The Earl of Morton had no sooner
assumed the reins of government, than his vigorous talents began to be
felt. The chief strength of Mary’s friends was in Edinburgh Castle, held
for her by Kirkaldy of Grange. All the means at the Regent’s command
proving insufficient to reduce this fortress, he obtained from England an
army of 1500 men, commanded by Sir William Drury, and provided with
artillery. The castle stood a siege of three weeks, and was then obliged
to yield (May 29, 1573). With mean vindictiveness, Morton sent the gallant
Kirkaldy to the gallows. Maitland of Lethington might have shared the same
fate, if it had not been anticipated either by a natural death or suicide.
The other chiefs of the queen’s party were spared. After this event, the
friends of Mary could no longer make an appearance anywhere in her favour.
The new government remained triumphant, and peace was restored to a
bleeding and exhausted country.
Morton was, on the whole, a
serviceable, though not a just or clement ruler. It was his policy,
arising from his love of money, to punish his adversaries rather by fines
than bloodshed. All the persons of note who had befriended the queen, he
caused to give security for their future behaviour. The smallest offence
forfeited the pledge, and the cautioners were then mulcted without mercy.
Under this ruling passion, he tampered with the coin, sold justice, and
cheated the church of its revenues. It was supposed that he had concealed
large treasures in his castle of Dalkeith; but we have no certain account
of their ever being found, and probably the popular notions on the subject
were exaggerated.
Under Morton, a slight move was made
towards the establishment of a kind of episcopacy in the church, though
the persons he appointed to the sees were mere creatures who consented to
be receivers of the revenues on his account. The general feeling of the
people continued to be decidedly in favour of the simple presbyterian
polity, and the Regent’s interference with the purity of that system was
one cause of his loss of popularity, and of his subsequent ruin. While the
recognised champion of the Protestant interest in Scotland, and, as such,
the protégé of Elizabeth, he disliked the presbyterian clergy. He
not only refused to countenance by his presence any of their assemblies,
hut ‘threatened some of the most zealous with hanging, alleging that
otherwise there could be no peace or order in the country.' The noted
efforts of King James to bring the church into a prelatic conformity with
England, had in reality an exemplar in the doings of the Regent Morton.
Meanwhile the young king was reared
in great seclusion in Stirling Castle, under the care of the celebrated
scholar George Buchanan. His acquirements, at a very early age, were such
as to raise great hopes of his future rule. Killegrew, the English
ambassador, reports having heard him, at eight years of age, translate the
Bible, ad aperturam libri, from Latin into French, and from French
into English, ‘so well as few men could have added anything to his
translation.’ But, in reality, his character was a strange mixture of
cleverness and weakness, of wit and folly. His greatest deficiency was in
a courageous will to pursue the ends of justice. He could clearly enough
apprehend the disease, and speak and write about it plausibly; but he
could do little towards its cure, because he shrank from all strong
measures except against poor and inferior people, and those who had
wounded his own pettier feelings.
The regency of Morton came to a
premature conclusion in consequence of a combination raised against him by
the Earls of Athole and Argyle; and James became nominally the acting
ruler (March 1578), ere he had completed his twelfth year.
1572, Nov 18
'....in the morning, was seen a star northward, very bright and clear, in
the constellation of Cassiopeia, at the back of her chair; which, with
three chief fixed stars of the said constellation, made a geometrical
figure lozenge-wise, of the learned men called rhombus. This star,
at the first appearing, seemed bigger than Jupiter, and not much less than
Venus when she seemeth greatest.... the said star never changed his
place.... and so continued (by little and little appearing less) the space
of sixteen months; at what time it was so small, that rather thought, by
exercise of oft viewing, might imagine the place, than any eye could judge
the presence of the same.’ —Holinshed.
This was the celebrated Star of
Tycho, so called because Tycho Brahé made it the subject of
observation. The Danish astronomer is known to have first observed it a
few days before the date assigned by Holinshed - namely on the 11th of
November, while taking an evening walk in the fields. From the suddenness
of its appearance, and its very great brightness, he suspected that his
sense was deceived, and was only convinced he saw truly when he found some
peasants gazing at the imposing stranger with as much astonishment as
himself. It has been regarded as an example of a class of stars which move
in periods between remote and comparatively near points in space; and as
there was a similar object seen in 945 and 1264, it was supposed that the
period of this star was somewhat over 300 years. But ‘the period of
300 years, which
Goodriche conjectured, has been reduced by Kiell and Pigot to 150 years.’
The Star of Tycho, during the time
it was visible, ‘suffered several very remarkable changes. On a sudden it
became so brilliant, that it surpassed in brightness even Venus and
Mercury, and was visible on the meridian in the daytime. Its light then
began to diminish, till it disappeared sixteen months after it had been
first seen.’
1572-3
‘This year, a great and sharp frost almost continually
lasted from before the feast of All Saints, till after the feast of
Epiphany of our Lord, with sometimes great and deep snows, and sometimes
rains, which freezed as fast as the same fell to the ground, wherethrough
at Wrotham, in Kent, and many other places, the arms and boughs of trees,
being overcharged with ice, broke off and fell from the stocks.... also
the wind continued north and east till after the Ascension Day, with sharp
frosts and snows, whereby followed a late spring.’
—Stowe.
1573, Apr 3
The gipsies, who are usually said to have wandered into Europe from the
East in the beginning of the fifteenth century, are not heard of in
Scotland before 1540, when a writ of the Privy Seal was passed in favour
of ‘John Faw, Lord and Earl of Little Egypt,’ enabling him to rule his
company in conformity with the laws of his pretended country. First
accepted as noble refugees, possessing a semi-religious character, they
were in time discovered to be mere rogues and vagabonds. It was now
declared in the Privy Council, that ‘the commonweal of this realm was
greatumly damniflet and harmit through certain vagabond, idle, and
counterfeit people of divers nations, falsely named Egyptians, living on
stowth and other unlawful means.’ These people were commanded to settle to
fixed habitations and honest industry; otherwise it should be competent to
seize and throw them into the nearest prison, when, if they could not give
caution for a due obedience to this edict, they were ‘to be scourgit
throughout the town or parish, and sae to be imprisonit and scourgit fra
parish to parish, while [till] they be utterly renderit furth of this
realm.’—P.C.R.
Little more than three years onward
(August 27, 1576), it was declared that this act had ‘wantit execution‘—a
very common misfortune to acts of council in those days; and it was found
that ‘the said idle vagabonds has continuit in their wicked and
mischievous manner of living, committing murders, theft, and abusing the
simple and ignorant people with sorcery and divination.’ Men in authority
were now enjoined to stricter courses with these wanderers, on pain of
being held as their accomplices.
May 2
An English force having come to help the Regent in winning Edinburgh
Castle, the operations of the siege commenced by the fixing up of twenty
‘great pieces’ at four several places around the ancient fortress. ‘They
shot so hard continually, that the second day they had beat down wholly
three towers. The Laird of Grange . . . . would not give over, but shot at
them continually, both with great shot and small; so that there was a very
great slaughter amongst the English cannoneers, sundry of them having
their legs and arms torn from their bodies in the air by the violence of
the great shot. At last, the Regent continuing his siege so close and
hard—the captain being forced by the defendants for lack of
victuals—rendered the same, after a great many of them were slain [May 29].’—Bir.
Mr Robert Hamilton, minister of St
Andrews, was in Edinburgh at this time, along with the servant who had
written down John Knox’s prediction regarding the fate of Kirkaldy (sec
under 1571). According to James Melville, ‘they gaed up to the
Castle-hill, and saw the forewark of the castle all demolished, and
running like a sandy brae; they saw the men of weir all set in order. The
captain, with a little staff in his hand, taken down over the walls upon
the ladders, and Mr Robert, troubled with the thrang of the people, says:
"Go, what have I ado here?" In going away, the servant remembers his
master of the sermon, and the words, wha was compelled to glorify God, and
say he was a true prophet.’
Aug 3
‘William Kirkaldy of Grange, knight, sometime captain of the Castle of
Edinburgh, and James Mosman, goldsmith, were harlit in twa carts backward,
frae the Abbey to the Cross of Edinburgh, where they, with Mr James [Kirkaldy]
and James Cockie, were hangit,’ ‘for keeping of the said castle against
the king and his regent.’—D. O. Bir.
