh to Glasgow
two shillings Scots (twopence sterling), from thence to any part within
Scotland three shillings Scots, and for all such letters as goes for
Ireland six shillings Scots.’ To
encourage him in the business, and help him to build a boat for the
Port-Patrick ferry, he was allowed a gift of two hundred pounds, on
condition that the boat should carry the letter-packet free. ‘All other
posts, either foot or horse,’ were discharged.—P. C. R.
The horse-post of Mr Mean had not been long in
operation, when it was found that sundry persons carried letters along the
same line on foot, to the injury of the postmaster, and possibly to the
encouragement of treasonable designs. At his request, a warrant was
granted (December 26) against such interlopers.
Sep 28
William Woodcock, ‘late officer in Leith,’ was this day licensed by the
magistrates of Edinburgh, to set up ‘ane hackney-coach, for service of his
majesty’s lieges, betwixt Leith and Edinburgh.’ The hire up and down for a
single person was to be a shilling; and if the person engaging the
carriage chose to wait for one or two persons more to accompany him, the
same fare was to be sufficient ‘If any mae nor three, each man to pay four
shillings Scots [fourpence sterling] for their hire; and the persons
coming up to Edinburgh, to light at the foot of Leith Wynd, for the
steyness [steepness] thereof.’ This arrangement was not to prevent
Woodcock from ‘serving others going to and from the country to other
places, as he and they can agree.’
At the surrender of Edinburgh Castle to Cromwell in
December 1650, one of the articles of
rendition insured that the public registers, public movables, and private
evidences and writs heretofore preserved there, should be allowed to pass
forth, and that wagons and ships should be provided for transporting them.
These precious documents, with certain exceptions, were accordingly taken
to Stirling Castle, where, however, it was not their fate to rest long. In
August next year, while the Scottish army was advancing through England,
to be annihilated at Worcester, General Monk took Stirling Castle, with
‘all the Records of Scotland, the chair and cloth of state, the sword, and
other rich furniture of the kings.’ These were soon after transported to
the Tower of London, not under any such feeling as the wantonness of
conquest, but with a view to their proving serviceable for the scheme then
entertained by Cromwell of a complete union of the two countries. In the
Tower, they were deposited in a building called the Boners’ House, which
was also the residence of the keeper of the English Records, Mr Riley.
After the establishment of an English judicatory in
Scotland, it was found necessary that such documents as referred to the
rights of private, parties should be in possession of the English
commissioners; and on the petition of these gentlemen (April 8, 1653), an
order of parliament was issued for the sending of all such documents back
to Scotland, to be deposited as formerly in Edinburgh Castle. This seems
to have been done either partially now, and conclusively in 1657, or
wholly at the latter date, the amount of documents returned being sixteen
hundred volumes.
After the Restoration, the Scottish records remaining
in the Tower, being those of a, public and historical character, were
ordered to be returned to Edinburgh. Being put up in hogsheads, a ship was
prepared to carry them down to Scotland. ‘But it was suggested to
Clarendon, that the original Covenant signed by the king, and some other
declarations under his hand, were among them. And he, apprehending that at
some time or other an ill use might have been made of these, would not
suffer them to be shipped till they were visited: nor would he take
Primrose’s promise of searching for these carefully, and sending them up
to him. So he ordered a search to be made. None of the papers he looked
for were found. But so much time was lost, that the summer was spent. So
they were sent down in winter.’—Burnet. They were shipped at
Gravesend on board the Eagle frigate (Dec), commanded by Major John
Fletcher; but, a storm arising, the captain was obliged, for the safety of
his vessel, to trans-ship eighty-five hogsheads of these documents into a
vessel called the Elizabeth of Burntisland. The Elizabeth
having sunk with its whole cargo, the eighty-five hogsheads of registers
were lost, ‘to the great hurt of this nation,’ as Nicoll with due
sensibility remarks. From this wreck there escaped the records of
parliament, and that of the Secret Council—the latter, we are bound to
say, a specially fortunate escape for us, since the record in question has
supplied the great bulk of what is at once new and curious in the present
work. ‘The want of any inventory of the whole must leave us for ever in
the dark as to the real extent of the loss which was then sustained. Among
the lost records, however, we may probably reckon the rolls of the greater
part of the charters of Robert I. and David II., and the far greater part
of the original instruments of a public nature, which must be presumed to
have existed in the archives of the kingdom, at their removal from
Scotland in 1651.’
