1596-7
Her son, Thomas Lees, was accused of having aided her in her evil deeds,
and being ‘ane common witch and sorcerer,’ and his trial (February 23)
brings out some curious points. He was accused of having been one of a
large company of witches and sorcerers who had gone to the Market and Fish
Crosses of Aberdeen at midnight of the previous Halloween (All Saints’
Eve), ‘under the guiding and conduct of the devil . . . . playing before
you on his kind of instruments.’ The company were all transformed, some as
hares, some as cats, some in other likenesses, and all danced about the
two crosses and the meal-market a long space of time, Thomas being the
leader of the ring. One Catherine Mitchell being somewhat laggard, he beat
her to make her go faster; a fact to which Catherine herself now bore
witness. A woman with whom Thomas had been too intimate also testified to
his having offered to take her to Murrayland and marry her, telling her
that by the way, at the foot of a particular mountain, he could raise a
spirit able to provide them with all necessaries. This poor fellow was
also condemned to the flames. The husband and daughters of Janet Wishart—the
latter of whom are taxed as well known to be ‘quick gangand devils
‘—narrowly escaped with banishment from the city.
Helen Fraser, who was tried in
April, was accused of many witchcrafts of common kinds, and of some less
common. For instance, she had translated a sickness from a man’s horse to
his cow, and, worse than that, the affection of Andrew Tullideff from his
wife to a woman called Margaret Neilson, ‘and sae michtily bewitchit him,
that he could never be reconceillit with his wife, or remove his affection
frae the said harlot.’ Another man, Robert Merchant by name, who had been
married happily to Christian White for two years, being taken to sow corn
for a widow named Isobel Bruce, at the Murihill of Foveran, where Helen
Fraser was then living, ‘fand his affection violently and extraordinarily
drawn away from the said Christian to the said Isobel, ane great luve
being betwixt him and the said Christian always theretofore, and nae break
of luve or discord falling out or intervening upon either of their parts:
whilk thing the country supposit to be brought about by the unlawful
travelling of the said Helen ‘—and was further testified by Robert
himself. Helen was likewise convicted, and of course burnt.
Isobel Cockie took from cows the
power of giving healthful milk, making them give a poisonous stuff
instead. She also prevented good milk from ‘yirning.’ Horses had fallen
dead under her touch. Men against whom she had pronounced evil words took
deadly sicknesses in consequence, or suffered a decay in their worldly
means. Her house being ruinous, the proprietor, Alexander Anderson, had
come in her absence, and was proceeding to mend the roof, when she came
home, and finding he had uncovered her pantry, where her valuables lay,
she said: ‘I shall gar thee forthink it, that thou hast tirrit my house, I
being frae hame,’ and glowrit up at him. Immediately Alexander’s
speech went from him, and he retired to bed sick, and could get no rest or
sleep. Under the threats of his son, she was induced to come and charm
this sickness away from him, and ‘gave him droggis, that his speech came
to him again.' By the confession of the recently burnt Thomas Lees, Isobel
Cockie had been second to himself in the infernal dance at the Fish Cross,
‘and because the devil playit not so melodiously and weel as thou cravit,
thou took his instrument out of his mouth, then took him on the chafts
therewith, and playit thyself thereon to the haill company.’ Isobel was
likewise condemned.
It would be tedious to enter into
the long series of trials which extended over this year in and near
Aberdeen; but a few particulars are worth giving. The case of Andrew Man,
an aged person, formerly of Tarbrugh, in the parish of Rathven, involves a
more imaginative style of warlockry than is common. According to his own
confessions—that is to say, the hallucinations which he described—the
devil came sixty years ago to his mother’s house, in the form of a woman,
called the Queen of Elfen, and was delivered of a bairn; at which time, he
being a boy, bringing in water, was promised by this distinguished
stranger ‘that thou should know all things; and should help and cure all
sorts of sickness, except stand-deid, and that thou should be weel
enterteinit, but wald seek thy meat ere thou de’ed, as Thomas Rhymer did.’
Thirty-two years before, he had begun a guilty intercourse with this Queen
of Elfen, at whose first coming, ‘she caused ane of thy cattle die upon
ane hillock called the Elf-hillock, but promised to do him good
thereafter.’ Andrew, according to his own account, could ‘cure the
falling-sickness, the bairn-bed, and all other sorts of sickness that ever
fell to man or beast, except the stand-deid, by baptising them,
reabling them in the auld corunschbald, and striking of the gudis on the
face, with ane fowl in thy hand, and by saying thir words: "Gif thou will
live, live; and gif thou will die, die!" with sundry other orisons,
sic as of Sanct John and the three silly brethren, whilk thou can say when
thou please, and by giving of black wool and salt as a remeid for all
diseases and for causing a man prosper and that his blude should never be
drawn.’ He had cured several persons by his enchantments, one mode being
to put the patient nine times through a hasp of unwatered yarn, and then a
cat as many times backward through the same hasp, the effect of which was
to translate the sickness from the patient to the cat.
The devil, whom Andrew called
Christsonday, and believed to be an angel, was raised by the word
Benedicite, and laid again by taking a dog under his armpit, casting
the same in the devil’s mouth, and speaking the word Maikpeblis.
‘Thc Queen of Elfen has a grip of all the craft, but Christsonday is the
guidman, and has all power under God, and thou kens sundry deid men in
their company, and the king that died at Flodden and Thomas Rhymer is
there.’
