Dec 2
George Lauder of the Bass, and his mother, ‘Dame Isobel Hepburn Lady
Bass,’ were at this time in embarrassed circumstances, ‘standing at the
horn at the instance of divers of their creditors.’ Nevertheless, as was
complained of them, ‘they peaceably bruik and enjoy some of their rents,
and remain within the craig of the Bass, presuming to keep and maintein
themselves, so to elude justice and execution of the law.’ A Scotch laird
and his mother holding out against creditors in a tower on that
inaccessible sea-rock, form rather a striking picture to the imagination.
But debt even then had its power of exorcising romance. The Lords of
Council issued a proclamation, threatening George Lauder and his mother
with the highest pains if they did not submit to the laws. A friend then
came forward and represented to the lords ‘the hard and desolate estate’
of the two rebels, and obtained a protection for them, enabling them to
come to Edinburgh to make arrangements for the settlement of their
affairs.—P. C. R.
Under encouragement, as was
supposed, from the Duke of Buckingham, the Scottish Catholics had for some
time been raising their heads in a manner not known for many years before.
They began to indulge a hope that possibly a certain degree of toleration
might be extended to them. Some impetuous spirits amongst them went so far
in ‘insolency’ as to write pasquinades upon the Bishop of Aberdeen, and
post them upon his own church doors. The Privy Council were too well aware
of the unpopularity of the king on account of the episcopal innovations
which he loved, to allow him to remain under any additional odium on
account of a faith about which he was, at the best, indifferent. Besides,
‘taking order’ with popery was always a cheap and ready means of making
political capital against Presbyterian opponents. We accordingly find the
Council at this date issuing orders regarding a number of persons of
consideration in the north, as well as the priests whom they entertained,
but particularly against the Marquis of Huntly, whose protection they
deemed to be the chief cause why popery was not better repressed in that
quarter.
There was first a recital regarding
a host of men who acted as officers, or lived as tenants, upon the
extensive estates of the marquis—’Mr Robert Bisset of Lessendrum, bailie
of Strabogie; Alexander Gordon of Drumquhaill, chamberlain of Strabogie;
Patrick Gordon of Tilliesoul; John Gordon, in Little-mill; Adam Smith,
chamberlain of the Enzie; Robert Gordon, in Haddo; Barbara Law, spouse to
the said Adam Smith; Margaret Gordon, goodwife of Cornmellat; Malcolm
Laing, in Gulburn; and Mr Adam Strachan, chamberlain to the Earl of Aboyne.’
It was stated of them, that they had remained indifferent under the
‘fearful sentence of excommunication,’ and the consequent process of
horning—that is, rebellion—frequenting all parts of the country ‘as if
they had been true and faithful subjects.’ They were alleged to be
encouraged in their rebellious life by the marquis, who was properly
answerable for them; so he was charged to present them on a certain day of
February next, under pain of horning.
There was next a recital regarding a
number of persons, including, besides several of the above, ‘Mr Alexander
Irving, burgess of Aberdeen; Thomas Menzies of Balgownie; Walter Leslie,
in Aberdeen; Robert Irwing, burgess there; John Gordon, appearand of
Craig; James Forbes of Blackton; Robert Gordon, in Cushnie; James Philip,
in Easton; James Con, in Knockie; John Gordon, in Bountie; Alexander
Harvie, in Inverury; John Gordon, in Troups-mill; John Spence, notar in
Pewsmill; Francis Leslie, brother to Capuchin Leslie; Alexander Leslie,
brother to the Laird of Pitcaple; Thomas Cheyne, in Ranniston; William
Seton of Blair; Thomas Laing, goldsmith, burgess of Aberdeen; Alexander
Gordon, in Tilliegreg; Alexander Gordon, in Convach; Agnes Gordon his
spouse; Margaret Gordon, spouse to Robert Innes, in Elgin;’ who had all
been excommunicated and denounced rebels for the same reason: also seven
men and two women, including, besides several of those formerly cited,
Alexander Gordon, in Badenoch; Angus M’Ewen M'William there; and Alexander
Gordon, ‘appearand’ of Cairnbarrow; and Helen Coutts his spouse; who had
been put to the horn for not coming to answer for their ‘not conforming
themselves to the religion presently professed within this kingdom, and
for their scandalous behaviour otherwise, to the offence of God, disgrace
of the Gospel, and misregard of his majesty’s authority.’ Having most
‘proudly and contemptuandly remained under excommunication this long time
bygane,’ they went about
everywhere as if they had been good subjects, ‘hunting and seeking all
occasion where they may have the exercise of their false religion; for
which purpose they are avowed resetters of Jesuits, seminary and mass
priests, accompanying them through the country, armed with unlawful
weapons.’ The Marquis of Hnntly, as sheriff-principal of Aberdeen, and
Lord Lovat, as ‘sheriff of Elgin and Forres,’ were charged to search for
and capture these persons, in order that they might be punished.