One of the records, that of the Privy Seal, had escaped
the general seizure by the English, and passed through some adventures not
much less romantic than those of the Regalia. Consisting of about a
hundred volumes, it rested in the care of Andrew Martin, writer in
Edinburgh, who, on the approach of danger, carried it into the Highlands,
and there preserved it from the enemy ‘with great expenses and fatigue,
for ten years at least, to the hazard of his life and irrecoverable ruin
of his family.’ After his death and that of his son, this record fell into
the possession of John Corse, writer in Edinburgh, who had advanced
considerable sums to the Martins, ‘on the faith of those books.’ On the
24th of March 1707, Mr Cone addressed a petition to the Scottish
parliament, setting forth these particulars, and claiming a remuneration
for ‘the expenses and great pains that has been expended in preserving
these records,’ requesting at the same time that they should be taken into
public custody. The parliament accordingly recommended Mr Cone’s claim to
the queen.
1661, Jan
Reduced as the state of Scotland was at the close of the Interregnum, no
sooner had the Restoration taken place than such a ‘bravery’ broke out as
if there had been no such thing as poverty in the land. The City of
Edinburgh surrounded the Cross at the proclamation of the first parliament
with twelve hundred men in arms. When the Earl of Middleton came on the
last day of the year to open the parliament next day, sixteen hundred
persons met him on horseback a few miles from town— ‘there was seldom the
like shaw.’ ‘All the nobles at this time, as also the barons and
burgesses, were metamorphosed like guisers, their apparel rich, full of
ribbons, feathers, and costly lace, to the admiration of many.’ It was all
from joy at the idea of the troubles of the country being now brought to
an end.
The people were delighted to see the parliament sit
down, merely as a token of the restoration of their national independency.
They felt a peculiar joy in seeing the Earl Marischal and his two brothers
come to Edinburgh, bearing with them the long-lost emblems of the native
sovereignty. Nicoll says, the gallant carriage of the people generally was
‘wonderful;’ ‘all of them, even the landward people [rustics], belted in
their swords and pistols.’ ‘Our gentry of Scotland,’ he elsewhere adds,
‘did look with such joyful and gallant countenances as if they had been
the sons of princes. It was the joy of this nation to see them upon brave
horses, prancing in their accustomed places, in tilting, running of races,
and such like, the like whereof was never seen in many score of years
before.’
‘Our mischiefs,’ says the
Mercurius Caledonius, ‘began with
tumults and sedition, and we are restored to our former felicity with
miracles. The sea-coasts of Fife, Angus, Mearns, and Buchan, which was,
famous for the fertility of fishing, were barren since his majesty went
from Scotland to Worcester; insomuch that the poor men who subsisted by
the trade, were reduced to go a-begging in the in-country. But now,
blessed be God, since his majesty’s return, the seas are so plentiful,
that in some places they are in a condition to dung the land with soles.
An argument sufficient to stop the black mouths of those wretches that
would have persuaded the people that curses were entailed on the royal
family. As our old laws are renewed, so is likewise our good, honest,
ancient customs; for nobility in streets are known by brave retinues of
their relations, when, during the captivity, a lord was scarcely to be
distinguished from a commoner. The old hospitality returns; for that
laudable custom of suppers, which
was covenanted out with raisins and roasted cheese, is again in fashion;
and where before a peevish nurse would have been seen tripping up stairs
and down stairs with a posset or berry for the bird or the lady, you shall
now see sturdy jaekmen, groaning with the weight of sirloins of beef, and
chargers loaden with wild fowl and capons.’