Such was the dismal end of one who
had undoubtedly been a most valiant soldier, though, it must be added, an
unsteady politician, and too much a follower of private ends in public
affairs. His concern in the assassination of Cardinal Beaton also detracts
somewhat from the sympathy which would naturally be felt for him on this
occasion. James Melville relates some curious particulars regarding his
latter days and his execution:
When John Knox was on his death-bed
in Edinburgh, November 1572, the situation of Kirkaldy and his friends in
the castle had become critical. Mr David Lindsay, minister of Leith, came
to visit the reformer, and asked how he did. ‘He answerit: "Weel, brother,
I thank God; I have desired all this day to have you, that I may send you
yet to yon man in the castle, whom ye ken I have loved sae dearly. Go, I
pray you, tell him that I have sent you to him yet ance to warn and bid
him, in the name of God, leave that evil cause, and give ower that castle:
gif not, he shall be brought down ower the walls with shame, and hing
against the sun: sae God has assured me." Mr David, howbeit he thought the
message hard, and the threatening over particular, yet obeyed, and passed
to the castle; and meeting with Sir Robert Melville walking on the wall,
tauld him, wha was, as he thought, meikle movit with the matter.
Thereafter [he] communed with the captain, whom he thought also somewhat
moved; but he passed from him into the Secretar Lethington, with whom,
when he had conferred a while, he came out to Mr David again, and said to
him: "Go, tell Mr Knox he is but ane . . . . prophet." Mr David,
returning, tauld Mr Knox he had discharged the commission faithfully, but
that it was not weel accepted of after the captain had conferrit with the
secretar. "Weel (says Mr Knox) I have been earnest with my God anent the
twa men; for the ane [Kirkaldy] I am sorry that so should befall him; yet
God assures me there is mercy for his saul: for that other [the Secretary
Lethington], I have nae warrant that ever he shall be weel."
The castle surrendered, and Kirkaldy
fell into the power of the Regent Morton. He offered all he possessed for
his life. But the reformer’s prophecy was to be fulfilled, and how far it
served to fulfil itself, we may surmise from what Morton wrote to the
English agent. ‘Considering,’ he says, ‘what has been, and daily is,
spoken by the preachers, that God’s plague will not cease while the land
be purged of blood, and having regard that such as are interested by
the death of their friends, the destruction of their houses, and away
taking of their goods, could not be satisfied by any offer made to me in
particular... I deliberated to let justice proceed.’
Mr David Lindsay, who had gone with
Kirkaldy’s fruitless offer, ‘the morn by nine hours comes again to the
captain, the Laird of Grange [who was now confined under a guard in a
house in the High Street], and taking him to a fore-stair of the lodging
apart, resolves him it behoved him to suffer. "O, then, Mr David (says
he), for our auld friendship, and for Christ’s sake, leave me not." So he
remains with him, wha, passing up and down a while, came to a shot [a hole
fitted with a sliding panel in the wooden front of the house], and seeing
the day fair, the sun clear, and a scaffold preparing at the Cross, he
falls in a great study [reverie], and alters countenance and colour; whilk,
when Mr David perceived, he came to him and asked what he was doing.
"Faith, Mr David (says he), I perceive weel now that Mr Knox was the true
servant of God, and his threatening is to be accomplished."’ Lindsay
mentioned the assurance which Knox had had regarding the ultimate
salvation of the unfortunate man; which gave him much comfort and renewed
courage; ‘sae that he dined moderately, and thereafter took Mr David apart
for his strengthening to suffer that death, and in [the] end beseeks him
not to leave him, but to convoy him to the place of execution. "And take
heed (says he), I hope in God, after I shall be thought past, to give you
a taiken of the assurance of that mercy to my saul, according to the
speaking of that man of God."
‘Sae, about three hours afternoon,
he was brought out, and Mr David with him, and about four, the sun being
wast about the northward nook of the steeple, he was put aff the ladder,
and his face first fell to the east, but within a little while, turned
about to the west, and there remained against the sun; at whilk time Mr
David, ever present, says he marked him, when all thought he was away
[dead], to lift up his hands that were bund before him, and lay them down
again saftly; whilk moved him with exclamation to glorify God before all
the people’
Aug
On the destruction of the queen’s party, ‘the burgesses and craftsmen wha
remainit the time of the cummers [troubles] in Edinburgh, behovit to
compone for their life, and the least that any man payit was twenty merks,
and they that had nocht to pay were continuit to the third day of the aire,
with fifteen days’ warning, to be halden within the sheriffdom. This
composition should have been equally distributed betwixt the Regent and
the burgesses that had their houses destroyit; but the Regent causit bring
the haul to the Castle of Edinburgh, and wald not part with ane penny; for
the whilk causes the burgesses stayit and wald not pursue nane hereafter,
by occasion they were nocht the better, and also therethrough obteinit the
indignation of their neighbours. God of his grace grant the poor
consolation, for they thole great trouble!’
Afterwards—’ the burgesses and
craftsmen and others wha remainit in the town in the time of the cummers,
were chargit that they, on their awn expenses, might mak black gray gowns,
with the whilk they stood at the kirk door ane hour before the preaching .
. . ., whilk gowns were decernit to be dealt to the poor.’—D.
O.
Aug 25
During the late troubles, the Border-men had been in a great measure left
to pursue their own courses unmolested. Now that the civil war was ended,
Morton was able to turn his attention in that direction. At this date, he
proceeded from Dalkeith with a host of 4000 men to Peebles, where he was
met by the Earl of Argyle with a hundred horse and an equal number of
‘carriage-men;’ and the party then went to Jedburgh against ‘the thieves.’
‘Some thieves came in and gave band for the rest, and some pledges were
delivered to the Regent for good order; but or [ere] they wald obey, their
corns and houses were destroyed, with great spulyie of their goods.’ The
Regent returned in a few days to Dalkeith. ‘Notwithstanding of this raid,
the haill thieves convenit, and harried the country, following ay on the
host.’ A second and more vigorous expedition of the same kind having then
been resolved on, ‘seven score or thereby of the thieves come to the
Regent, and pledges for the rest, wha was put in prison, some in the
Castle of Edinburgh, some in the Tolbooth thereof, and some in the north
land.’—D. O.
1573-1581
The burgh records of Glasgow from 1573 to 1581, of which liberal excerpts
have been published by the Maitland Club, throw much light on manners and
the state of society, and also on the burgal or municipal customs. Glasgow
was then a little town, undistinguished from any other of its size,
excepting in its university and a small commerce, chiefly of a coasting
description. We see in these records all the common affairs of a petty
town, but with the rough character proper to an age of ignorance and
ill-regulated feeling.
The quarrels, flytings (scoldings),
and acts of personal violence form by far the most conspicuous entries in
these records. Men strike women, women clapperclaw each other, and even
the dignitaries of the town are assailed on the street and in their
council-house. Whingers (that is, swords) and pistols are frequently used
in these conflicts, and sometimes with dire effects. As examples—
April 9, 1574.—’ Alexander
Curry and Marion Smith, spouses, are found in the wrang for troublance
done by them to Margaret Hunter, in casting down of two pair of sheets,
tramping them in the gutter, and striking of the said Margaret.’ Surety is
given that Alexander and Marion shall in future abstain from striking each
other; and ‘gif they flyte, to be brankit ‘—that is, invested with
the kind of iron bridle, with a tongue retroverted into the mouth, of
which a description has already been given. (See under Oct. 30, 1567.)
April 23.—William Wilson is
found in the wrong for blooding of Richard Wardrope on the head. Richard
and Andrew Wardrope are at the same time found in the wrong as the
occasion thereof; and John and Andrew Wardrope, for hurting and wounding
of the said William Wilson, to the great effusion of his blood in the
Gallowgate on the morning thereafter. So also, Richard and John Wardrope
are declared guilty of ‘onsetting and invading of the said William with
drawn swords and pistols in the mercat, on Shere Thursday last.’ Shere
Thursday, [So called ‘for that in old Fathers’ days the people would that
day shear their heads and clip their beards, and so make them honest
against Easter Day.’—Authority quoted in Brand’s Pop. Antiqujties,
by Ellis. ] otherwise called Maundy Thursday, is the day before Good
Friday.