‘Upon Rood-day in harvest, in this
present year, whilk fell on a Wednesday, thou saw Christsonday come out of
the snaw in likeness of a staig [young male horse], and the Queen of Elfen
was there, and others with her, riding upon white hackneys.’ ‘The elves
have shapes and claithes like men, and will have fair covered tables, and
they are but shadows, but are starker [stronger] nor men, and they have
playing and dancing when they please; the queen is very pleasand, and
will, be auld and young when she pleases; she makes any king whom she
pleases. The elves will make thee appear to be in a fair chalmer, and yet
thou will find thyself in a moss on the morn. They will appear to have
candles, and licht, and swords, whilk will be nothing else but dead grass
and straes.’ Andrew denied his guilt, but was nevertheless convicted, and
doubtless burnt.
In the dittay against Marjory Mutch,
it was alleged that, having an ill-will against William Smith in
Tarserhill, she came to his plough and bewitched the oxen, so that ‘they
instantly ran all wood [mad], brak the pleuch, twa thereof ran over the
hills to Deer, and other twa thereof up Ithan side, whilk could never be
tane nor apprehendit again.’ This woman was said to have destroyed much
cattle, laid sickness on many persons, and attended all the witch
conventions of the district. In token of her being a witch, there was a
spot under her left ear, into which a gentleman had thrust a pin without
producing any pain.
Margaret Clark, being sent for by
the wife of Nicol Ross, when she was in childbed, ‘cast the haill dolours,
sickness, and pains whilk she should have susteinit, upon Andrew Harper,
wha, during all the time of her travelling, was exceedingly and
marvellously troubled, in ane fury and madness as it were, and could not
be balden; and how soon the said gentlewoman was delivered, the pains
departed frae the said Andrew.’
It is alleged of Violet Leys, that,
her husband, a mariner, being discharged from William Finlay’s ship, she
and her late mother bewitched the said ship, ‘that, since thy husband was
put forth of the same, she never made one good voyage, but either the
master or merchants at some times through tempest of weather, were forced
to cast overboard the greatest part of their lading, or then to perish,
men, ship, and geir.’ Several of the other culprits are accused of raising
and calming the wind at pleasure.
It appears that at this time
twenty-two unfortunate men and women, chiefly the latter, suffered in
Aberdeen and its neighbourhood. Such a tremendous sacrifice to
superstition would in itself be worthy of special notice here; but it
becomes the more so from a probability which appears that Shakspeare must
have been acquainted with the details of these trials. it will be found
that the chief of his company, Lawrence Fletcher, was in Aberdeen with a
party of comedians in October 1601. That Shakspeare was of the party is
not certain; but there is no fact to militate against the probability that
he was. Mr Charles Knight has shewn that in these trials there occur many
things which strongly recall passages in the witch-scenes of Macbeth—as if
those scenes had been written by one who had thoroughly studied the
dittays against Janet Wishart and her associates. Nearly all of those
women—and it is very much a special feature of this group of cases—had
laid heavy disease ‘on those whom they held at ill-will, causing them to
suffer fearful pains, and their strength to decay.
‘He shall live a man forbid:
Weary seven nights nine times nine,
He shall dwindle, peak, and pine.’
Such are the dread words of the
Macbeth hags. We see that the Aberdeen witches had power over the
winds; so had those of Macbeth Banquo says to the weird sisters:
‘If you can look into the
seeds of time,
And say which grain will grow, and which will not,
Speak then to me?
This, it must be acknowledged, is
wonderfully like a suggestion to the imagination from such a fact as that
of Janet Wishart’s vaticinations among the growing corn. The witch-dance
at the Fish Cross is much like those under the guidance of Hecate; and
Wishart’s dealing with the malefactor’s corpse at the gallows on the
Links, might well furnish a hint for the incantations over the caldron.
‘Grease that ‘s sweaten
From the murderer’s gibbet, throw
Into the flame.’
And perhaps even the humble cantrip
of Marjory Mutch with William Smith’s oxen, might suggest the fine passage
descriptive of the conduct of Duncan’s horses at his death; when they
‘Turned wild in nature, broke
their stalls, flung out,
Contending ‘gainst obedience, as they would
Make war with mankind.’
‘If it be not,’ says Mr Knight, in
concluding this curious speculation, ‘to inquire too curiously, may we not
trace one of the most striking passages in Othello to the humble
source of an Aberdeen superstition?
"That handkerchief
Did an Egyptian to my mother
give;
She was a charmer, and could almost read
The thoughts of people: she told her, while she kept it,
‘Twould make her amiable, and subdue my father
Entirely to her love."
In the information against Isobell
Straquhan, it is alleged that "the said Isobell came to Elspet Mutrey in
Wodheid, she being a widow, and asked of her if she had a penny to lend
her, and the said Elspet gave her the penny; and the said Isobell took the
penny, and bowit [bent] it, and took a clout and a piece red wax, and
sewed the clout with a thread, the wax and the penny being within the
clout, and gave it to the said Elspet Mutrey, commanding her to use the
said clout to hang about her craig [neck], and when she saw the man she
loved best, take the clout, with the penny and wax, and stroke her face
with it, and she so doing, should attain in to the marriage of that man
whom she loved."
The "clout" sewed "with a thread"
wants, indeed, the poetical colouring of the "handkerchief" of Othello;
but still
"There ‘s magic in the web of it?’