Mercurius is careful to state that, on the 1st of
January 1661, the swans which used to dwell on Linlithgow Loch, and which
had deserted their haunt at the time of the king’s departure from
Scotland, did now grace his return by reappearing in a large flock upon
the lake. There was also a small fish called the Cherry of the Tay,
a kind of whiting, which returned from a voluntary exile along with the
king.
John Ray was at Linlithgow in August 1661, and heard
from Mr Stuart, one of the bailies, about the return of the swans. Mr
Stuart alleged that two had been brought to the lake for trial during the
commonwealth, but would not stay. ‘At the time of the king’s coming to
London, two swans, nescio unde sponte et instinctu proprio, came
hither, and there still continue.'
[In the pariah of Aberdour,
on the north coast of Aberdeenshire, is the house of Auchmedden, once
belonging to a family named Baird. A local Writer in 1724 reports that,
among some high rocks near the Auchmedden millstone quarry, ‘there is an
eagle’s nest; and the pair which breed there have continued in that place
time out of mind, sending away their young ones every year, so that there
is never more stays but the old pair.’ ‘At one period,’ says a writer of
our own day, ‘there was a pair of eagles that regularly nestled and
brought forth their young in the rocks of Pennan; but, according to the
tradition of the country, when the late Earl of Aberdeen purchased the
estate from the Bairds, the former proprietors, the eagles disappeared, in
fulfilment of a prophecy of Thomes the Rhymer, "that there should be an
eagle in the crags while there was a Baird in
Aucbmedden." But the most remarkable circumstance, and what certainly
appears incredible, is, that when Lord Haddo, eldest son of the Earl of
Aberdeen, married Miss Christian Baird of New Byth, the eagles returned to
the rocks, and remained until the estate passed into the hands of the Hon.
William Gordon, when they again fled, and have never since been seen in
the country. These facts, marvellous as they may appear, are attested by a
cloud of famous witnesses.’]
The superstitious Wodrow notes the fact of the swans in
his History, and adds: ‘Upon the citadel of Perth, where the arms
of the commonwealth had been put up, in May last year a thistle grew out
of the wall near the place, and quite overspread them. Both these may be,
without anything extraordinary, accounted for; but they were matter of
remark and talk, it may be more than they deserve.’
The jollity so highly appreciated by Mercurius
Cakdonius is generally described in the writings of the Presbyterian
clergy as beastly excess. ‘Nothing to be seen but debauch and revelling,’
says Kirkton; ‘nothing heard but clamorous crimes, all flesh corrupted
their way.’ The commissioner Middleton, keeping high festival duly during
the sitting of parliament, sometimes was so manifestly drunk when he took
his place on the throne, that it was necessary to adjourn the sitting. In
his progress through the west country in autumn 1662, ‘such who
entertained him best had their dining-rooms, their drinking-rooms, their
vomiting-rooms, and sleeping-rooms when the company had lost their
senses.’ It was averred that, while he and his court were at Ayr, ‘the
devil’s health was drunk at the Cross there, in one of their debauches,
about the middle of the night.’—Wod. ‘The commissioner had £60
English a day allowed him, which he spent faithfully amongst his northern
pantalons; and so great was the luxury, and so small the care of his
family, that when he filled his wine-cellars, his steward thought nothing
to cast out full pipes to make way for others. They made the church their
stews; you might have found chambers filled with naked men and women;
cursing, swearing, and blasphemy were as common as prayer and worship was
rare.’—Kir. It was thought a suspicious circumstance regarding a
man that he exhibited any gravity; it smelled of rebellion. If he wished
to pass for a loyal man, to advance his prospects, or even to escape being
thought a dangerous person, it was necessary he should put on the air of a
swaggerer and a drunkard.