One common species of case is an
attack of one female upon another, ‘striking of her, scarting of her, and
dinging her to the erd’ [earth]; in one instance, ‘shooting of her down in
her awn fire.’ Injurious words often accompany or provoke these violent
acts. Bartilmo Lawteth strikes ‘ane poor wife’ to the effusion of her
blood. Ninian Swan strikes Marion Simpson with ‘ane tangs’ [pair of
tongs], and knocks her down—she, however, having previously spit in his
face. ‘Andrew Heriot is [November 8, 1575] fund in the wrang and
amerciament of court for troublance done to David Morison, in striking of
him with his neive in Master Henry Gibson’s writing-chamber, on the haffet
[side of the head], and also for the hitting of him on the face with his
neive upon the Hie Gait, and making him baith blae and bloody therewith.’
George Elphinstone of Blythswood,
one of the bailies, suffered a violent attack in the council-house (August
24, 1574) from Robert Pirry, a tailor, who wounded him with his whinger,
striking one of the officers at the same time. For this, Pirry lost his
freedom as a burgess. Six years afterwards, the same magistrate was
assaulted on the street by George Herbertson, ‘saying how durst he be sae
pert to deal ony wines without his advice;’ after which he threatened the
bailie with his whinger. Immediately thereafter, Herbertson assailed the
magistrate in the Tolbooth, ‘giving him many injurious words, sic as
knave, skaybell, matteyne, and loon, and that he was gentiller nor he,
having his hand on his whinger, rugging it halffings in and out, and that
he cared him not, nor the land that he had nowther.’
In June 1589, Thomas Miln,
chirurgeon, was brought before the magistrates for slanderous speeches
against them, and for applying to the town itself an epithet which now, at
least, appears strangely inapplicable—the Hungry Town of Glasgow. He wath
sentenced to appear at the Cross and openly confess his fault.
Much light is thrown on the
character of the age by the magistrates ordering ‘every booth-halder
[shopkeeper] to have in readiness within the booth ane halbert, jack, and
steel bonnet, for eschewing of sic inconveniences as may happen, conform
to the auld statute made thereanent.’
The streets of the town appear to
have been kept much in the same state in which we now find those of
neglected country villages, yet not without efforts towards a better order
of things. The ordinances for good order may be said to prove the
disorder. It is statute (1574) ‘that there be nae middings laid upon the
fore-gate [front street], nor yet in the Green, and that nae fieshers toom
their uschawis upon the fore-gate, and that nae stanes or timber lie on
the gate langer nor year and day.’ In 1577, this statute is renewed in
nearly the same words, shewing that it was but imperfectly obeyed; and
next year there is a simple order ‘that the haill middings be removed off
the Hie Gait, and that nane scrape on the Hie Gait.’
The town, according to a common
custom, had its ‘minstrels,’ by which is inferred simply
musicians—probably a couple of bagpipers. In 1579, there is an entry of
ten shillings ‘to the minstrels, for their expenses to Hamilton siege.’
This was a siege in which popular affections would probably be engaged at
Glasgow, as its object was to destroy the last vestige of the queen’s
interest in Scotland. At the Whitsunday court 1574, the minstrels are
continued until ‘the Summerhill,’ by which was meant a court annually held
at a place so called, when the marches of the town’s property were
subjected to review. There, accordingly, on Sunday the 20th June,
Archibald Bordland and Robert Duncan are ‘admittit to be menstrals to the
town for this instant year, and to have frae ilk freeman allenarly, but
meat, twa shillings money at the least, with mair at the giver’s
pleasure.’
In the treasurer’s accounts, we are
struck by the many considerable presents, chiefly of wine, given by the
town to noblemen possessing influence over its fortunes. We find, amongst
frequent propines of wine to the Earl of Argyle, as much as seventeen
gallons given at once. Two hogsheads are given to Lord Boyd, six quarts to
the lord provost, two quarth to the parson of Glasgow, and so forth. At
the town’s banquets, aquavitae figures on several occasions, a quart being
charged twenty-four shillings.
Several allusions are made in these
records to the ‘knocks‘—that is, clocks—set up for the public conveniency.
An old one is repaired, and James Scott gets a sum ‘for labour done by him
in colouring of the knock, moon, and horologe, and other common work of
the town.’ References are made to several trades not known in our age by
the same names, as a lorimer, the maker of the ironwork in
horse-furniture; a snap-maker, by which is to be understood a maker
of firelocks, then called snap-hances; a ladlernan; a
tabroner, meaning a drummer; &c. in 1577, the magistrates grant a
pension of ten marks to Alexander Hay, chirurgeon, to encourage him to
remain in Glasgow, ‘in readiness for serving of the town by his craft and
art.’ This gentleman would bleed the citizens in exigencies of their
health, and shave them daily.
The editor of these records remarks
on the treasurer’s accounts, that the revenue is fully stated, and the
whole expenditure minutely detailed. ‘It is true,’ he says, ‘the
magistrates and "divers honest men" occasionally treat themselves to a
dejeune; but this is after the completion of some public business, tending
to the honour and profit of the commonweal. Indeed, the class of
disbursements which, strictly speaking, are the least legal, the most
rigid corrector of abuses could not well object to. We allude to the
numerous benevolences bestowed upon poor scholars to buy them a suit of
clothes, or books, to enable them to prosecute their studies; the sums
voted to shipwrecked mariners, to ruined merchants who had lost their
horses by some untoward accident, or to the widows and children of those
burgesses whom unforeseen difficulties had plunged into absolute want. Not
a little of the public funds is sometimes devoted to ransom unfortunate
burgesses from captivity among the Turks, while considerable sums are
expended in providing medical aid for those afflicted with physical
infirmities, or who have met with severe bodily injuries.
.... Much curious matter may be
elicited regarding the sports and pastimes of the people. The diverse
disbursements for footballs are not unworthy of notice. We also meet with
payments made to a piper called Ryall Dayis, and to "a fule with a
treen sword," as well as to certain young men of the town, for their
playing—probably bearing a part in some mask or public pageant. The care
bestowed on the decorement of the town’s minstrels is evinced in the entry
of the purchase of blue cloth to make two coats for them, with as much "cramosie"
as would serve for containing the town’s arms thereon. Nevertheless,
though this care was shewn for the recognised minstrels of the burgh, the
profession had thus early fallen into disrepute; for in the ordinance
anent the pest [in 1574], "pipers, fiddlers, and minstrels," are
unceremoniously classed together as vagabonds, and threatened with severe
penalties, should they venture into the city in contravention of the act.’
In those days, the citizens of
Glasgow kept each his cow, which was fed, under the care of a town’s
herdsman, in a common beyond the walls, as is the case with small burghs
like Lauder and Peebles at the present day. In March 1589, John Templeton
and John Hair were appointed herds for the year to come, John Templeton
for ‘the nolt and guids aboon the Cross,’ and John Hair for ‘the nolt and
guids beneath the Cross and the rest of the nether parts of the town.’
1874, Apr 11
A strange tragedy took place at the Cross of Edinburgh. Robert Drummond,
sometimes called Doctor Handie, who had been a great seeker and
apprehender of papists, had been punished for adultery by exposure in the
church and banishment from the city. Out of favour on account of his
services against popery, be was pardoned and brought back; but being again
found guilty of the same offence, he was condemned to exposure in the
stocks at the Cross, along with the companion of his crime; after which he
was to be burnt in the cheek. While undergoing this punishments ‘there
being great science (?) of people about them, and the Doctor Handie being
in ane great furie, said: "What wonder ye? I saIl give you more occasion
to wonder." So, suddenly, he took his awn knife, wha strake himself three
or four times foment the heart, with the whilk he departit. This done, the
magistrates causit harl him in ane cart through the town, and the bloody
knife borne behind in his hand; and on the morn harlit in the same manner
to the gallows on the Burgh-muir, where he was buried.’—D.O.