More curious in the effects produced
is another example of the "prophetic fury" of the "sibyl" Isobell
Straquhan. She could not only produce love, but remove hatred: Walter
Ronaldson had used to strike his wife, who took consultation with Scudder
(alias Straquhan), and ‘she did take pieces of paper, and sew them
thick with thread of divers colours, and did put them in the barn amongst
the corn, and from henceforth the said Walter did never strike his wife,
neither yet once found fault with her, whatsoever she did. He was subdued
"entirely to her love."
1597, Mar 11
The duellium seems to have been particularly in vogue at this time. ‘There
chanced a single combat betwixt James Hepburn of Moreham and one Birnie, a
skinner in Edinburgh [at St Leonard’s Craigs]. They were both slain [and
buried the morning after]. The occasion and quarrel was not thought to be
great nor yet necessary. Hepburn alleged and maintained that there was
seven sacraments; Birnie would have but two, or else he would fight. The
other was content with great protestations that he would defend his belief
with the sword; and so, with great earnestness, they yoked, and thus the
question was decided.’—P. And.
There was a traditionary tale in
Edinburgh, which Sir Walter Scott had heard in his youth, and which he
narrated to the author of this work in 1824, to the effect that, a
gentleman having been foully murdered by a man of formidable repute as a
swordsman, his widow brought forward two sons in succession to challenge
the murderer to mortal combat, and when these had fallen, did not scruple
even to send a third, her youngest and favourite, to avenge the slaughter
of the rest; thus imitating, as Sir Walter remarked, the conduct of Don
Arias Gonzalo, in sending his three sons in succession to meet Don Diego
Ordonez, when the latter challenged the people of Zamora for sheltering
the traitor Vellido—as related in the Chronicle of the Cid.’ The
two first youths, like the sons of Don Diego, ‘died like good men in their
duty;’ but the third slew the murderer. The last fight, said Sir Walter,
took place on Cramond Island in the Firth of Forth, and since then there
has been no such combat permitted. Apparently the basis of this story is
as follows:
James Carmichael, second son of the
Laird of Carmichael, had killed Stephen Bruntfield, captain of Tantallon,
in a duel at St Leonard’s Craigs, 22d December 1596. Adam Bruntfleld,
brother of the deceased, ‘allegit that James Carmichael had slain his
brother by treason, having promisit to meet him hand to hand, and had
brought others with him to his slaughter, and therefore was a traitor. The
other stood to his denial, and they baith seyit [tried] their moyen
[influence] at his majesty’s hands for ane license to fecht, whilk with
great difficulty was granted by his grace.’ They met on Barnbougle Sands
or Links,’ in the presence of a great multitude, and with the Duke of
Lennox, the Laird of Buccleuch, Sir James Sandilands, and Lord Sinclair,
to act as judges. ‘The one was clothed in blue taffeta, the other in red
sattin.’ Carmichael, who was ‘as able a like man as was living,’ seemed at
first to have great advantage over Adam Bruntfield, who was ‘but ane young
man, and of mean stature;’ and at the first encounter he struck Adam on
the loin. To the surprise of all, however, Bruntfield ‘strikes him in the
craig [neck], and syne loups aboon him, and gives him sundry straiks with
his dagger, and sae slays him. Adam Bruntfield is convoyit to Edinburgh
with great triumph as ane victorious captain; and the other borne in deid.’—Bir.
Pa. And. C. K. Sc.
Mar
This spring, there was ‘sic increase of sawing, that the like has not been
heard of before. Ane man of Libberton, callit Douglas, had, of ten pecks
of beir sawn thirty-one thrave, and every threif had ane boll of beir and
ane peck.’—Bir.
Apr 20
‘At this time, one Sir James Mac Oniel [Mac Connel], alias Sorley
Buie, a great man in Ireland, being here for the time to complain of our
chief islesmen, was knighted, and went with his train and dependers to
visit the Castle and provision therein, and gave great and noble rewards
to the keepers.’—Pa. And. ‘The 7th of May, he went homeward, and
for honour of his bonalley the cannons shot out of the Castle of
Edinburgh.’—Bir. ‘This Sir James was ane man of Scottis bluid,
albeit his lands lies in Ireland. He was ane braw man of person and
behaviour, but had not the Scots tongue, nor nae language but Erse
[Irish].’ —C. K. Sc.
June 6
There was a proclamation ‘that no man take upon hand to give out money any
dearer nor ten for the hundred [ten per cent. interest], or victual
according thereto, under the pain of confiscation of their goods, and
punishing of their bodies as usurers.’—Bir.
June 10
Died Hugh Rose of Kilravock, at an advanced age. A descendant describes
him as ’ane excellent person.’ ‘He found the fortune [of the family] low,
and under great burden, which he not only defrayed, leaving it free to his
son, but also acquired the whole lands now holden of the Bishop of Moray.
He had seventeen sisters and daughters, all whose portions, mediately or
immediately, he paid, though their very portions were a considerable debt.
He lived in a very divided factious time, there falling out then great
revolutions in church and state; religion changed from popery to
protestant, and the queen laid aside, living in exile; yet such was his
even, ingenious, prudential carriage, that he wanted not respect from the
most eminent of all parties. He had troubles from neighbours, which he
prudently carried, and yet knew how discreetly to resent them, as appears,
that a debate being betwixt him and two neighbours, he subscribed: "Hucheon
Rose of Kilravock, ane honest man, ill guided betwixt them both." This was
ridentem dicere verum.
‘He was a man that could make good
use of his troubles, as appears by his answer to King James, who, being in
Kilravock in his progress to the north (in the year 1589, as I suppose),
inquired how he could live amongst such ill turbulent neighbours; [he]
made this reply: "That they were the best neighbours he could have, for
they made him thrice a day go to God upon his knees, when perhaps
otherwise he would not have gone once." And at the same time, as I have
learned many years ago from old persons, the king was pleased to honour
him with the name of Father, and desiring he might be covered.