Jan 7
By order of the king, the magistracy of Edinburgh raised the a trunk of
the Marquis of Montrose from under the gallows on the Burgh-moor, in
presence of a great number of nobles, gentlemen, and others, who expressed
the most lively interest in the scene. This relic being wrapped in
‘curious cloths’ and put into a coffin, was carried along under a velvet
canopy, to the Tolbooth, the nobles and gentry attending on horseback,
while many thousands followed on foot, colours at the same time flying,
drums beating, trumpets sounding, muskets cracking, and cannon roaring
from the Castle. At the Tolbooth, the head of the Great Marquis, which had
grinned there for ten years, was taken reverentially down, ‘some bowing,
some kneeling, some kissing it,’ and deposited in its proper place in the
coffin, ‘with great acclamations of joy: the trumpets, drums, and cannon
giving all possible éclat to the act. The coffin was then carried in
solemn procession to the Palace, to rest till a proper funeral-ceremony
should be ordered. While the ‘excommunicat traitor’ of 1650 was thus
treated, the triumphant and all-powerful noble of that time, the Marquis
of Argyle, was a prisoner in the Castle, waiting a doom which was
precisely to resemble that of Montrose, excepting in some particulars of
inhumanity, which vengeful loyalty could not descend to.
The Presbyterian historians, however, have taken care
to chronicle that the Laird of Gorthie, who took the head off the spike,
died within a few hours, and the Laird of Pitcur, one of Montrose’s great
adherents, went to bed in health, and was found dead next morning. This
was a mysterious circumstance, which would probably be cleared up if we
had a return of the quantity of brandy which Gorthie and Pitcur had drunk
on the occasion. ‘Such was the testimony of honour Heaven was pleased,’
says worthy Mr Kirkton, ‘to allow Montrose’s pompous funerals.’
The four members of Montrose were also recovered from
the four towns, Glasgow, Stirling, Perth, and Aberdeen, to which they had
been severally sent for ignominious exhibition; and these being now placed
in the coffin, the body was complete as far as circumstances permitted,
excepting that the heart remained in the silver case where Lady Napier had
enshrined it, and in which it continued to be preserved, under the care of
the Napier family, till the period of the French Revolution.
Four months afterwards (May 11), the ceremonial funeral
of Montrose was performed with an amount of joyful display that rendered
it a most singular affair. Twenty-three companies of a burgess-guard lined
the streets, that the procession might pass without interruption. First
went the new Life Guard; next twenty-six boys in mourning, carrying the
arms of Montrose and the great men of his house; then the provost,
bailies, and council of Edinburgh, all in mourning habits; after whom,
again, came the barons of parliament and the members representing burghs.
A gentleman clad in bright armour was followed by eighteen others,
carrying banners of honour, and the spurs, gloves, breast-piece, and
back-piece of the deceased, on the ends of staves. Next came a led horse
in the accoutrements used by the marquis at the riding of parliaments, and
attended by his lackey in armour. The flower of the Scottish nobility
followed in good order; then the Lord Lyon, and his officers. Followed the
friends of the deceased, bearing the marquis’s cap of state, coronet, &c.
Then the coffin, under its rich pall, carried by honourable lords and
gentlemen, with six trumpets sounding before it. Some ladies clad in
mourning followed. The Lord Commissioner (Middleton), in his coach of
state, closed the long and splendid column, which, however, was closely
followed by an honourable procession doing like honours to the corpse of
Hay of Dalgetty, another royalist victim of the Civil War. The bells rang
all the time while the corpse of Montrose went on to its final honourable
resting-place in St Giles’s Cathedral. It was remarked that this was a
funeral where the relatives of the deceased wore countenances of joy,
while there were others, not related to him, who beheld it with sadness
and gloom, or shrunk aside into holes and corners, not daring to look upon
it.
The strong feeling which existed in loyal breasts at
the Restoration regarding the treatment which Montrose had experienced, is
shewn by the long imprisonment and sufferings of Neil M’Leod of Assynt,
who had taken the marquis prisoner after his defeat in Strathoikel, and
delivered him up (for a mean reward, it is said, of certain boIls of
meal). On the 10th of December 1664, the Council received a petition from
M’Leod, shewing that he had now been confined in the Tolbooth and city of
Edinburgh for four years, so that, by the neglect of his affairs,
he was ‘brought near the point of ruin.’ ‘Being; he said, ‘a stranger and
far from his country and friends, and out of all credit and respect by
reason of his long imprisonment,’ he could have ‘no one to engage for him
as caution;’ but he offered to come under any kind of bond for his
reappearance, if allowed a temporary liberty. The Earl of Kincardine
offering to be security that M’Leod would send a guarantee to the amount
of twenty thousand pounds Scots, he was favoured by the Council with
liberty to go home for the next four months. It was not till February 1666
that a special letter from the king at length freed M’Leod from trouble on
account of his concern in the doom of Montrose.—P. C. R.