There was, finally, an order regarding the priests,
who, it was said, were not only corrupting the religion of the people, but
perverting their loyalty—’namely, Mr Andrew Steven, callit Father
Steven; Mr John Ogilvie; Father Stitchill; Father Hegitts; Capuchin
Leslie, commonly callit The Archangel; Father Ogilvie; Mr William
Leslie, commonly callit The Captain; Mr Andrew Leslie; Mr John
Leslie; Christie, commonly callit The Principal of Dowie; with
other twa Christies; Father Brown, son to umwhile James Brown at the
Nether Bow of Edinburgh; Father Tyrie; three Robertsons callit Fathers;
Father Robb; Father Paterson; Father Pittendreich; Father Dumbreck;
and Doctor William Leslie.’ The Marquis of Huntly, as the proper legal
authority for the purpose, ‘and the special man of power, friendship,
authority, and commandment in the north parts of the kingdom, and who for
many other respects is obleist to contribute his best means for the
furtherance and advancement of his majesty’s authority and service,’ was
charged to hunt out and apprehend these pestilent men, that the laws might
be executed upon them.
To these measures was added a
proclamation, chiefly to the people of the northern districts, pointing
out the priests by name, as the ‘most pernicious pests in this
commonweal,’ and commanding ‘that nane presume nor take upon hand to
reset, supply, nor furnish meat, drink, house, nor harboury’ to them, ‘nor
keep company with them, nor convoy them through the country, nor to have
no kind of dealing nor trafficking with them,’ under the penalties laid
down in the acts of parliament. There was a like proclamation regarding
the excommunicated laymen and women above mentioned. At the same time, the
bishop and magistrates of Aberdeen were commissioned, to go with armed
bands, and endeavour to apprehend both the priests and their resetters.
While charging the Marquis of Huntly
with some duty against the papists on his own estates and those throughout
his jurisdiction, the Council were quite aware of their false position in
regard to him, and they deemed it proper (December 4) to send a
letter to the king on that
special point. They expressed their belief that the chief cause of the
late increase of popery and insolency of the papists lay in the fact, that
the execution of the laws on these matters was in the hands of notoriously
avowed professors of the same faith—men of such power, that inferior
officers, however well affected to their duty, were overawed. They in all
grief and humility presented this case for his majesty’s serious
consideration, entreating that he would debar from the Council and from
public employments all who were suspected of popery; manifestly pointing
to the marquis. Meanwhile, they said, we have directed warrants to the
sheriffs and other authorities, ‘to
apprehend the delinquents
if they can or darr.’
The Marquis of Huntly, who had been
last converted from popery a dozen years ago, and had since, as usual,
relapsed, took little trouble with a commission which he felt to be so
disagreeable. When the 3d of February arrived, his depute came before the
Council, and made some excuse for him, on the ground that execution of the
warrants had been delayed by the wintry weather until the delinquents had
all escaped; adding a petition that they would not press him to remove his
chamberlains till these men should have accounted to him for large sums
which they owed to him. Feeling that the marquis had wilfully failed in
his duty, they denounced him as a rebel.
On the 18th of June 1629, the
Council issued a charge against Sir John Campbell of Caddell ;
Mr Alexander Irving, burgess of Aberdeen; Thomas Menzies of Balgownie; Mr
Robert Bisset of Lessendrum; John Gordon of Craig; James Forbes of
Blackton; Thomas Cheyne of Ranniston; William Seton of Blair; Alexander
Gordon of Tilliegreg; Patrick Gordon of Tilliesoul; and Margaret Gordon,
goodwife of Cornmellat; representing that, notwithstanding all that had
been lately done, they continue obdurate against kirk and law, going about
as if nothing were amiss, and enjoying possession of ‘their houses, goods,
and geir, whilk properly belongs to his majesty as escheat.’ Seeing that
by the latter circumstance they are ‘strengthened and fostered in their
popish courses,’ the Council ordained that officers-at-arms ‘pass, pursue,
and take the said rebels their houses, remove them and their families
furth thereof, and keep and detein the same in his
majesty’s name;’ also to search out, poind, and uplift all ‘geir’ of
theirs wherever to be found, and bring it to the exchequer. All neighbours
were commanded to assist in enforcing these orders.
It was ascertained that the acts against resetting of
priests had been ‘eluded by the wives of persons repute and esteemed to be
sound in religion, who, pretending misknowledge of the actions of their
wives in thir cases, thinks to liberate themselves of the danger of the
said resett, as if they were not to answer for their wives’ doings.’
Wherefore, the Council ordained that the husband shall be always, in such
cases, answerable for the wife.
At the same time, to gratify the desire of his Scottish
Council, the king sent an order that, for the detection of papists in high
places, the communion should be administered to all his councillors and
judges, all advocates, writers, and officers of the government, in his
chapel at Holyroodhouse, and this to be repeated at least once a year. At
his majesty’s command, a kind of convention of dignitaries of church and
state met at the same place to give the Council their assistance. The
result was a commission issued (July 25, 1629) to a great number of nobles
and gentlemen, in the several districts popishly affected, to search for
and bring to justice those ‘pernicious and wicked pests,’ ‘avowed enemies
to God’s truth and all Christian government,’ the Jesuits, seminary and
mass priests concealed throughout the country; also to seize all persons
of whatever rank, ‘whom they sall deprehend going in pilgrimage to chapels
and wells, or whom they sall know themselves to be guilty of that crime,’
that they may be punished according to act of parliament. Supposing the
priests and other delinquents should fly to
fortified places, then the commissioners were empowered and ordered to
‘follow, hunt, and pursue them with fire and sword, assiege the said
strengths and houses, raise fire, and use all other force and warlike
engine that can be had for winning and recovery thereof, and apprehending
of the said Jesuits and excommunicat papists being therein.’ The
commissioners at the same time received assurance that no act of bloodshed
on either side, or any destruction of property occasioned in the execution
of this order, should be imputed to them as a fault.