‘As to his person, I have had it
from such as knew him, that he was of a tall, and of a square well-compact
body, but not corpulent. He was of a venerable grave aspect; his beard
white and long in his old age. He died full of days, not so much of
sickness as nature being worn out. The night before his death, he went
forth to his orchard, and there supped upon a little broth, and then going
to his bed, died the next morning, without trouble, muttering these words
in Latin at his expiring: "In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum."
June 26
This was a day of great joy to the friends of the reformed faith, for the
Earls of Huntly and Errol had at length been wrought upon to make
profession of the true religion, and so be relaxed from the pains of
excommunication. Though the pressing nature of the motive was obvious, no
dread of insincerity seems ever to have entered the minds of the honest
zealots who left these lords no other course for their preservation. The
affair took place in the kirk of Aberdeen, and was in several respects
noticeable. The evening before, the Earl of Huntly shook hands in token of
reconciliation with Lord Forbes and young Irvine of Drum, and signed the
articles of the established religion, swearing not to decline therefrom.
On the Sunday, which was observed as a fast, on account of the importance
of this conversion, the two nobles appeared in the marriage desk or pew in
the Old Kirk, where was ‘sic a confluence of noblemen, barons, gentlemen,
and common people, as that the like was never seen in that kirk.’
To pursue the narrative of an
eye-witness: ‘The bishop preached, and made a godly and excellent sermon.
The sermon being concluded, the earls rises furth of their desk, comes in
before the pulpit, make ane open confession of their defection and
apostasy, affirms the religion presently confessed to be the only true
religion, renounces all papistry, &c., and of new swears never to decline
again, but to defend the samen to their life’s end. The Earl of Huntly
confessed his offence, first to God, next to his majesty, to the kirk and
country, for the slaughter of the Earl of Moray. And sae the bishop
pronounces openly their sentence of absolution frae the sentence of
excommunication. The earls are then received by the hail ministry, being
in number twelve or thirteen persons, wha, during all the time of the
sermon, sat at the table in the mids’ of the kirk, and with them the
provost, bailies, and maist part of the council. And after the earls were
received by the ministry, then Patrick Murray, commissioner for his
majesty, received them in his hieness’ name; next the provost, bailies,
and council. And sae they were received to the bosom of the kirk. At the
samen time, the Laird of Gight, before the pulpit, sat down on his knees,
and askit God, his majesty, and the kirk pardon and forgiveness for the
receipt of the Earl of Bothwell, for the whilk he was excommunicate; and
he was absolved frae the excommunication. This being done, the twa earls,
with mony mae gentlemen and barons, all the ministry, communicate together
at the table of the Lord.’....
Next day, the Market Cross was
solemnly hung with tapestry, and in a small house close by a band of
musicians was placed. Four score of the young men of the town, in their
best habiliments, with hagbuts, took their station around. There also were
placed the magistrates and council, with six maskers. On a table set out
in the street were wine, glasses, and sweetmeats. The earls’ pacification
was then formally proclaimed by Marchmont herald. ‘The twa earls sat at
the Cross in chairs, with his majesty’s commissioner and the ministry. The
wand of peace delivered to them by Patrick Murray, he receives them in his
majesty’s name; next the ministry embraces them, and then the provost,
bailies, and magistrates. Hagbuts sounded, that day nor dur could not be
heard; wine drunk in abundance; glasses broken; sirfootfeats casten abroad
on the causey, gather whaso please! After this the earls and their kin
passes to the Tolbooth, with the haill ministry; all are made burgesses of
this town, the ministry with the rest. At even, naething but waughting.’
Of course, all was a forced
hypocrisy on the part of the two lords, merely to avoid the legal
consequences of their excommunication. Most curious it would be to know if
there were no misgivings on the subject among the clergy: certainly none
appear. Huntly, as might have been expected, quickly relapsed to his
popish professions, and was again excommunicated in 1606. Nevertheless, he
was some years later accepted once more as a Protestant, and restored to
his civil rights.
A deputation of ministers went this
summer through the provinces of Aberdeen, Moray, and Ross, to complete as
far as possible the planting of them with ministers. The chief of the Clan
Mackintosh surprised the deputation by the zeal and cordiality he shewed
towards the object. He met them at Inverness, exhibited a plan for
settling ministers in his country, and subscribed it in their presence.
‘Now,’ said he, ‘it may be thought I am liberal because nae minister will
venture to come amang us. Get me men and sey [try] me. I will find
sufficient caution in St Johnston, Dundee, or Aberdeen, for safety of
their persons, obedience to their doctrine and discipline, and guid
payment of their stipend.’—Ja. Mel. We have seen enough of the
leading men of this age in Scotland not to be too much surprised on
learning that this was the same Highland chief who had sent out his clan
on a wild ravaging expedition in 1592, when the hospitable old baron of
Brackla was one of their victims, and who is summed up in the Historie
of King James the Sext, as ‘a man unconstant, false, and
double-minded, by the report of all men.’