Jan 8
This day appeared the first number of the first original newspaper
attempted in Scotland. It was a small weekly sheet, entitled Mercurius
Caledonius; comprising the Affairs now in Agitation in Scotland, with a
Survey of Foreign Intelligence. The editor was Thomas Sydserf, or
Saint Serf, son of a former bishop of Galloway, who was soon after
promoted to the see of Orkney. Principal Baillie alludes to this
‘diurnaler’ in bitter terms—’ a very rascal, a profane atheistical papist,
as some count him;’ the truth being that he was an Episcopalian loyalist
of merely a somewhat extravagant type. Little is known of his previous
history, beyond his having borne arms under Montrose, and published in
London in 1658 a translation from the French under the title of
Entertainments of the Cours, or Academicall Conversations, dedicated
to the young Marquis of Montrose. Of the Mercurius Caledonius, only
nine numbers were published, the last being dated March 28, 1661. It must
be admitted that the style of composition and editorship was frivolous and
foolish to a degree surprising even for that delirious period.
At various times throughout the Civil War, when
transactions of moment were going on in Scotland—as, for instance, in the
autumn of 1643, when the Solemn League and Covenant was in
preparation—news-sheets referring to our country had been published in
London. There does not appear, however, to have been any regular or avowed
attempt to give Scottish news in connection with English and Irish, until
June 1650, when the march of Cromwell with an army to put down the Scots
and their puppet king excited of course an unusual interest regarding
Scotland. Then was commenced by ‘Thomas Newcomb, near Baynard’s Castle,
Thames Street,’ a weekly diurnal, under the title of Mercurius
Politicus; comprising the Sum of all the Intelligence, with the Affairs
and Designs now on foot in the three Nations of England, Ireland, and
Scotland. In Defence of the Commonwealth and for Information of the
People. A weekly number of this work, consisting of two sheets of
dwarf quarto, being sixteen pages, presented letters of news from the
principal cities of Europe; and during the years 1650, 1, 2, 3, and 4, the
intelligence from Scotland, chiefly of military operations there, was a
conspicuous department.
According to Mr George Chalmers, Cromwell conveyed to
Leith in 1652 one Christopher Higgins, who, in November of that year,
began to reprint, for the information of the English garrison, a London
newspaper, entitled A Diurnal of some Passages and Affairs. This is
said to have not survived many months. It was followed up by a reprint of
the afore-mentioned Mercurius Politicus, which Higgins commenced at
Leith in October 1653, but soon after transferred to Edinburgh, where it
was carried on till the eve of the Restoration—the imprint being,
‘Edinburgh: Reprinted by Christopher Higgins, in Hart’s Close, over
against the Tron Church.’ This paper was afterwards resumed under a slight
change of title, and continued till not earlier than June 1662. Partly
contemporary with it was a paper entitled the Kingdom’s Intelligencer,
begun at Edinburgh on the same day with the Mercurius Caledonius,
and carried on till at least December 24, 1663. The number for the
latter date contained among other articles, ‘A Remarkable Advertisement to
the Country and Strangers,’ to the following effect: ‘That there is a
glass-house erected in the citadel of Leith, where all sorts and
quantities of glasses are made and sould at the prices following: To wit,
the wine-glass at three shillings two boddels; the beer-glass, at two
shillings sixpence; the quart bottel, at eighteen shillings; the pynt
bottel, at nine shillings; the chopin bottel, at four shillings sixpence;
the muskin bottel, at two shillings six-pence, all Scots money, and so
forth of all sorts; better stuff and stronger than is imported.’