The dignitaries and ministers of the Established
Church, without any appearance of unwillingness, took part in this
persecution. Many of the bishops sat as members of the Privy Council, and
we hear of the ‘dioceses and presbyteries’ helping the government to lists
of avowed and suspected papists, against whom proceedings might be taken.
None were more active than Spottiswoode, arch- bishop
of St Andrews, and Forbes, bishop of Aberdeen. It was no blank fusillade
for mere tenor. A great number of the gentlemen and ladies aimed at in the
fulminations of the Council were really struck in their persons and
estates. We hear of many being thrown into prison, and kept there till
they either professed conformity or gave caution that they would depart
from the country. Their property was at the same time held as escheat to
the crown.
Agreeably to the royal order, the
communion was administered in the king’s chapel at Holyroodhouse in July,
‘by sound of trumpet,’ to all such of his majesty’s councillors, members
of the College of Justice, and others, as were disposed thus to testify
their worthiness of the royal favour. On the 6th of November, the king
wrote a letter to his Scottish Council on this subject. ‘Understanding,’
he says, ‘that some popishly affected have neglected this course, we, out
of our care and affection for the maintenance of the professed religion,
are pleased to will and require that you remove from our council-table all
such who are disobedient in that kind.’ This the Council (December 3)
obediently resolved to do.
The Council was much importuned by the captive papists
for relief; but it was pithily ordained that none now or hereafter ‘sall
be relieved out of ward, but upon obedience and conformity to
the true religion, or else upon their voluntary offer
of banishment furth of his majesty’s whole dominions.’
One remarkable captive was the Marchioness of Abercorn,
whom we have already seen manifesting some ultra-ardour on her own side.
This lady had lain for a long time in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh—a lodging
which was loathsome in the reign of George III., and may be presumed to
have been still worse in that of Charles I. The confinement had procured
her ladyship ‘many heavy diseases, so as this whole last winter she was
almost tied to her bed,’ and she now ‘found a daily decay and weakness in
her person.’ The severity of the fate of this, as of some other persons,
may be measured by the mercy extended to her. It being represented to the
king that her ladyship, being oppressed with sickness and disease of body,
required the benefit of a watering-place, he, being inclined, on the one
hand, to do nothing that would derogate from the authority of the church,
but, on the other, being unwilling that the lady should be ‘brought to the
extremity of losing her life for want of ordinary remedies,’ ordered (July
9, 1629) that she should have a licence to go to the baths of Bristol, but
only on condition that she should not attempt to appear at court, and
after her recovery, return and put herself again at the disposal of the
Council.
Her ladyship, after all, did not go to the Bristol
baths, but, after a further restraint of six months in the Canongate
[jail?], was permitted to go to reside in the house of Duntarvie, on
condition that ‘she saIl contein herself [therein] so warily and
respectively as she sall not fall under the break of any of his majesty’s
laws;’ also that she should, while living there, have conference with the
ministry, but allow none to Jesuits or mass priests. Her ladyship is found
to have ‘conteined herself’ in Duntarvie for a considerable time, but to
have at length been under a necessity of resorting to Paisley for the
‘outred’ of some weighty affairs. In March 1631, when she had been under
restraint about three years, she was formally licensed to go to Paisley,
but only under condition that she should not, while there, ‘reset Thomas
Algeo nor no Jesuits,’ and return by a certain day under penalty of five
thousand merks.
Some, while preparing to pass into exile, were
naturally concerned about the means of living abroad. These persons,
therefore, petitioned that some portion of their confiscated fortunes
might be granted to them for their subsistence. The king took these
petitions into consideration, and ‘out of his gracious bounty and
clemency, in hope of their timely reclaiming,’ ordained that the proceeds
of their estates should be divided into three parts, ‘whereof twa sall
wholly belong to his majesty, and the third part his majesty does freely
bestow upon the said persons;’ this, however, to be wholly forfeited, if
the inventory of their possessions rendered by them should prove to be
untrue.
Even the princely Huntly was obliged to bow to the
storm. Breaking through an order of the Scottish Privy Council, he
proceeded direct to court, in the hope of gaining something from the royal
favour. Having resigned into the king’s hands his sheriffship of Aberdeen,
and made some excuses for his non-execution of the Council’s orders, he
obtained certain ‘instructions for the clergy of Scotland,’ ordering them
to use Huntly, Angus, Nithsdale, and Abercorn ‘with discretion,’ and not
proceed further against them till he should be consulted; also commanding
that papist peeresses be not excommunicated, provided their husbands be
responsible for them, and that they reset no Jesuits. Huntly then came
(November 3) in humble form before the Council, made excuses for his
non-execution of their orders, and besought them for a gift of his own
confiscated property in behalf of some person whom be might nominate.
Notwithstanding the king’s favourable letter, they demurred to this
petition, and put him off for some weeks, at the same time taking caution
that he should not pass north of the Tay. Coming again before them on the
8th of December, he was told that he could not be excused from
‘exhibiting’ the papists residing on his estates. He was also commanded to
return on a certain day, when he might witness his daughters being
‘sequestrat for their better breeding and instruction in the grounds of
the true religion.’