The Lanarkshire lead-mines, under
the care of Thomas Foulis, goldsmith in Edinburgh, and Bewis Bulmer, an
Englishman, whom Thomas had assumed as partner, were now beginning to be a
source of profit. The lead was transported on the backs of horses to
sundry parts of the realm, but the greater part of it to Leith, where it
was disposed of for exportation. Just, however, as all the mining
difficulties had been overcome, the enterprisers found troubles of a
different kind. The broken men of the Borders had heard of this valuable
metal passing along the uplands of Clydesdale, and it seemed to them not
too hazardous an adventure to cross the hills, and make a dash at such a
booty. We therefore now hear of the carriers of the lead, servants of
Thomas Foulis, being occasionally beset on their way, and robbed by the
borderers of ‘horses, armour, clothing, and their hail carriage.’ Nearer
neighbours, too, respectable men, burgesses of Lanark and Glasgow, were
accused of lawlessly helping themselves to the lead and lead ore, won from
the mines in Crawford Muir, not scrupling for this purpose to seize it in
its passage to Leith, and dispose of it for their own benefit. Nay, these
persons, it was said, had appropriated two horse-load of rye and white
bread on its way to the mines, and within six miles of them, thus
seriously hindering the progress of the work itself.
June
The Council issued a threatening proclamation against the first class of
spoliators. As the latter set represented themselves as having lawfully
purchased the lead in question, an order was issued that they should
return or pay for it to Thomas Foulis.—P. C. R.
Owing to the fame of Andrew
Melville, the university of St Andrews was this year attended by a
considerable number of foreign youth, Poles, Danes, Belgians, and
Frenchmen: ‘whilk crabbit the king mickle,’ Andrew being no favourite of
his.— Ja. Mel.
‘Much about this time, there was a
great number of witches tried to be in Scotland, as the like was never
heard tell of in this realm, specially in Athole, both of men and women.
There was in May at ane convention upon a hill in Athole, to the number of
twenty-three hundred, and the devil amongst them. A great witch of Balwery
told all this, and said she knew them all well enough, and what mark the
devil had given severally to every one of them. There was many of them
tried by swimming in the water, by binding of their two thumbs and their
great toes together, for, being thus casten in the water, they floated ay
aboon.’—Pa. And.
This ‘great witch of Balwery’ was
one Margaret Aiken, who, being tortured on suspicion, not only confessed
her guilt, but, for the saving of her own life, informed upon others,
stating that they had a secret mark in their eyes, by which she could at
once tell that they were witches. For three or four months, she was
carried about the country detecting witches. At Glasgow, owing to the
credulity of the minister John Cowper, several old women suffered in
consequence of her accusations. In time it was found that she was a
deceiver; for the same persons whom one day she declared to be guilty, she
would next day, when they appeared before her in different clothes, affirm
to be innocent. ‘At her trial, she affirmed all to be false that she had
confessed, either of herself or others, and persisted in this till her
death; which made many forthink their too great forwardness that way, and
moved the king to recall the commissions given out against such persons.’—Spot
In November we find the presbytery
of Glasgow taking notice of ‘divers persons wha traduces and slanders the
ministry of the city, as the authors of putting to death the persons
lately execute for witchcraft;’ and it ordains that any person hereafter
uttering this slander ‘shall be put in the branks at the judges’ will.’
As a natural consequence of the
deceptions of Margaret Aiken, there was now in some quarters an
apprehension that, in the late proceedings against witches throughout the
provinces, some injustice had been done. Some had complained ‘that grit
danger may ensue to honest and famous persons, gif commissions grantit to
particular men beiring particulars [that is, having auger] again’ them,
sail stand and be authorised.’ The king professed to see the reality of
this danger, and although it was his purpose to persevere in his efforts
to extirpate that ‘maist odious and abominable crime,' the Council (August
12) revoked all the lately granted commissions, certifying to such as
hereafter ‘proceeds to the execution of persons to the deid, or melling
with their guids or geir, that the same sall be repute slauchter upon
forethocht, felony, and spulyie.’
At this time the enthusiastic
section of the church was in a state of discouragement; otherwise the king
might not have been able to concede to the representations made to him
against witch-commissions. It is too remarkable to be overlooked, that the
heat of persecution against these unfortunates was generally in some
proportion to the influence of the more zealous clergy, either through
their direct agency or through the fear for their reproaches in others.
July 23
‘Between eight and nine in the morning, there was an earthquake which made
all the north parts of Scotland to tremble; Kintail, Ross, Cromarty, Mar,
Breadalbane, &c. A man in St Johnston [Perth] laying compts with his
compters, the compts lap off the buird; the man’s thighs trembled; one leg
went up, and another down.’—Cal.
This earthquake happening at the
time when King James ‘interrupted Mr Robert Wallace and undid the ministry
of St Andrews,’ James Melville likens it to that which God sent to punish
Uzziah, king of Judah, for usurping the priestly office— which rent the
Temple of Jerusalem, and caused a beam to hurt the king in the face, the
beginning of a leprosy with which he was afflicted. He adds what he calls
a Dix-huitaine on the subject, concluding in the following strain:
‘King James the Saxt, this
year thou fast aspires
O’er Christ his kirk to compass thy desires.
Oh, weigh this wee!, aud here exemple tak;
Lest Christ, wha this year shook thy north-wast parts,
And with eclipsed sun amazed the hearts
For kings to come thee just exemple mak.’
Aug 6
‘The pest began in Leith’ (Bir.), and soon ‘infected sundry parts
about Edinburgh, so that many fled out of the town.’—Cal. It raged
during this year in England, 17,890 persons being carried off in London
alone. A fast was held in Edinburgh on account of this visit of the
pestilence, from the 7th of August till the end of harvest, when it
ceased. Notwithstanding the scarcity of food from October 1595 down almost
to this time the mortality in Scotland does not appear to have been
great—a result probably owing in the main part to the abundant harvest of
the present year.