Mar
Horse-races were now performed every Saturday on the sands of Leith. They
are regularly chronicled amongst the foolish lucubrations of Mercurius
Caledonius; as, for example, thus: ‘Our accustomed recreations on the
sands of Leith was much hindered because of a furious storm of wind,
accompanied with a thick snow; yet we have had some noble gamesters that
were so constant at their sport as would not forbear a designed
horse-match. It was a providence the wind was from the sea; otherwise they
had run a hazard either of drowning or splitting upon Inchkeith! This
tempest was nothing inferior to that which was lately in Caithness, where
a bark of fifty ton was blown five furlongs into the land, and would have
gone further, if it had not been arrested by the steepness of a large
promontory.’
In the ensuing month, there were races at Cupar in
Fife, where the Lairds of Philiphaugh an4 Stobbs, and Powrie-Fotheringham
appear to have been the principal gentlemen who brought horses to the
ground. A large silver cup, of the value of £18, formed the chief prize.
These Cupar races were repeated annually. It is said they had been first
instituted in 1621.— Lam.
As a variety upon horse-racing, Mercurius Caledonius
announced a foot-race to be run by twelve brewster wives, all of them
in a condition which makes violent exertion unsuitable to the female
frame, ‘from the Thicket Burn [probably Figgat Bun] to the top of Arthur’s
Seat, for a groaning cheese of one hundred pound weight, and a budgell of
Dunkeld aqnavitae and rumpkin of Brunswick Mum for the second, set down by
the Dutch Midwife The next day, sixteen flsh-wives to trot from
Musselburgh to the Canon-cross for twelve pair of lamb’s harrigals.’
Mercurius, seems
to have been thrown into great delight by the revival of a barbarous
Shrovetide custom, which, strange to say, continued to exist in connection
with seminaries of education down to a period within the recollection of
living persons. ‘Our carnival sports,’ says he, ‘are in some measure
revived, for, according to the ancient custom, the work was carried on by
cock-fighting in the schools, and in the streets among the vulgar sort,
tilting at cocks with fagot-sticks. In the evening, the learned Virtuosi
of the Pallat recreate themselves with lusty candles, powerful cock-broth,
and natural crammed pullets, a divertisement not much inferior to our
neighbour nation’s fritters and pancakes.’
One may in some faint degree imagine the sorrowful
indignation with which the survivors of those who put down Christmas and
Easter in 1642 would view these coarse celebrations of Shrovetide.
Apr 2
A royal life-guard, consisting of sixscore persons, noblemen and
gentlemen’s sons, was this day embodied on the Links of Leith, under the
command of the Earl of Newburgh. They then rode through the city, ‘in
gallant order, with their carabines upon their saddles, and their swords
drawn in their hands.’—Nic.
In July 1662, ‘it pleased his majesty to cause clothe
their trumpeters and master of the kettle-drum in very rich apparel,’ also
to give rich coverings of cramosie velvet for the kettle-drums. At the
same time, a pair of costly colours was presented. Soon after, it is
intimated that the king gave them each a buff-coat, and made an
augmentation of their daily pay. Their chief occupation at this time seems
to have been attendance on the royal commissioner, as he passed daily to
and from the Parliament House.
May 27
‘At two afternoon, the Marquis of Argyle was brought forth of the Tolbooth
of Edinburgh, fra the whilk he was conveyed by the magistrates to the
place of execution; the town being all in arms, and the life-guard mounted
on horseback, with their carabines and drawn swords. The marquis, having
come to the scaffold, with sundry of his friends in murning apparel, he
made a large speech; after whilk and a short prayer, he committed himself
to the block. His head was stricken from his body, and affixed upon the
head of the Tolbooth, where the Marquis of Montrose[’s] was affixed of
before. It was thought great favour that he was not drawn and quartered.’—Nic.
All the men who came to the scaffold at this time, and
also some of those who obtained high and unexpected preferment, became the
subjects of popular rumours which mark the ideas of the age. Robert
Baillie tells us, as a piece of information he had from his son-in-law, Mr
Robert Watson, who was with the Marchioness of Argyle at Roseneath on the
night the king landed, that ‘all the dogs that day did take a strange
howling and staring up at my lady’s chamber-windows for some hours
together.’ The venerable principal adds: ‘Mr Alexander Colvill,
justice-depute, an old servant of the house, told me that my Lady Kenmure,
a gracious lady, my lord’s sister, from some little skill of physiognomy
which Mr Alexander had taught her, had told him some years ago that her
brother would die in blood.’