May
The Regent had passed an act, very agreeable to the people, to prevent the
transporting of grain out of the country. There were, however, certain
merchants who found it not difficult, by means of bribes, to obtain from
him a licence enabling them to break the law. One of these was Robert
Gourlay, originally a servant of the Duke of Chatelherault,’ but now a
rich merchant in Edinburgh— at least so we may reasonably infer from the
grandeur of his house, not long ago existing. Robert was driving a good
trade in this way, when the kirk, of which he was an elder, interfered to
put an end to what it regarded as an unrighteous traffic. He was
pronounced by the General Assembly to be guilty of a high offence in
transporting victual out of the realm, and was sentenced to appear in the
marriage-place in the church, and publicly confess his offence,
clad in a gown of his own, which should thereafter be given to the poor.
He obstinately refused to submit. The Regent came forward as his friend,
and told the minister, Mr James Lowson: ‘I gave him licence, and it
pertaineth not to you to judge of that matter.' But it was all in vain. A
week after, Robert was glad not only to go through the prescribed penance,
but to crave forgiveness of the kirk for his temporary disobedience?
July 29
The press was not likely to be a friend to the Regent, and the Regent,
therefore, was not a friend to the press. At this date he induced the
Privy Council to issue an edict that ‘nane tak upon hand to emprent or
sell whatsoever book, ballet, or werk,’ without its being examined and
licensed, under pain of death, and confiscation of
goods.—P. C. R.
Sep 3
The town-council of Edinburgh agreed with a Frenchman that he should set
up a school in the city, to teach his own language, for which he should be
entitled to charge each child twenty-five shillings yearly, besides
enjoying a salary of twenty pounds during the council’s pleasure.—City
Register,
apud Maitland.
‘The summer right evil weather, and
dear; the boll of malt five merk and half merk, and the boll of meal four
merk and three merk. Evil August; wind and rain. The harvest evil weather
that ever was seen; continual weet.’—C.
F.
Consequently, in autumn and winter,
‘there was ane great dearth in Scotland of all kinds of victuals.’—.-D.
O. ‘About Lammas, wheat was sold at London for three shillings the
bushel; but shortly after it was raised to four shillings, five shillings,
six shillings, and before Christmas to a noble and seven shillings, which
so continued long after. Beef was sold for twenty pence and two-and-twenty
pence the stone, and all other flesh and white meats at an excessive
price; all kind of salt fish very dear, as five herrings twopence. Yet
great plenty of fresh fish, and oft times the same very cheap. . . . All
this dearth notwithstanding (thanks be given to God) there was no want of
anything to him that wanted not money.’—Howes
Oct 14
‘The pest came to Leith by ane passenger wha came out of England, and
sundry died thereof before it was known.’ On the 24th, it entered
Edinburgh, ‘brought in by ane dochter of Malvis Curll out of Kirkaldy.’
The Court of Session abstained from sitting in consequence. ‘My Lord
Regent’s grace skalit his house and men of weir, and was but six in
household; I know not whether for fear of the pest or for sparing of
expenses’- D. O.
In December, the kirk-session of
Edinburgh, ‘foreseeing the great apparent plague and scourge of pest,
hinging universally upon the hail realm,’ and considering that ‘the only
ordinary means appointed by God in his holy word, whereby the said
apparent scourge may be removed, is ane public fast and humiliation,’ did
accordingly appoint such a fast, to last for eight days, with sermon and
prayers every day, and the people’s ‘food to be breid and drink with all
kind of sobriety.’
We do not hear of the pest proving
very deadly in Scotland on this occasion.
Dec 25
This Christmas-day, the minister and reader of Dumfries having refused to
teach or read, ‘the town... . brought a reader of their own, with tabret
and whistle, and caused him read the prayers.’ This extraordinary exercise
they maintained during all the days of Yule. It was complained of at the
subsequent General Assembly, and referred to the Regent.—Cal.
1574
In this year died David Home of Wedderburn, a gentleman of good account in
Berwickshire, and father of the David Home of Godscroft, to whom Scottish
literature owes the History of the House
of Douglas.
The son has left us a portraiture of the
father, which, even when we make a good allowance for filial partiality,
must be held as shewing that society was not then without estimable
members. ‘He died in the fiftieth year of his age, of a consumption, being
the first (as is said) of his family who had died a natural death—all the
rest having lost their lives in defence of their country.
‘He was a man remarkable for piety
and probity, ingenuity well versed in the Latin tongue He had the Psalms,
and particularly some short sentences of them, always in his mouth; such
as: "It is better to trust in the Lord than in the princes of the earth:"
"Our hope ought to be placed in God alone" He particularly delighted in
the 146th psalm, and sung it whilst he played on the harp with the most
sincere and unaffected devotion. He was strictly just, utterly detesting
all manner of fraud. I remember, when a conversation happened among some
friends about prudence and fraud, his son George happened to say, that it
was not unlawful to do a good action, and for a good end, although it
might be brought about by indirect methods, and that this was sometimes
necessary. "What," says he, "George, do you call ane indirect way? It is
but fraud and deceit covered under a specious name, and never to be
admitted or practised by a good man." He himself always acted on this
principle, and was so strictly just, and so little desirous of what was
his neighbour’s, that, in the time of the civil wars, when Alexander, his
chief; was forfeit for his defection from the queen’s party, he might have
had his whole patrimony, and also the abbacy of Coldingham, but refused
both the one and the other. When Patrick Lindsay desired that he would ask
something from the governor [Morton], as he was sure whatever he asked
would be granted, he refused to ask anything, saying that he was content
with his own. When Lindsay insisted, says he: "Since you will have it so,
I will ask something; but you must first assure me I will not be refused."
Then Lindsay swore to him that he should have whatever he desired. "Let me
have, then," says he, "the abbacy of Haddington." "That you cannot get,"
says Lindsay, "as I received it myself some time ago. But ask something
seriously; for if you do not get a share of our enemies’ estates, our
party will never put sufficient trust in you." To this David answered: "If
I never can give proofs of my fidelity otherwise than in that manner, I
will never give any, let him doubt of it who may. I have hitherto lived
content with my own, and will live so, nor do I want any more."
‘David was a man of that temper,
that he never was willing to offer any injury, nor to take notice of one
when offered. His uncle George Douglas sometimes stayed at Wedderburn. He
still kept up a secret grudge at Alexander of Home on account of that
controversy they had had about Cockburnspath. Alexander happened to be at
this time at Manderston, which is within half a mile of Wedderburn.
Alexander of Manderston, with a great number of attendants, goes out with
him to hunt; and as he was a turbulent man, and much given to ostentation,
under the pretext of seeking game, he ranges through all Wedderburn’s
fields. This was intended as an affront to George Douglas, and to shew him
what trouble he occasioned to his nephew David.
‘George had resolved to bear the
thing patiently, and to dissemble; but David, knowing their intention, and
not bearing that any affront should be put upon his uncle, mounts his
horse, and orders his servants to do the like, and, taking George along
with him, he presses hard upon the heels of Alexander, who was then going
home, and follows him to the very doors of his own house of Manderston,
and hunted about the whins and broom at the back of the garden, till
evening forced him to return home.’
At this time was the conspiracy or
Black Band formed against him, which he bore patiently, and at the same
time wisely repulsed. I know not upon what account some gentlemen of the
Merse entered into this conspiracy; it is certain it was for no mis-demeanour
of his, nor did they pretend any. Alexander of Manderston was the
contriver of the whole. It was a thing openly known, for in the meetings
of the judges on the Borders about mutual restitutions, the one [party]
stood on this side, and the other on that, like opposite armies One day,
when both parties were returning home, and among the rest Manderston, some
of Wedderburn’s followers, flushed with indignation, advised him no longer
to bear the arrogance of the confederates. He, on the other hand, refused
to stain his hands in blood, saying that Manderston was furious and
insolent in his youth, but would grow wiser when he was old, and
acknowledge his fault.’