Aug 27
‘Ane trouble betwixt certain servants of the Drummonds and Oliver Young,
then one of the bailies of Perth, within the Hie Gait [High Street] of the
said burgh; when the greatest number of the pursuers leapt the town’s
walls, and so few number of them as escapit came to the Tolbooth. The
agreement was made in the South Inch, the 1st of September thereafter.’—Chron.
Perth.
Nov 3
‘The Earl of Cassillis marries Dame Jean Fleming, wha was wife to the last
chancellor [Lord Thirlstane], ane very unmeet match, for she was past
bairns-bearing, and he was ane young man not past twenty-three years or
thereby, and his lands unheired. The king and court mockit the same
marriage, and made sonnets in their contempt; and specially his majesty
took his pastime of that sport.’-.—C. K. Sc.
Nov 7
‘.... it pleased God to tak the Laird of Bargeny in his mercy; wha was the
nobillest man that ever was in that country [Carrick] in his time. He was
endued with mony guid virtues. First he fearit God, and was fra the
beginning on the right side of religion. He was wise and courteous, and
therewith stout and passing kind; and sic ane noble spender in outings
with the best-halden house at hame that ever was in the land. He was never
behind with na party, and keepit himself ever to the fore with his living.
He had ever in his household twenty-four gallant gentlemen, double-horsit,
and gallantly clad; with sic ane repair to his house, that it was ane
wonder where the same was gotten that he spendit.’ - Ken.
Nov
While so much lawless violence prevailed throughout the country at large,
it was not to be expected that the Borders should be quiet. In truth, the
greatest disorders prevailed in that district, particularly in the west,
where certain broken clans—Armstrong, Johnstons, Bells, Batisons, Carlyles,
and Irvings—lived in a great measure by robbing and oppressing their
neighbours. Occasionally, too, they would make predatory incursions into
England, and thereby endanger the peace existing between the two realms.
The king was at length roused to make a vigorous effort for the repression
of this system of violence. He came at the beginning of this month to
Dumfries, ‘of resolution not to return therefra till that turn was
effectuate, as indeed his majesty did meikle to it.'
—Moy. In the course of
four weeks, which he spent in the town, ‘he hangit fourteen or fifteen
limmers and notorious thieves.’ From every branch of the guilty clans, he
took one or two of the principal men, ‘as pledges that the haul stouths
and reifs committed by them, or any of their particular branch, should be
redressed, and that they and all theirs should abstene from sic insolency
in time coming, under pain of hanging.’
For the reception of such persons in
general, there was a pledge-chalmer—a sort of honourable jail, we
presume—in Dumfries. On this occasion, however, the pledges, thirty-six in
number, were distributed over his majesty’s houses, where it was ordained
they should each pay 13s. 4d. weekly for their maintenance.
The arrangement for the Court of
Redress at Dumfries was in characteristic terms. It was to be composed of
‘aucht special honest gentlemen of the country, least suspect, maist
neutral and indifferent, and the best inclined to justice,’ with ‘twa
or three of his majesty’s council appointit to be present with them.’—P.C.R.
Lord Ochiltree, whom the king
appointed as warden of the west Border, ‘remainit five or six months at
Dumfries, halding courts of redress, and pacifying the country. He hangit
and slew three score, with the more notable thieves . . . . and kept the
country in great quietness and guid order all this time.’—Moy.
There is a small silver toy at
Dumfries, in the form of a fusee or musket, which King James is
represented as having gifted to the Seven Incorporated Trades in 1598,
that it might be the prize of an annual shooting-match. ‘The siller gun,’
as it is called, has till recent times accordingly been carried by the
trades in procession to a shooting-field near the town, whence the victor
used to bring it home stuck in his hat. Most probably, it was while
spending this month in Dumfries, and not during 1598 (when be certainly
did not visit the town), that he conferred this mark of his favour.
Dec 7
A homicide committed at this time brings out a remarkable illustration of
the exclusive rule of master over man which then prevailed. On the first
day of the sitting of parliament, Archibald Jardine, servitor and master-stabler
to the Earl of Angus, was slain negligently by Andrew Stalker, goldsmith,
at Niddry’s Wynd head. The said Andrew was apprehendit and put in prison.
The young men of the town being all in arms, as they use to be in the time
of the parliament, they came to his majesty, and desirit grace for the
young man wha had done ane reckless deed. The kings majesty desirit
them to go to my Lord of Angus, the man’s master, and satisfy and pacify
his wrath, and he should be contentit to grant his ljft. James
Williamson, being captain to the young men, came to my Lord of Angus,
offered him their manreid to be ready to serve him gif he had to do: upon
the whilk, he grantit them his life, and sae the said Andrew was releasit
out of prison upon the said day at even.’—Bir.
1598, Jan 16
‘Thomas Foulis conceivit sickness.’—Bir. One who knew nothing more
of Thomas Foulis than what Birrel tells, might be surprised to find the
simple fact of his becoming sick entered in this pointed way by the old
diarist. As we have already had Thomas several times under our attention,
and know him for a great goldsmith, banker, and speculator in mines, we
can imagine his indisposition as a public fact of that degree of
consequence that a diarist might well think worth chronicling. The truth
is, King James had gone deeply into debt towards Thomas for goldsmith work
and ready money advanced; his creditors were now pressing him, and he had
nothing wherewith to satisfy them. The unhappy man consequently fell into
a ‘phrensie.’ It would appear from one chronicler as if the king had not
acted humanely towards his creditor under these circumstances. It is
alleged that Thomas’s offices were taken from him, and he was obliged to
surrender a certain jewel of note, called the H, which he had in pledge
from the king’ for the sum of twelve thousand pounds. But all this is
scarcely in harmony with the fact that, in June next, one of the doings of
a convention parliament was to arrange ‘that the debt awand by his majesty
to Thomas Fouls be payit in six years, namely, thirty thousand merks every
year.’—Bir. Thomas was at the same time made master of the
cunyie-house (mint).