Amongst the movements in this important cause was one
regarding the children of noted papists. It was feared that the ordinances
for having them brought up under Protestant tutors had been much
disregarded. The Earl of Angus had been ordered to place his eldest son,
James Douglas, under Principal Adamson of the Edinburgh University, to
have remained with him some certain space, in order to have his doubts in
religion resolved. The young man had given his tutor the slip. The earl
was therefore called before the Council. He explained that he had no
knowledge of what the youth had done till it was past, and he had since
sent him to the Duke of Lennox, that he might be introduced to some
English university. He was obliged to crave pardon of the Council for what
he had done. The representative of the great Douglases of the fifteenth
century compelled, in the seventeenth, to give up the right to educate his
own son, and confess himself a delinquent for even attempting such a
thing! ‘The Earl of Errol’s twa daughters, the Laird of Dalgetty’s bairns,
and the bairns of Alexander Gordon of Dunkinty,’ were said to be under
‘vehement suspicion of being corrupted in their religion by remaining in
their fathers’ company.’ So likewise were the daughters of the Marquis of
Huntly, the children of Lord Gray, and many others. The Earl of Nithsdale
was ordered to ‘exhibit’ his son, that the Council might see if he was
right in the faith. Even Lord Gordon, who soon after undertook a
Commission for the government against the northern papists, was commanded
to send his sons to a tutor approven of by the Archbishop of St Andrews.
We get a glimpse of some of the proceedings in regard
to the estates of the Catholic gentlemen from a supplication presented to
the Privy Council on the 15th of December 1629 by the commissioners of the
diocese of Aberdeen. It proceeds to narrate that, it having pleased the
Lords, ‘to the glory of God and comfort of all weel-affected subjects,
for purging the land of popery, to grant sundry letters against
excommunicat rebels, their persons, houses, and rents ‘—decreets,
moreover, having been obtained in the Court of Session for poinding and
arrestment—the officers had consequently dealt with certain friends of the
victims, who had undertaken to labour the lands for the crop 1629, and to
account for the result according to a valuation made ‘before the corns
came to the hook;’ but there had been some slackness in the working out of
these arrangements, ‘to the great hinder of his majesty’s service, and
encouraging of these excommunicat rebels to continue in their obstinacy
and disobedience.’ It was therefore necessary to take sharper methods; and
a strict commission to the Bishop of Aberdeen was suggested. The Council
accordingly ordered the bishop to call the officers before him, and have
them ‘tried of their diligence’ and honest and dutiful carriage in this
matter, and to see that they were prompted where necessary.
For further proceedings regarding the ‘excommunicat
papists and rebels,’ see forward, under January 1630.
1629, Jan 26
On this day—an unusual season for thunder in our climate—a thunder-clap
fell upon Castle-Kennedy, the seat of the Earl of Cassius in Ayrshire—’
which, falling into a room ‘where there were several children, crushed
some dogs and furniture; but happily the children escaped. From thence
descending to a low apartment, it destroyed a granary of meal. At the same
time, a gentleman in the neighbourhood had about thirty cows, that were
feeding in the fields, struck dead by the thunder."
Apr, 13
The case of John Weir ‘in Clenochdyke,’ who had married Isobel Weddell,
the relict of his grand-uncle, and thus been guilty of ‘incest,’ was under
the consideration of the Privy Council. Weir had been three years under
excommunication for this crime, which the Council deemed ‘fit to procure
the wrath and displeasure of God to the whole nation.’ The king’s advocate
was now ordered to proceed with his trial, and, in the event of his
conviction, to cause sentence to be passed; but they superseded execution
till July. Weir was actually tried on the 25th of April, found guilty, and
sentenced to be beheaded at the Cross of Edinburgb.’ After suffering a
twelvemonth’s imprisonment under this sentence, he became a subject for
the special mercy of the king, and was only banished the island for life.
Weir’s is not a solitary case. On the 19th of August in
the same year, Henry Dick, ‘in Bandrum,’ was adjudged to lose his bead for
a transgression in connection with the sister of his wife, this offence
being regarded as incest, and misinterpreted as a breach of a well-known
text which is still the basis of an English law. In July 1649, Donald
Brymer for the same offence was sentenced to the same punishment. It is
worthy of notice that, in June 1643, Janet Imrie, who had been the
paramour of two brothers, was for that reason condemned to be beheaded.
One of the most remarkable of a large class of cases of
this kind was that of Alexander Blair, a tailor in Currie, who had married
his first wife’s half-brother’s daughter. For this offence, under
reverence for the same misinterpreted text, he was condemned to lose his
head! (September 9, 1630.)
it is deplorable to see these severe punishments
inflicted for acts which neither interfere with any principle of nature,
nor tend in any way to injure the rights of individuals or to trouble
society. At the same time, the marriage of first-cousins, which tends to
the deterioration of the race, was not forbidden. And offences of real
consequence, as affecting the condition of individuals, were visited with
comparatively light penalties. Thus, on the same day when Alexander Blair,
tailor in Currie, was sentenced to lose his head for marrying his first
wife’s half-brother’s daughter, William Lachlane was adjudged to
banishment for life for bigamy. The jurisprudence of the country on these
points was mainly guided by a few semi-religious or rather superstitious
views, while the voice of God through nature no one thought of listening
to or applying.