John Stuart, the titular abbot of
Coldingham, a natural son of James V., was importuned to join the Black
Band, but had too much regard for Wedderburn to do so. While he was absent
in the north with his brother the Regent Moray, his wife, who had a spite
at Wedderburn, made a strange kind of demonstration against him. She
ordered the men of her faction to be present on a certain day, and to
bring along with them wains, carts, and other things fit for carrying off
the corns, all of which was carefully done. But Wedderburn with his
friends having gathered together about 500 horse, hastens to the fields,
and dissipates the scattered troops before they could unite themselves
into one, breaks the wagons, looses the horses, and drives them away. On
this they all betake themselves to flight, together with Stuart’s wife
(she was called Hepburn, and a sister of old Bothwell). A few received
some strokes; none were wounded; but so great was the terror struck into
them all, that they all sought hiding-places in their flight. Some hid
themselves among the furze or broom; others under the banks of the river;
some in the fields of corn, and all either in one place or other. One John
Edington (commonly called the Liar, as he was always the messenger of
strange news, which was commonly false) hid himself in the ambry of a poor
old woman, from which he was dislodged, to the great diversion of his
enemies and his own great terror. When their fear a little subsided, and
it appeared that none were hurt, the affair appeared so ridiculous both to
themselves and others, that Hepburn (as she was a woman of a pretty good
genius and poetically inclined) described the whole in some verses. Nor
was there ever anything afterwards attempted by the confederates.’
David is described as being swift of
foot, and fond of foot-races. Horse-racing was also one of his amusements.
‘He collected a number of the swiftest horses both from the north of
Scotland and from England, by the assistance of one Graeme, recommended to
him by his brother-in-law, Lochinvar. He generally had eight or more of
that kind, so that the prize was seldom won by any but those of his
family. . . . He was so great a master of the art of riding, that he would
often be beat to-day, and within eight days lay a double wager on the same
horses, and come off conqueror.... He went frequently from home to his
diversion, sometimes to Haddington, and sometimes to Peebles, the one of
which is eighteen, and the other twenty-four miles distant, and sometimes
stayed there for several days with numerous attendants, regardless of
expense, as being too mean and sordid a care, and below the dignity of one
of his rank.
‘Being educated in affluence, he
delighted in fencing, hunting, riding, throwing the javelin, managing
horses, and likewise in cards and dice. Yet he was sufficiently careful of
his affairs without doors. Those of a more domestic nature he committed to
the care of his wife, and when he had none, to his servants; so that he
neither increased nor diminished his patrimony.’
The writer, in the true spirit of
his age, cites Wedderburn’s love of the house of Home as ‘not the least
of his virtues.’ The chief was prejudiced against him, but ‘he bore it
patiently, and never failed giving him all due honour.’ At length, Lord
Home being taken prisoner by Morton at the close of the queen’s wars, and
put into Leith Port, Wedderburn went to see him, and acted so much as his
friend as to obtain his release and secure his love.
David’s first wife, of the Johnstons
of Elphinston, in Haddingtonshire, was a paragon of benevolence. She not
only supplied the poor bountifully, but often gave large help to superior
people who had fallen back in the world. She would give the clothes of her
own children to clothe the naked and friendless. Yet, such was her good
management, that she left at her death 3000 merks in gold— ‘a great sum in
those days.’ ‘Everything in the family had a splendid appearance; and this
she affected in compliance to her husband’s temper. As she was herself, so
she instructed her children in the fear of God, and in everything that was
good and commendable. To sum up her whole character, she obtained from all
the appellation of the Good Lady Wedderburn.’
David ‘was of a beautiful and manly
make. His complexion (for a man) was rather too fair. He had yellow hair,
and an aquiline nose; his stature rather inclining to tall, his
countenance comely and majestic, claiming at the same time both love and
reverence. He much affected elegance in his dress, but not extravagance.
He was very fond of his children, and seldom ceased to dance them in his
arms. These are the parents who make me rejoice in my birth. These are the
parents who are an honour to their posterity. To live and die like them,
loving and beloved by all, is my great and only ambition."
1575, Feb
‘In the meantime, there was ane great dearth in Scotland of all kind of
victuals.’—D. O.
Mar 7
In the course of the late civil war, Lords John and Claud Hamilton came to
an inn to apprehend old Carmichael and the Laird of Westerhall. The house
being beset and set on fire, the two gentlemen surrendered, on condition
that their lives should be spared; but after they came forth, and were
disarmed, Westerhall was slain, and Carmichael carried away a prisoner.
Westerhall being a dependent of the
house of Angus, his death added largely to the resentment already felt by
the Regent towards the Hamiltons. Love, however, which so often raises
wrath, here came in to smooth it. There was a certain widowed Countess of
Cassillis, whom Lord John knew and loved; and, as she was a cousin of the
Regent, it became necessary to effect a reconciliation with him before a
match could be effected. As one step towards this object—for doubtless
there would be others, and particularly one involving a money-payment to
the griping Morton—Lord John, now the actual head of the princely house of
Hamilton, agreed, along with his brother, to perform a ceremony of
expiation for the death of Westerhall. The Earl of Angus, head of the
house of Douglas, being placed in the inner court of Holyrood Palace,
Lords John and Claud walked across barefooted and bareheaded, and falling
down on their knees before the earl, held up to him each a naked sword by
the point, implying that they put their lives in his power, trusting
solely to his generosity for their not being immediately slain. Soon after
this strange scene, Lord John wedded Lady Cassius.
This seems, after all, to have been
but a partial and temporary restoration of the Hamiltons to court favour.
There were many who could not forget or forgive their concern in the
slaughter of the Regents Moray and Lennox. Douglas of Lochleven, uterine
brother of Moray, was irreconcilably bitter against them. ‘Twice be set
upon the Lord Hamilton, as he was coming from Aberbrothick, and chased him
so that he was constrained to return to Aberbrothick again. Another time,
as he was coming through Fife, he made him flee to Dairsie, which he beset
and lay about it till the Regent sent to him and commanded him to
desist.’—H, of G.
Mar 8
Though copies of the English Bible had found their way into Scotland, and
been of great service in promoting and establishing the reformed
doctrines, there was as yet no abundance of copies, nor had any edition
been printed within the kingdom. There was, however, a burgess of
Edinburgh named Thomas Bassendyne, who for some years had had a small
printing-office there. He was probably too poor a man to undertake the
printing of a thick quarto, the form in which the Bible was then usually
presented; but he took into association with himself a man of better
connection and means, named Alexander Arbuthnot, also an Edinburgh
burgess; and now it was deemed possible that an edition of the Scriptures
might be brought out within the realm of Scotland. The government, under
the Regent Morton, gave a favourable ear to the project, and it was
further encouraged by the bishops, superintendents, and other leading men
of the kirk.
On the day noted, the Privy Council,
seeing that ‘the charge and hazard of the wark will be great and
sumptuous,’ decreed that each parish in the kingdom should advance £5 as a
contribution, to be collected under the care of the said officers of the
church, £4, 13s. 4d. of this sum being considered as the price of a copy
of the impression, to be afterwards delivered, ‘wed and sufficiently bund
in paste or timmer,’ and the remaining 6s. 8d. as the expense of
collecting the money. The money was to be handed to Alexander Arbuthnot
before the 1st of July next.
Arbuthnot and Bassendyne, on their
parts, bound themselves to execute the work under certain penalties, and
respectable men came forward as their sureties. Those who stood for
Arbuthnot were David Guthrie of Kincaldrum, William Guthrie of Halkerton,
William Rynd of Carse, and James Arnot of Lentusche—all Forfarshire
gentlemen, be it remarked—a fact arguing that Arbuthnot himself was of the
same district. The exact arrangements of Arbuthnot and Bassendyne between
themselves do not at this time appear; but we find that Bassendyne engaged
in Flanders one ‘Salomon Kerknett of Magdeburg’ to come and act as
‘composer’ at 49s. of weekly wages, and sought the aid of Mr George Young,
servant of the abbot of Dunfermline, as corrector of the press. Having
‘guid characters and prenting irons,’ it was to be expected that the work,
great and sumptuous as it was, would go quickly and pleasantly on. This
hope, however, was not to be realised. (See under July 18, 1576.)
—P. C. R.