It appears on the 28th May 1601,
that the king owed ‘nine score thousand punds money’ to Thomas Foulis,
goldsmith, Robert Jowsie, merchant-burgess of Edinburgh, and Thomas
Acheson, master-cunyier, who were in consequence subject to infinite
complaints from their creditors. His majesty professed guid affection and
desire to the payment thereof,’ and arranged that it should be discharged
in the course of eleven years by a preferable power over the receipts of
the royal rents. ‘His majesty als promittis to give to Thomas, his wife
and bairns, during their lifetime successive after others, ane yearly
pension of ane thousand punds money.’—P. C. R.
In December 1602, a piteous
complaint was made before the Privy Council by Andrew Lockhart, regarding
the hardship he underwent as a creditor of Thomas Foulis and Robert Jowsie,
through the effect of a supersedere they had obtained for their
debts. He speaks of having been, ‘with his wife and aucht bairns,’ reduced
to misery, through the non-payment of what these men owed him, ‘he being
ane aigit gentleman, and a brother of ane honourable house.’ The Council
could not interfere, but engaged that when the present supersedere run
out, which it would do erelong, no other should be granted.—P.
C. R.
Feb 8
The impunity of numberless murders and other atrocious crimes in this
reign is not more remarkable than the. severity occasionally exhibited in
comparatively trifling cases. For making a false writ in a matter of three
hundred merks, five citizens of Edinburgh were condemned to death. Such,
likewise, was the issue of the trial of John Moscrop, writer in Edinburgh,
for giving himself out as a notary, and subscribing divers papers as such,
he not being one. The six men appear to have all been tried on one day,
and the end of the affair is chronicled by Birrel: ‘John Windieyetts, John
Moscrop, Alexander Lowrie, John Halliday, and Captain James Lowrie [were]
all hangit at the Cross of Edinburgh for counterfeiting false writs; whilk
was great pity to see.’—Bir.
Feb 16
It was now five years since the tragic death of the
Earl of Moray, and yet his corpse lay unburied. So also did that of the
late Lord Maxwell, killed in a conflict with the Johnstons, in December
1593.
Stigmatising this as an abuse that
‘of late has croppin in,’ and in order to prevent the example from being
followed, the king and Council issued an order to the respective relatives
of the two noblemen, that they have the bodies buried in their ordinary
places of sepulture within twenty days, under pain of rebellion.—P.C.R.
Feb 25
On this day, being Saturday, occurred an eclipse of the
sun, total at Edinburgh, and probably so throughout the country generally.
No event entirely similar had occurred within the memory of living people
in Scotland, and the impression which it was naturally calculated to
produce in an age when such things were regarded as prodigies, was
aggravated by the critical state in which the favourite Presbyterian
institutions were then believed to be placed. Men regarded it as the omen
of a dark period for the Kirk of Scotland.
‘Betwixt nine and ten forenoon,’
says Calderwood, ‘began a fearful eclipse, which continued about two
hours. The whole face of the sun seemed to be covered and darkened about
half a quarter of an hour, in such measure that none could see to read a
book. The stars appeared in the firmament. Sea, land, and air was still,
and stricken dead as it were. The ravens and fowls flocking together
mourned exceedingly in their kind. Great multitudes of paddocks [frogs]
ran together, making an uncouth and hideous noise; men and women were
astonished, as if the day of judgment had been coming. Some women swooned.
The streets of Edinburgh were full of cries. Some men ran off the streets
to the kirk to pray.’
‘In the session-house or college of
justice, no letter nor book could be read nor looked upon for the space of
an hour for darkness, and yet in the north-east there appeared two stars.
After this, the space of eight days fair weather [which] ensued, was
admirable. But the day after, yea Friday and Saturday, there fell out the
greatest rain that might be, in such a manner that neither plough nor
harrow could gang a long time after.’— Pa.
And.
‘I knew,’ says James Melville, ‘out
of ephemeridis and almanack, the day and hour of it. . . . also, by
natural philosophy, the causes. I set myself to mark the proceedings of it
in a basin of water mixed with ink, thinking the matter but common. But
yet, when it came to the extremity of darkness, and I myself losit au the
sun, I was strucken with such fear and astonishment, that I had no refuge
but to prostrate [myself] on my knees, and commend myself to God, and cry
for mercy.’
‘The like fearful darkness was never
seen in this land, so far as we can read in our histories, or understand
from tradition. The wise and godliest thought it very prodigious, so that
from pulpit and by writ, admonitions were given to the ministers,
that the changeable and glittering show of the world go not in betwixt
them and Christ, the Sun of Righteousness, and remove the clear light of
the gospel from the kirk.’—Cal.
A Presbyterian diarist is careful to
tell us the ‘notable effects of this eclipse’ in the year
following; namely, the death of those famous ‘lights of the Kirk of
Scotland, Mr Thomas Buchanan, Mr Robert Rollock, David Ferguson, &c.’—Ja.
Mel.