1629, May 14
Died Jean Gordon, remarkable in our history as the lady whom James Hepburn
Earl of Bothwell divorced in 1567, in order to be enabled to ally himself
to Queen Mary. She survived that frightful time, in peace and honour, for
sixty-two years, exemplifying how durable are calmness and prudence in
comparison with passion and guilt. Since her separation from Bothwell, she
had been the wife of two other husbands—first, Alexander Earl of
Sutherland; and second, the Laird of Boyne. ‘A virtuous and comely lady,
judicious, of excellent memory, and of great understanding above the
capacity of her sex; in this much to be commended, that, during the
continual changes and particular factions of the court in the reign of
Queen Mary, and in the minority of King James VI., (which were many,) she
always managed her affairs with so great prudence and foresight, that the
enemies of her family could never prevail against her, nor move those that
were the chief rulers of the state at the time, to do anything to her
prejudice; a time indeed both dangerous and deceitful. Amidst all these
troublesome storms, and variable courses of fortune, she still enjoyed the
possession of her jointure, which was assigned unto her out of the earldom
of Bothwell, and kept the same until her death, yea, though that earldom
had fallen twice into the king’s hands by forfeiture in her time..... By
reason of her husband Earl Alexander his sickly disposition, together with
her son’s minority at the time of his father’s death, she was in a manner
forced to take upon her the managing of all the affairs of that house a
good while, which she did perform with great care, to her own credit, and
the weal of that family. She was the first that caused work the coal
heugh beside the river of Brora, and was the first instrument of
making salt there. This coal [now interesting chiefly in a geological
point of view, as connected with the oolitic formation] was found before
by Earl John, father of Earl Alexander; but he, being taken away by an
untimely death, had no time to enterprise this work. This lady built the
house of Cracock, where she dwelt a long time.’—G.H.S.
This character, though drawn by the partial hand of a
son, may be accepted as on the whole a true, as it is certainly a pleasing
description, of the divorcée of Bothwell. The lady was buried in
Dornoch Cathedral.
July 18
A service to property depending at this time before the Court of Session
between the Earl of Cassillis and the Earl of Wigton, these nobles
appeared in Edinburgh, each with a multitude of followers, who paraded the
streets in a tumultuous manner, and with such demonstrations of animosity
as must have recalled the days of James VI. to many an anxious citizen.
The Privy Council met in alarm, and appointed a committee to go and
admonish the two litigant nobles about these unseemly appearances. It was
enjoined that, while in town waiting on the service, they should not
appear on the streets with more than twelve followers each, and that in
peaceable manner, nor come to the bar with more than six, dismissing all
others who had not known occasion to be present. At the same time, the
noblemen who were the friends of the several parties were ‘to forbear the
backing of them at this time,’ on pain of censure as ‘troublers of his
majesty’s peace.’—P. C. R.
Throughout the whole time of the papist persecution,
the Scottish authorities found it necessary to give a good deal of
attention to matters of diablerie. Either witches and warlocks were
particularly rife at that time, or the same enlightened spirit which
assailed the papists was particularly keen-sighted and zealous in finding
out offenders connected with the other world.
On the 30th of October 1628, the Earl of Monteath, Lord
Justice-general of the kingdom, reported to the Privy Council the case of
Janet Boyd, spouse to Robert Neill, burgess of Dumbarton, who had freely
confessed that she had entered in covenant with the devil, had received
his mark, had renounced her baptism, and been much too intimate with the
above grisly personage, through whose power she had laid diseases upon
sundry persons. The Council approved of a commission for trying Janet and
for ‘the punishing of so foul and detestable a crime.’—P. C. R.
In the course of 1629, Isobel Young, spouse to George
Smith, portioner in East Barns in Haddingtonshire, was burnt for
witchcraft. She had been accused of both inflicting and curing diseases;
and it appears that she and her husband had sent to the Laird of Lee to
borrow his curing-stone for their cattle, which had the ‘routing
ill.’ This is interesting as an early reference to the well-known Lee
Penny, which is yet preserved in the family of Lockhart of Lee, being
an ancient precious stone or amulet, set in a silver penny. It is related
that Lady Lee declined to lend the stone, but gave flagons of water in
which the penny had been steeped. This water, being drunk by the cattle,
was believed to have effected their cure.
One Alexander Hamilton was apprehended as a notorious
warlock, and put into the Tolbooth of Edinburgh—where he would have for a
companion in captivity the Lady Abercorn, whose offence was not less
metaphysical than his own. He ‘delated’ four women of the burgh of
Haddington, and five other women of its neighbourhood, as guilty of
witchcraft. The Privy Council sent orders (November 1629) to have the
whole Circean nine apprehended; and as their poverty made it inconvenient
to bring them to Edinburgh, the presbytery of Haddington was enjoined to
examine them in their own district. What was done with them ultimately, we
are not informed. Another woman, named Katherine Oswald, residing at
Niddry near Edinburgh, was likewise accused by Hamilton, and taken into
custody. This seems to have been considered an unusually important case,
as four lawyers were appointed to act as assessors to the justices on her
trial.—P. C. R. It was alleged of Katherine that she had that
partial insensibility which was understood to be an undoubted proof of the
witch quality. Two witnesses stated that they ‘saw ane preen put in to the
heid, by Mr John Aird, minister, in the panel’s shoulder, being the
devil’s mark, and nae bluid following, nor she naeways shrinking thereat.’