Mar
Among the evils of these times, was one which the present generation knows
nothing of but from history. Owing to the constant exporting of good coin,
and the importing of bad, the circulating medium of the country was in a
wretched state. There seems to have been a regular system for coining base
placks and lions (otherwise called hardheads) in the Low Countries,
to be introduced by merchants into Scotland. The Regent, in a
proclamation, described the abundance of debased money as the chief cause
of the present dearth, the possessors of grain being thus induced to
withhold it from market. For this reason, according to his own account,
proceeding upon an act of the convention now sitting, he ordained the old
coin to be brought to the cunyie-house, where it would be ‘clippit, and
put in ane close lockit coffer upon the count and inventar of the quantity
receivit frae every person;’ and meanwhile the lately issued genuine
placks and lions were to have currency at twopence and a penny apiece
respectively—that is, at denominations above their value. Any one
hereafter possessing the false coin, was to be punished as an out-putter
of false money.
‘Every day after this proclamation,
induring the convention, the poor veriit and banned the Regent and haill
lords openly in their presence, whenever they passed or repassed frae the
Abbey, whilk was heavy and lamentable to hear.’—D. O.
The Regent, while thus an oppressor
of his people by attempting to enhance the value of the coin, was engaged
in several sumptuous undertakings. He was restoring the Castle of
Edinburgh at a vast expense, and also erecting a new mint—putting over its
door, by the way, a prayer which he had at this time much need to use—
BE MERCYFULL TO ME, O GOD.
His own personal extravagances were
not less remarkable. He erected at Dalkeith a magnificent palace, richly
adorned with tapestries and pictures, and fitter for a king than a
subject. Here he lived in an appropriate style. All this he did at the
expense of his enemies. He kept a fool named Patrick Bonny, who, seeing
him one day pestered by a concourse of beggars, advised him to have them
all burnt in one fire. ‘What an impious idea!' said the Regent. ‘Not at
all,’ replied the jester; ‘if the whole of these poor people were
consumed, you would soon make more poor people out of the rich'—Jo. R.
B. Hist.
1575, Mar 30
‘There was ane calf calfit at Roslin, with ane heid, four een, three lugs
[ears], ane in the middle, and ane on ilk side, twa mouths.'
—Sinclair of Roslin’s MS. additions to Extracta ex
Chronicis Scotie.
June
A number of French Protestants having at this time
taken refuge in London in great poverty, there was a collection in
Edinburgh for their benefit, one person being commissioned to go ‘through
the Lords of Session, advocates, and scribes,’ and another ‘to pass to the
deacons and crafts,’ in order to gather their respective contributions.—R.
G. K. E.
Aug
The General Assembly declared its mind regarding the dress fit for
clergymen and their wives. ‘We think all kind of broidering unseemly; all
begares of velvet, in gown, hose, or coat, and all superfluous and vain
cutting out, steeking with silks, all kind of costly sewing on passments’
all kind of costly sewing, or variant hues in sarks; all kind of light and
variant hues in clothing, as red, blue, yellow, and such like, which
declare the lightness of the mind; all wearing of rings, bracelets,
buttons of silver, gold, or other metal; all kinds of superfluity of cloth
in making of hose; all using of plaids in the kirk by readers or
ministers, namely in the time of their ministry, or using of their office;
all kind of gowning, cutting, doubletting, or breeks of velvet, satin,
taffeta, or such like; all silk hats, and hats of divers and light
colours.’ It was recommended to the clergy, that ‘their whole habit be of
grave colour, as black, russet, sad gray, or sad brown; or serges, worset,
chamlet, grogram, lytes worset, or such like. . . . And their wives to be
subject to the same order.’
It is rather curious that any such
sumptuary regulations should have been required for the Presbyterian
ministers, or even their in helpmates, as, according to all accounts,
their incomes for the first forty years after the Reformation were
wretchedly narrow and irregular. The thirds of the old benefices assigned
to them by Queen Mary’s act were far from being well paid. In the pathetic
words of a memorial they presented to Mary in 1562, ‘most of them led a
beggar’s life.’ They were as ill off under the grasping Morton as at any
other time. The proceedings of the General Assembly of 1576 reveal that
some were compelled to eke out their miserable stipends by selling ale to
their flocks. The question was then formally put: ‘Whether a minister or
reader may tap ale, beer, or wine, and keep an open tavern?’ to which it
was answered: ‘Ane minister or reader that taps ale or beer or wine, and
keeps ane open tavern, sould be exhorted by the commissioners to keep
decorum.’—B. U. K
Towards the end of this year, the
Regent Morton was at Dumfries, holding justice-courts for the punishment
of the Borderers. ‘Many were punished by their purses rather than their
lives. Many gentlemen of England came thither to behald the Regent’s
court, where there was great provocation made for the running of horses.
By chance my Lord Hamilton had there a horse sae weel bridled and sae
speedy, that although he was of a meaner stature than other horses that
essayit their speed, he overran them all a great way upon Solway Sand;
whereby he obtained great praise both of England and Scotland at that
time.’—H. K. J.
1576, Mar 27
It was found that in Meggotland, Eskdale-muir, and other parts near the
Border, ’where our sovereign lord’s progenitors were wont to have their
chief pastime of hunting,’ the deer were now slain with gun; not only by
Scotsmen, but by Englishmen whom Scotsmen smuggled in across the Border,
and this often at forbidden times; all which was ‘against the commonweal
and policy of the realm.’ The Privy Council accordingly took measures to
put a stop to these practices.—P. C.
R.
May 1
‘The first day of May, 1576 year; was sae evil, the wind and weet at the
west-north-west, with great showers of snaw and sleet, that the like was
nocht seen by them that was living, in mony years afore, sae evil.’—Chr.
Aber.
May
The Earl of Huntly died in a sudden and mysterious manner at Strathbogie
Castle. Having fallen down in a fit while playing at football, he was
carried to bed, where be foamed at the mouth and nostrils, struggled with
his hands, and stared wildly, as if he would have spoken, but could never
command but one word— ‘Look, look, look.’ He also vomited a good deal of
blood. After four hours’ illness, he expired.
‘The Earl of Huntly being dead thus
on Saturday at even, Adam [Gordon, his brother] immediately causit bear
but [out, outward] the dead corpse to the chalmer of dais [room of state],
and causit bear into the chalmer where he had lain, the whole coffers,
boxes, or lettrens [desks], that the earl himself had in handling, and had
ony gear in keeping in; sic as writs, gold, silver, or golden work,
whereof the keys were in ane lettren. The key of that lettren was at his
awn bag, whilk Adam took and openit that, and took out the rest of the
keys, and made ane inventory upon all the gear he fand within that coffer,
or at least on the maist part and special part of that that was within;
and when he had ta’en out sic money as to make his awn expenses south, he
lockit all the coffers again, and thereafter lockit the chalmer door, and
put up the key, and causit lock the outer chalmer door where the dead
corpse lay. After they had set candles in the chalmer to burn, and gave
the key of that chalmer door to John Hamilton, wha was man having greatest
care within that place and credit of the Earl of Huntly in his time—this
done, with sic other directions made for waiting on the place, Adam made
him ready, and took the post south at 12 hours on the night, as I believe.
At ten hours or thereby before noon, on the morn after the earl was dead,
there was in ane chalmer together, callit the leather chalmer, . . .
fourteen or sixteen men lamenting the death that was so suddenly fallen,
every man for his part rehearsing the skaith [damage] that was to come by
that death to them. Amangst the whilk there was ane westland man standing
upright [with] his back at the fire, wha said the cause was not so hard to
nane as [it] was to him, for he was newlings come out of Lochinvar, for
some evil turn that he had done that he might not brook his awn country
for . . . . he falls flat down on his face to the ground dead. The men
pullit him up, cuist up door and window, and gave him air; there could
appear no life in him, except he was hot.’ After lying several hours in
the fit, ‘he recovered with great sobbing and working with his hands,
feet, and body, and he cried, "Cauld, cauld." This lasted till next
morning, when he recovered thoroughly.