1598, Mar
'.....the Duke of Holstein, the queen’s brother, came through England to
Edinburgh, and was conveyed the first night to the Palace of Holyroodhouse,
where he was received and welcomed very gladly by her majesty, and used
every way like a prince. His majesty hasted to Edinburgh to meet with the
duke, and at his coming saluted and entertained him . . . . as appertained
to his rank. The duke made a progress from Holyroodhouse to the other side
of the Forth, the first night to Ravensheugh, Lord Sinclair’s house, and
from thence to Balcomie, Pittenweem, Anstruther, St Andrews, Dundee,
Foulis, Stirling, and Linlithgow, and returned again to Edinburgh. He was
honourably received and banqueted all the way. His majesty gave him
banquets in Holyroodhouse and Stirling sundry times, and entertained him
with pastime, and all other things to his great liking and contentment;
likewise be was very largely complimented by their majesties.’ That is,
they gave him large presents.—Moy. R.
May 2.
‘The Duke of Holstein got ane banquet in Macmoran’s lodging, given by the
town of Edinburgh. The king’s majesty and the queen being both there,
there was great solemnity and merriness at the said banquet.’—Bir.
June
3. ‘The Duke of Holstein took his leave of the king and queen, and shipped
at Leith, having got great propines [gifts]; to wit, a thousand five-pound
pieces, a thousand crowns, with a hat and a string valued at twelve
thousand pounds, besides other rich chains and jewels.’- Pa.
And. ‘To his
bonalley, sixty shot of ordnance shot off the bulwark of Leith.’—Bir.
Apr
Fynes Moryson, gentleman, who had. travelled in most of the countries of
Europe, being at Berwick, felt an earnest desire, before returning
southwards, to see the king of Scots’ court. He therefore entered
Scotland, and in one day rode to Edinburgh; after which he proceeded to
Falkland, and designed to visit St Andrews and Stirling, but was prevented
by unexpected business, which recalled him to England. He tells us little
that is remarkable about the localities he visited, but makes some general
observations regarding travelling in Scotland, which are not devoid of
interest.
‘In Scotland,’ he says, ‘a horse may
be hired for two shillings the first day, and eightpence the day till he
be brought home; and the horse-letters used to send a footman to bring
back the horse. They have no such inns as be in England; but in all places
some houses are known where passengers may have meat and lodging; but they
have no bushes or signs hung out, and for the horses, they are commonly
set up in stables in some out-lane, not in the same house where the
passenger lies. And if any man be acquainted with a townsman, he will go
freely to his house, for most of them will entertain a stranger for his
money. A horseman shall pay for oats and straw (for hay is rare in those
parts) some eightpence day and night; and he shall pay no less in summer
for grass, whereof they have no great store. Himself at a common table
shall pay about sixpence for his supper or dinner, and shall have his bed
free; and if he will eat alone in his chamber, he may have meat at a
reasonable rate. Some twenty or thirty years ago, the first use of coaches
came into Scotland; yea, were they rare even at Edinburgh. At this day,
since the kingdoms of England and Scotland were united, many Scots have
been promoted by the king’s favour both in dignity and estate, and the use
of coaches became more frequent, yet nothing so common as in England. But
the use of horse-litters hath been very ancient in Scotland, as in
England, for sickly men and women of quality.’
He tells that the Scotch eat much
colewort and cabbage, and little fresh meat. ‘Myself,’ he says, ‘was at a
knight’s house, who had many servants to attend him, that brought in his
meat with their heads covered with blue caps, the table being more than
half furnished with great platters of porridge, each having a little piece
of sodden meat And when the table was served, the servants did sit down
with us; but the upper mess [those sitting above the salt-vat], instead of
porridge, had a pullet with some prunes in the broth. And I observed no
art of cookery or furniture of household stuff, but rather rude neglect of
both, though myself and companion, sent from the governor of Berwick about
Border affairs, were entertained after their best manner. They vulgarly
eat hearth-cakes of oats [girdles for toasting the cakes over a fire were
subsequently invented at Culross], but in cities have also wheaten bread,
which for the most part was bought by courtiers, gentlemen, and the best
sort of citizens. They drink pure wines, not with sugar, as the English;
yet at feasts they put comfits in the wine, after the French manner; but
they had not our vintners’ fraud, to mix the wines....
‘Their bedsteads were then like
cupboards in the wall, with doors to be opened and shut at pleasure; so we
climbed up to our beds. They used but one sheet, open at the sides and
top, but close at the feet, and so doubled [still practised, and a
comfortable custom it is].... When passengers go to bed, their custom was
to present them with a sleeping-cup of wine at parting.’
‘The husbandmen, the servants, and
almost all in the country, did wear coarse cloth made at home, of gray or
sky colour [hodden gray], and flat blue caps very broad. The merchants in
cities were attired in English or French cloth, of pale colour or mingled
black and blue. The gentlemen did wear English cloth, or silk, or light
stuffs, little or nothing adorned with silk lace, mach less with lace of
silver or gold, and all followed at this time the French fashion,
especially in court. Gentlewomen married did wear close upper bodies,
after the German manner, with large whalebone sleeves, after the French
manner, short cloaks like the Germans, French hoods, and large falling
bands round their necks. The unmarried of all sorts did go bareheaded, and
wear short cloaks, with most close linen sleeves on their arms, like the
virgins of Germany. The inferior sort of citizens’ wives, and the women of
the country, did wear cloaks made of a coarse stuff of two or three
colours in chequer-work, vulgarly called
plodan.’ |