Hamilton alleged that he had been with Katherine at a
meeting of witches between Niddry and Edmondstone, where they met with the
devil. It was also stated that she had been one of a witch-party who had
met at Prestonpans, and used charms, on the night of the great storm at
the end of March 1625. But the chief articles of her dittay bore reference
to cures which she had wrought by sorcery. Katherine was convicted and
burned.—B. A.
In November, the Privy Council issued a commission to
the Bishop of Dumblane for the examination of John Hog and Margaret
Nicolson his spouse, ‘upon their guiltiness of the crime of witchcraft,
with power to confront them with others who best can give evidence.’ This
pair were soon after brought to the Edinburgh prison, whence, however,
they were speedily released on caution for reappearance. The Lords, on the
same day, issued a charge against ‘Margaret Maxwell spouse to Nicol
Thomson, and Jean Thomson her daughter, spouse to umwhile Edward Hamilton,
in Dumfries,’ who, it was said, had procured the death of the said Edward
‘by the devilish and detestable practice of witchcraft.’ Claud Hamilton of
Mauchline-hole, brother of the deceased Edward, soon after (December 22,
1629) presented a petition to the Privy Council, claiming that they should
order an examination of Geillie Duncan of Dumfries, now in hands there on
suspicion of a concern in the fact. The Council accordingly commissioned
the magistrates and ministers of Dumfries to effect this examination.
The warlock Alexander Hamilton also accused the Lady
Home of Manderston, in Berwickshire, of having practised against the life
of her husband by witchcraft. Patrick Abernethy, notar in Dunse, and
William Mowat, a servant, were accordingly cited by the Council to come
and give information regarding the case. The presence of Sir George
himself was of course desirable; but Sir George, like many other good
Scotch lairds, of that day and of later days, was under some danger of the
law on account of his debts. It therefore became necessary to send him a
protection, in order that he might be enabled to appear in the city. There
does not seem to have been any other foundation for this charge than the
fact, that Sir George Home and his wife did not live on amicable terms.
Some months after (June 29, 1630), we find Sir George giving caution that
he will not molest his wife or any of her tenants, ‘in their bodies,
lands, rooms, possessions, corns, cattle, guids or geir, otherwise nor by
order of law.’
Hamilton himself was tried (January 22, 1630), when it
came out that he had begun his wicked career in consequence of meeting the
devil in the form of a black man on Kingston Hills, in Haddingtonshire.
Being engaged to serve the fiend, he was instructed to raise him by
beating the ground thrice with a fir-stick, and crying: ‘Rise up, foul
thief!’ He had consequently had him up several times for consultations;
sometimes in the shape of a dog or cat, sometimes in that of a crow. By
diabolic aid, he had caused a mill full of corn, belonging to Provost
Cockburn, to be burned, merely by taking three stalks from the provost’s
stacks, and burning them on the Garleton Hills. He had been at many
witch-meetings where the enemy of man was present. This wretched man was
sentenced to be worried at a stake and burned.
On the 3d of July 1630, the Council took order in the
case of Alie Nisbet, midwife; of Hilton (apparently in Berwickshire), and
also in that of John Neill, John Smith, and Katharine Wilson, ‘concerning
their practice of witchcraft.’ Nisbet was accused of curing a woman by
taking a pail with hot water and bathing the patient’s legs. This may
appear as a very natural and proper kind of treatment; but there was an
addition: she put her fingers into the water, and ran three times round
the bed widdershins, or contrary to the direction of the sun,
crying: ‘The bones to the fire, and the soul to the devil!’ thereby
putting the disease upon another woman, who died in twenty-four hours.
Nisbet also had put some enchanted water under a threshold, for the injury
of a servant-girl against whom she had a spite, and who passing over it
was bewitched, and died instantly. She was ‘worried and burnt.’—B. A.
In March 1631, occurred a case which throws some light
upon the affair in which Sir George Home of Manderston was the intended
victim. John Neil, in Tweedmouth, was then brought forward and tried for
sorcery and witchcraft. It was alleged of him that ‘he made a man’s wife
wash her husband’s shirt in a south running water, and then put it on him;
whereupon be recovered.’ He professed skill in both laying on and taking
off diseases. Amongst other things laid to his charge was ‘meeting with
the devil and other witches on Coldingham Law, and consulting how Sir
George Home of Manderston might be destroyed, to that end getting ane
enchanted dead foal, and putting it in Sir George’s stable, under his
horse’s manger and putting a dead hand enchanted by the devil in Sir
George’s garden in Berwick; by which enchantments Sir George contracted a
grievous disease, of which he could not be recovered till the said foal
and hand were discovered and bunt.’ He was found guilty.’—B. A.
Nov 19
At this time, the country was overrun by a multitude of ‘strong and sturdy
Irish beggars,’ who went in troops, extorting alms where it was not freely
given them. ‘Where they perceive they can be masters, they commit sundry
insolencies upon his majesty’s good subjects, who are not able to
withstand them.’ Thus ‘the native poor are prejudged of their almous by
the scoffery and oppression of thir sturdy beggars, who are an heavy and
insupportable burden to the country.’ An order was issued by the Privy
Council for clearing the country of this nuisance.—P. C. R.
Lady Jean Drummond, only daughter of the Earl of Perth,
was married to the Earl of Sutherland, with a portion of 5000 merks, ‘the
greatest portion that ever was given in Scotland before that time.’—Hist.
House of Seytoun.