‘On the morn... Tyesday next after
the earl’s death, John Hamilton was gone up to the gallery of the new wark
[building] to bring down spicery or some other gear for the kitchen, and
had with him ane Mr James Spittal, and ane other man of the place, whose
name I have forgotten. This John Hamilton opened ane coffer, taking out
something that he needit; he says: "I am very sick," and with that he
falls down, crying, "Cauld, cauld." The other twa took him quickly up,
cast up the window, and had him up and down the house. At length he said
he was very sick; he wald have been in ane bed. Mr James Spittal convoyit
him down the stair. When he was there down, he remembered that he had
forgotten ane coffer open behind him; he turned again and the said Mr
James with him, and when they had come again, they found the third man
that was with them fallen dead ower the coffer, and he on his wambe lying
ower the coffer. John Hamilton might make no help, by reason he himself
was evil at case. Mr James Spittal ran down, and brought up twa or three
other men, and carried him down the stair, and no and down the close, but
could find no life in him. At length they laid him in ane bed, where
within ane while he recovered, with sighing and sobbing, wrestling with
hands, feet, and body, and ever as he got ony words betwixt the swooning,
he cried, "Cauld, cauld;" and this lasted twelve or thirteen hours; and I
trow langer, if he was sae wed waited on as the lave [rest], as he was
not, but gave him leave to work him dane, because he was ane simple poor
man. All these wrought as the Earl of Huntly did in his dead passions,
except they vomited not, nor fumed at the mouth and nostrils.
‘Upon that Tyesday after the deid
[death], ane surgeoner of Aberdeen, callit William Urquhart, came to
Strathbogie and bowelled the dead corpse, which, after the bowelling, was
ta’en out of the chalmer and had into the chapel, where it remaineth to
the burial. John Hamilton receivit the key of the chalmer door again when
the dead corpse was ta’en out. On Wednesday next after the deid, Patrick
Gordon, the earl’s brother, was sitting on ane form next to that chalmer
door where that the dead corpse was bowelled; he hears ane great noise and
din in that chalmer, whether it was of speech, of graning, or rumbling, I
cannot tell. There was sixteen or twenty men in the hall with him; he gars
call for John Hamilton, and asks gif there was onybody in that chalmer;
the other said: "Nay." He bade him hearken what he heard at the door, wha
heard as he did. Then the key was brought him. He commandit John Hamilton
to gang in, wha refused; he skipped in himself; John Hamilton followed ane
step or twa, and came with speed again to the door for fear.
Patrick passed to the inner side of the chalmer, and heard the like noise
as he did when he was thereout, but yet could see nothing, for it was
even, at the wayganging of the daylight. He came back gain very affrayedly,
and out at the door, and show [ed] so mony as bidden in the hall what he
had heard, wha assayit to pass to the chalmer, to know what was there; but
naue enterit ower the threshold; all came back for fear. This pastime
lasted them more nor ane hour. Candles were brought, the chalmer vissied
[examined]; nothing there. As soon as they came to the door again, the
noise was as great as of before, the candles burning there ben [within];
they said to me that knows it, there is not sae meikle a quick thing as a
monse may enter within that chalmer, the doors and windows [being] steekit,
it is so close all abont. Judge ye how ghaists and gyrecarlins come in
among them. They were ane hour or twa at this bickering, while ane man of
the place comes in among them, and said to Patrick: "Fye, for gif he was
not tentie [careful], the bruit [report] wald pass through the country
that the Earl of Huntly had risen again." Then Patrick called them that
had heard it, and commandit that nae sic word should be spoken.’—Ban.
July 18
The work of printing the Bible, undertaken by Arbuthnot and Bassendyne in
March of the year preceding, had proved a heavier undertaking than they
expected, and had met with ‘impediments.’ They now therefore came with
their sureties before the Privy Council, and pleaded for nine months
further time to complete the work, obliging themselves, in case of
failure, to return the money which had been contributed by the various
parishes. This grace was extended to them.
On the 5th January 1576—7, the work
of the Bible was still in hand, and we have then a complaint made to the
Regent by ‘Salomon Kerknett of Magdeburg, composer of wark of the Bible,’
to the effect that Thomas Bassendyne had refused since the 23d of December
by past, to pay him the weekly wages of 49s., agreed upon between them
when he was engaged in Flanders. The Regent, finding the complaint just,
ordered Bassendyne to pay Kerknett his arrears, and continue paying him at
the same rate till the work should be finished.
Six days later, a more serious
complaint was made against Bassendyne—namely, by Alexander Arbuthnot, that
he would not deliver to Alexander, as he had contracted to do, the
printing-house and the Bible, so far as printed, ‘wherethrough the wark
lies idle, to the great hurt of the commonweal of the realm.’ The Regent,
having heard parties, and being ripely advised by the Lords of the
Council, ordered that Bassendyne should deliver the printing-house and
Bible to Alexander Arbuthnot before the end of the month.—P.C.R.
Such were the difficulties which
stood in the way of the first edition of the Bible printed in Scotland.
It was found necessary to issue an
edict to the gold-seekers in Crawford-muir, Roberton, and Henderland,
forbidding them to continue selling their gold to merchants for
exportation, but to bring all, as was legally due, to the king’s cunyie-house,
to be sold there at the accustomed prices, for the use of the state.—P.
C. R
‘The whilk summer was right guid
weather; but there was weir betwixt my Lord of Argyle and my Lord Athole,
and great spoliation made by the men of Lochaber on puir men. God see till
that.’
‘All June, July, and August right
evil weather... Nae aits shorn in Fortirgall the 23 day of September...
All October evil weather; mickle corn unshorn and unled.’—C.
F.
Nov 8
The trial of Elizabeth or Bessie Dunlop of Lyne, in Ayrshire, for the
alleged crime of witchcraft. Bessie was a married woman, apparently in
middle life, and her only offence was giving information, as from a
supernatural source, regarding articles which had been stolen, and for the
cure of diseases. ‘She herself had nae kind of art nor science sae to do;’
she obtained her information, when she required it, from ‘ane Tom Reid,
wha died at Pinkie,’ that is, at the battle fought there twenty-nine years
before. Her intercourse with a deceased person seems to have given herself
little surprise, and she spoke of it with much coolness.
Being asked, ‘what kind of man this
Tom Reid was, [she] declairit, he was ane honest, wed, elderly man,
gray-beardit, and had ane gray coat with Lombard sleeves of the auld
fashion; ane pair of gray breeks and white shanks [stockings], gartenit
aboon the knee; ane black bonnet on his head, close behind and plain
before; with silken laces drawn through the lips thereof; and ane white
wand in his hand. Being interrogat how and in what manner of place the
said Tom Reid came to her, [she] answerit, as she was ganging betwixt her
awn house and the yard of Monkcastle, driving her kye to the pasture, and
making heavy sair dule with herself, greeting very fast for her cow that
was dead, her husband and child that were lying sick in the land-ill, and
she new risen out of gissan [child-bed], the said Tom met her by the way,
halsit her [took her round the neck, saluting her], and said: "Gude day,
Bessie;" and she said: "God speed you, gudeman." "Sancta Maria," said he,
"Bessie, why makes thou sae great dule and sair greeting for ony warldly
thing ?" She answerit: "Alas, have I not cause to make great dule? for our
gear is traikit [dwindled away], and my husband is on the point of deid,
and ane baby of my awn will not live, and myself at ane weak point; have I
not gude cause, then, to have ane sair heart?" But Tom said: "Bessie, thou
hast crabbit [irritated] God, and askit something you should not have
done; and therefore I counsel thee to mend to him, for I tell thee thy
bairn shall die, and the sick cow, ere you come hame; thy twa sheep shall
die too; but thy husband shall mend, and be as haill and feir as ever he
was." And then was I something blyther, frae he tauld me that my gudernan
wald mend. Then Tom Reid went away from me in through the yard of
Monkcastle; and I thought he gaed in at ane narrower hole of the dyke nor
ony eardly man could have gane through; and sae I was something fleyit
[frightened].’
The third time that Tom and Bessie
met, ‘he appeared to her as she was ganging betwixt her awn house and the
Thorn of Damustarnock, where he tarriet ane gude while with her, and
speerit [inquired] at her, "Gif she wald not trow in him?" She said: "She
wald trow in onybody did her gude." And Tom promisit her baith gear,
horses, and kye, and other graith, gif she wald deny her christendom and
the faith she took at the font-stane. Whereunto she answerit: "That gif
she should be riven at horse-tails, she should never do that," but
promisit to be leal and true to him in ony thing she could do.