It has been stated by Wodrow, that after spending the
forenoon of his last day in settling ordinary accounts, a number of
friends being in the room with him, ‘there came such a heavenly gale from
the spirit of God upon his soul, that he could not abstain from tearing
[shedding tears]. Lest it should be discovered, he turned in to[wards] the
fire, and took up the tongs in his hand, making a fashion of stirring up
the fire in the chimney; but he was not able to contain himself; and,
turning about and melting down in tears, he burst out in these words: "I
see this will not do. I must now declare what the Lord has done for my
soul. He has just now sealed my charter in these words: ‘Son, be of good
cheer; thy sins are forgiven thee." It is certain that the marquis stated
in his speech on the scaffold that he had that day received such an
assurance.
Mr A. Simson, who had been four years in the Marquis of
Argyle’s family, lived to tell Wodrow that, on the night before his
lordship’s execution—being a Sunday—he was at Inshinnan, where the
communion had been administered, and where next day there were to be
prayers in behalf of the suffering nobleman. He spent the hours from four
to ten in religious exercises alone, and during this time, ‘with a power
he scarce ever felt the like, eight or ten times that petition was borne
in upon him: "Lord, say to him, My son, be of good cheer; thy sins are
forgiven thee !" He did not much notice it till
afterwards he saw his [lordship’s] speech, and saw the account that others
had been put to wrestle for the same.’
Mr James Guthrie, who suffered a few days after Argyle,
had also had warnings, according to the historians of his party. When
first induced in Mr Samuel Rutherford’s chamber at St Andrews to take the
Covenant, ‘as he came out at the door, he met the executioner in the way,
which troubled him; and the next visit he made thither, he met him in the
same manner again, which made him apprehend he might be a sufferer for the
Covenant, as indeed he was. He also had a warning of his approaching
sufferings three years before the king’s return, and upon these he
frequently reflected.—Kir. The latter warning was probably a
violent bleeding of the nose, which came upon him in the pulpit, while
discoursing on the famous believers (Heb. xi.) who sealed their testimony
with their blood.’
Guthrie seems to have been the very type of the extreme
kind of the Presbyterians, perfectly inflexible in what he thought the
right course, and wholly devoted to the doctrines of his church. When the
generality of his brethren were tacitly allowing men who were only
loyalists to come to the standard in 1651, and union was of the last
degree of consequence, Guthrie, being the minister of Stirling, the very
head-quarters of the army, denounced these backslidings, and really must
have produced great inconvenience to the king. It is told of the
inveterate protester, that Charles thought proper to visit him one day,
hoping perhaps to soften him a little; when Mrs Guthrie bustling about to
get a chair placed for his majesty, the stern divine calmly said to her:
‘My heart, the king is a young man; he can get a chair for himself.’
It is also related that, at the same crisis, when a
resolution was adopted to excommunicate General Middleton, and Guthrie was
to perform the duty, the king sent a gentleman on the Sunday morning, to
entreat at least a brief delay, when Guthrie quietly told him to come to
church, and he would get his answer. The unyielding divine duly proceeded
to pronounce the excommunicaton.
It was generally believed that the doom of Guthrie was
in some degree owing to the vindictive feeling which this act had
engendered in Middleton. Wodrow relates that, some time after the
execution, Guthrie’s head being placed on the Nether Bow Port in
Edinburgh, Middleton was passing underneath in his coach, when a
considerable number of drops of blood fell from the head upon the top of
the coach, making a stain which no art or diligence availed to wipe out.
‘I have it very confidently affirmed, that physicians were called, and
inquired if any natural cause could be assigned for the blood’s dropping
so long after the head was put up, and especially for its not wearing out
of the leather; and they could give none. This odd incident beginning to
be talked of, and all other methods being tried, at length the leather was
removed, and a new cover put on.’