This notice may be held to imply that 5000 merks (£287,
17s. 4d.) was an uncommonly liberal portion for a woman of family in that
age; but the writer is not correct in saying that it was unexampled till
1629. This will appear from the following notice, extracted from the
Caldwell Papers, in which there are instances of equal or larger dowries
before that time, as well as of some smaller: William Mure of Glanderston,
marrying Elizabeth Hamilton, aunt to Gavin Commendator of Kilwinning, in
1559, received with her a dower of 400 merks, with a beneficial interest
in two farms. In 1583, Lady Anne Montgomery of Eglintoun brought her
husband, Lord Semple, 6000 merks. The dowry of Jean Hamilton, the vicar of
Dunlop’s daughter, in 1613, was 5000 merks; that of Jean Knox of Ranfurly,
11,000 merks; Jean Mure of Glanderston, in 1671, 8000 merks; Margaret
Mowat of Ingliston, in 1682. 12,000 merks.
When we turn back to an earlier age, we find what
appears much greater simplicity on the point of tochering daughters. The
Laird of Grant and Margaret Ogilvie, daughter of James Ogilvie of Deskford,
were married in 1484. For a curious anecdote of their son, Shemus nan
Creagh, see under February 7, 1592. ‘Their marriage-contract yet
extant [dated 1484] gives account of the tocher, jointure, and friendship
between these families. The tocher given by Sir James Ogilvie with his
daughter to the Laird of Grant was three hundred merks, paid at
five terms or years; that is, forty pounds Scots yearly; and the jointure
given by Sir John to his lady, together with the provision of their
children, was twenty merks’ worth of land yearly.’
Dec 26
In the fertile district between Falkirk and Stirling, there was a large
moss with a little loch in the middle of it, occupying a piece of
gradually rising ground; a highly cultivated district of wheat-land lay
below. There had been a series of heavy rains, and the moss became
overcharged with moisture. After some days, during which slight movements
were visible on this quagmire, the whole mass began one night to leave its
native situation, and slide gently down to the lower grounds. The people
who lived on these lands, receiving sufficient warning, fled and saved
their lives; but in the morning light they beheld their little farms,
sixteen in number, covered six feet deep with liquid moss, and hopelessly
lost.
The singular nature of this calamity, and the sad case
of the poor people who had by it lost their all, drew general attention.
The Privy Councillors sent commissioners to the place to ‘give order where
and in what places draughts sall be casten, levels and passages made, and
what else is fitting to be done, for securing the neighbouring lands from
inundation and skaith.’ There was also a general collection of money
throughout the kingdom for the relief of the sufferers.—P.
C. R
1630, Jan
There is no room to doubt that the king, so far as he took any part in the
prosecution of the northern papists, only had in view ‘the comfort of his
weel-affected subjects,’ and was willing to make the papists suffer no
more than was fairly necessary to maintain the reputation of his
ecclesiastical policy. He must have strongly sympathised with the Catholic
nobles, all of whom were his personal friends, and supporters of his
government, nor could he have heard of even the sufferings of the
middle-class gentry without some compunctious visitings. We find him in
January 1630 venturing on a measure of lenient tendency. The Lord Gordon,
eldest son of the Marquis of Huntly, had been, through the influence of
the late king, brought up with Protestant leanings. To him King Charles
thought of granting a commission for the execution of the laws against the
excommunicated papists, no doubt calculating that he would use a humane
discretion in the business. The Privy Council accordingly gave him such a
commission, to last for four months, and to include the power of
appropriating the rebels’ rents to his own use. We learn from Sir Robert
Gordon, that Lord Gordon was unwilling to accept this commission, lest he
should offend his father and prejudice his position as commander of the
King of France’s Scots Guard. But he got over his scruples, and, as Sir
Robert tells, performed his duty with a degree of ‘dexterity and
moderation’ that gained him the approbation of all parties.
While Lord Gordon proceeded northward with this large
commission, his father remained in restraint in Edinburgh, still under
obligation to exhibit the rebels on his own property, if Lord Gordon
should fail to do so; and his daughters rested there also, under
‘sequestration,’ that the ministers of the true gospel might have access
to them and induce them to attend church.
Lord Gordon had scarcely been a fortnight in enjoyment
of his commission, when he found occasion to petition the Privy Council
regarding the escheats of the rebels. If they gave these men a third of
their rents as a means of supporting them abroad, it would be a deduction
so far from the remuneration held out to him. Was this just? They appear
to have been sensible of the force of this appeal, for they immediately
decreed that no such deduction should be made. Whether Lord Gordon
actually meant to appropriate these rents wholly to himself, does not
appear.
On the 1st of June, Lord Gordon came before the Council
to report progress, and it appeared that he had really used some
diligence. Mr Robert Bisset; Gordon of Tilliesoul; John Gordon at the Mill
of Rathven; Gordon of Drumquhaill; Master Gordon, in Badenoch; Hugh Hill;
John Spence and his spouse; John Gordon, in Troups-mill, and his spouse;
and Alexander Gordon, had all ‘given obedience and reconciled themselves
to the kirk;’ that is, had put a constraint upon their professions of
belief, and conformed to what in their hearts they detested. Others as yet
stood out in their ‘obstinate disobedience to the church
‘—namely, Robert Bisset’s spouse; Gordon of
Cairnbarrow; Gordon of Letterfour; the goodwife of Cornmellat; Malcolm
Laing; Adam Strachan; Angus M’Ewen; Gordon of Corrichie; Forbes of
Blackton and his spouse; Robert Innes’s spouse; Con, at Knock-mill;
Leslie, in Convach; the spouse of Thomas Menzies of Balgownie; and
Alexander Irving, his wife, and brother. Gordon of Craig and his eldest
son offered caution to retire from the country. Margaret Gordon was
confined in Banff, and Menries of Balgownie was in exile.
Of nearly every one of the obdurate we have some
account of what they afterwards did or suffered. Most of them appeared
(July 20), and came under obligation either to conform before a certain
day or straightway to leave the country. About the same time, Sir John
Ogilvy of Craig, who had long been warded in Edinburgh Castle for his
religion, and also Dr William Leslie, came under similar engagements. One
of those who seemed least likely to succumb was John Gordon of Bountie.
Living close to the gate of Viscount Melgum, the brother of Lord Gordon,
he had been bold enough to allow a priest, Mr Robert Mortimer by name, to
perform a mass before a large company in his house; and when two of the
presbytery came to Lord Melgum’s house to remonstrate, and John was called
in to speak for himself, be broke forth in outrageous reviling speeches,
saying he would leave the country, but before he went he would take the
lives of these two ministers. But even this hot-headed gentleman was
brought low. He was induced to make a humble supplication to the Bishop of
Aberdeen for reconciliation with the church; and on an ample declaration
of his repentance, he was absolved from excommunication. It is lamentable
to think of such a zealot being obliged, for the saving of his property
and place in the country, to swear on his ‘great oath’ eternal allegiance
to the Protestant Church, and, with a heart full of suppressed rage and
indignation, sit down and eat and drink unworthily of the feast which
symbolises the union of the heart to the religion of peace and love.
On the 27th of July, the Council received a petition
from John Gordon of Craig, which, on account of its simple and touching
expression, may be given entire. It ‘humbly sheweth that, for religion,
order hath been given for banishing the petitioner’s son, his wife and
children, and confining himself—in respect of his great age—in a town
within Scotland [Cupar], which order they have all humbly obeyed, his son,
wife, and poor children having forthwith abandoned the kingdom. A two part
of the poor estate which he hath being allotted for his son and his
family, and a third part for himself, he now findeth that by such a mean
proportion he cannot be able to live, being both aged and sickly. His
humble suit is, that he may have leave to depart the kingdom to live with
his son, because by their estate undivided, they may all be more able to
subsist than otherwise.’ It will probably surprise the reader, even after
the preceding recital, to learn that the Council found the desire of the
supplication ‘unreasonable,’ and ‘forder declare that the said John Gordon
of Craig sall have no modification nor allowance of ane third part of his
estate and living, except he remain within the kingdom and keep the bounds
of his confinement.’
On the 7th of February 1630, it was found that, owing
to Cupar being situated on a thoroughfare, old Craig was visited by a
considerable number of persons ‘suspect in religion, with whom he has not
only secret conference, but there is pregnant presumption that other
practices are enterteined amang them in hurt and prejudice to the true
religion.’ This being in contravention of the agreement made with Craig,
that he should have conference only with the ministry and not with
papists, he was ordered to be removed to the out-of-the-way burgh of Crail,
and to be confined there and within a mile thereof.
After the popish gentlemen had been thus dealt with,
there remained a considerable number of ladies who as yet had not been
much troubled. But these gentlewomen were not to escape. On the 23d of
December 1630, the Privy Council adverted to ‘Madden Wood, spouse to
Leslie of Kincraigie; Jonet Wood, spouse to John Gordon of Bountie;
Marjory Malcolm, spouse to Matthew Alexander, in Turriff; Barbara Garden,
spouse to ; Gordon, spouse to Mr Robert Bisset
of Lessendrum; Isobel Strachan, spouse to John Spence, in Brunstain; and
, spouse to John Gordon at the Mill of Rathven,
who are not only professed and avowed papists, and excommunicat by orders
of the kirk for that cause, but with that they are denounced his majesty’s
rebels and contemptuously lies at the horn unrelaxt.’ It was further
alleged of these ladies, that they ‘are common resetters, hoorders, and
enterteiners of Jesuits, and mess priests, and trafficking papists—hears
mess of them, and otherwise lives aftir ane most scandalous and offensive
manner.’ An order was issued that these women should appear personally
with their husbands, ‘that order may be tane with them.’
As a specimen of the dealing of the authorities with
the gentler and weaker sex :—On the 9th of September 1630, the Lords of
Council received a petition from Elizabeth Garioch, setting forth her case
as a sufferer for her ‘averseness and non-conformity to the religion
presently professed.’ She was an old decrepit woman, past threescore and
ten years, bedrid for the present, and not likely long to live. She had
lain for months in the Tolbooth of Aberdeen, with ‘no earthly means to
entertein herself but ane croft of sax bells sawing, and neither husband
nor child to attend to the tuning and in-gathering thereof.’ The misery of
her circumstances made her restraint, she said, the more grievous.
Therefore she craved release from prison, professing, ‘for the eschewing
of scandal, which her remaining in the country may breed or occasion,’ her
willingness to give security that she should remove herself forth of the
kingdom. The Lords mercifully remitted to the Bishop of Aberdeen to see to
Elizabeth Garioch being liberated on her giving caution to the extent of a
thousand merks for her self-banishment. |