‘. . . . The feird [fourth] time, he appearit in
her awn house to her, about the 12 hour of the day, where there was
sitting three tailors and her awn gudeman . . . .
he took her apron and led her to the door with
him, and she followit, and gaed up with him to the kiln-end, where he
forbade her to speak or fear ony thing she heard or saw
. . . . when they had gane ane little piece forward,
she saw twelve persons, aucht women and four men: the men were clad in
gentlemen’s claithing, and the women had all plaids round about them, and
were very seemly-like to see. And Tom was with them. Demandit if she knew
any of them, answerit: "Nane, except Tom." Demandit what they said to her,
answerit: They bade her sit down, and said, "Welcome, Bessie; will thou go
with us?" But she answerit not, because Tom had forbidden her.
And further declairit, that she knew
not what purpose they had amongst them; only she saw their lips move; and
within a short space, they partit all away; and ane hideous ugly sough of
wind followit them; and she lay sick till Tom came back again frae them.
.. . Being demandit gif she speerit at Tom what persons they were,
answerit: "That they were the gude wights that winnit in the court of
Elfame, wha came there to desire her to go with them." And further, Tom
desirit her to do the same; wha answerit: "She saw nae profit to gang thae
kind of gaits [to go such ways], unless she keud wherefore." Tom said:
"Sees thou not me, baith meatworth, claith-worth, and gude eneuch like in
person? and [he] should make her far better nor ever she was," She
answerit: "That she dwelt with her awn husband and bairns, and could not
leave them." And sae Tom began to be very crabbit with her, and said: "Gif
sae she thought, she wald get little gude of him."
Bessie from time to time consulted
her ghostly friend about cases of sickness for which her skill was
required. ‘Tom gave out of his awn hand, ane thing like the root of ane
beet, and bade her either seethe or make ane saw [salve] of it, or else
dry it, and make powder of it, and give it to sick persons, and they
should mend She mendit John Jack’s bairn, and Wilson’s of the town, and
her gudeman’s sister’s cow The Lady Johnston, elder, sent to her ane
servant to help ane young gentlewoman, her doughter, now married on the
young Laird of Stanley, and I thereupou askit counsel of Tom. He said to
me, "that her sickness was ane cauld blude that gaed about her heart, that
causit her to dwalm [faint]" . . . .
and Tom bade her take ane part of ginger, clows, anniseeds, liquorice, and
some stark [strong] ale, and seethe them together, and share it, and put
it in ane vessel, and take ane little quantity of it in ane niutchkin can,
and some white suckar casten amang it; take and drink thereof ilk day, in
the morning; gang ane while after, before meat; and she wald be haul
Demandit what she gat for her doing, declairit "ane peck of meal and some
cheese."... Interrogate, gif she could tell of
ony thing that was away, or ony thing that was to come, [she] answerit,
that she could do naething of herself, but as Tom tauld her . . . . mony
folks in the country [came to her] to get wit of gear stolen frae them. .
The Lady Thirdpart in the barony of Renfrew sent to her and speerit at
her, wha was it that had stolen frae her twa horus of gold, and ane crown
of the sun, out of her purse? Aud after she had spoken with Tom, within
twenty days, she sent her word wha had them; and she gat them again.....
Being demandit of William Kyle, burgess in Irvine, as he was coming out of
Dumbarton, wha was the stealer of Hugh Scott’s cloak, ane burgess of the
same town? Tom answerit: That the cloak wald not be gotten, because it was
ta’en away by Mally Boyd, dweller in the same town, and was put out of the
fashion of ane cloak in [to] ane kirtle,"’ &c.
Bessie, being asked how she knew
that her visitor was Tom Reid who had died at Pinkie, answered: ‘That she
never knew him when he was in life, but that she should not doubt that it
was he bade her gang to Tom Reid his son, now officer in his place to the
Laird of Blair, and to certain others his kinsmen and friends there, whom
he named, and bade them restore certain goods and mend other offences that
they had done.... Interrogate gif Tom, at his awn hand, had sent her to
ony person to shaw them things to come, declarit that he sent her to nae
creature in middle-eard but to William Blair of the Strand, and his eldest
dochter, wha was contractit and shortly to be married with Crawford, young
Laird of Baidland, and declare unto them, "That gif she married that man
she should either die ane shameful death, slay herself or gae red-wod
[mad] ;" whereby the said marriage was stayit, and the laird foresaid
married her youngest sister.’
Bessie denied any further advances
on Tom’s part than his taking her once by the apron, and asking her to go
with him to Elfame, that is, Fairyland. He used to come chiefly to her at
noon. She had seen him walking among the people in the kirkyard of Dalry;
also once in the High Street of Edinburgh, on a market-day, where he
laughed to her. Having once ridden with her husband to Leith to bring home
meal—’ ganging afield to tether her horse at Restalrig Loch, there came
ane company of riders bye, that made sic ane din as heaven and eard had
gane together; and incontinent they rade into the loch, with mony hideous
rumble. Tom tauld it was the gude wights that were riding in middle-eard.’
Being found guilty of the sorcery
and other evil arts laid to her charge, Bessie Dunlop was consigned to the
flames.—Pit
The modern student of insanity can
have no difficulty with this case: it is simply one of hallucination, the
consequence of diseased conditions.
1576
The family of Innes of that ilk, seated in their fine old castle on the
coast of Moray, near Elgin, was one of prime importance in the country.
The present laird, Alexander, ‘though gallant, had something of
particularity in his temper, was proud and positive in his deportment, and
had his lawsuits with several of his friends; amongst the rest with Innes
of Peithock, which had brought them both to Edinburgh in the year 1576, as
I take it; where the laird having met his kinsman at the Cross, fell in
words with him for daring to give him a citation, and in choler either
stabbed the gentleman with a dagger, or pistolled him (for it is variously
reported). When he had done, his stomach would not let him fly, but he
walked up and down upon the spot, as if he had done nothing that could be
quarrelled (his friend’s life being but a thing that he could dispose of
without being bound to account for it to any other); and there stayed
until the Earl of Morton, who was Regent, sent a guard and carried him
away to the Castle.
‘When he found truly the danger of
his circumstances, and that his proud rash action behoved to cost him his
life, he was then free to redeem that at any rate; and made an agreement
for a remission with the Regent, at the price of the barony of
Kilmalemnock, which this day extends to twenty-four thousand merks rent
yearly.
‘The evening after the agreement was
made, and writ given, being merry with his friends at a collation, and
talking anent the dearness of the ransom the Regent had made him pay for
his life, he vaunted that, had he his foot once loose, he would fain see
what Earl of Morton durst come and possess his lands; which being told to
the Regent that night, he resolved to play sure game with him; and
therefore, though what he spoke was in drink, the very next day he put the
sentence in execution against him by causing his head to be struck off in
the Castle, and then possessed the estate.’—Hist.
Acc. Fam. Innes.
This is a traditionary tale, perhaps
true in the main facts; but there is reason to believe that it is to some
extent misreported. On the 8th of January 1575—6, Robert Innes, of
Innermarky, and James Adamson, burgess of Edinburgh, gave security to the
extent of a thousand pounds, that Alexander Innes of that Ilk, being
relieved from ward in Edinburgh Castle, should not go beyond the bounds of
the town.
On the 18th of February, this surety
was discharged by the Regent in council, in other that the laird might ‘do
his utter and exact diligence for apprehending of John Innes in Garmouth,
callit the Sweet Man; Thomas Innes, callit the Little; John
Adam, callit Meat
and Rest; and
John Innes, callit the Noble; and bringing them before the justice
to be punished for the slauchter of umwhile David Mawer of the Loch;’
which duty he had undertaken to perform before the 1st of August next,
under pain of a thousand pounds—P. C. R.
It is of course not impossible that
after these events the laird was treated in the manner described by the
family memoirs.
1576-7, Feb 14
The Regent, seeing the present abundance of corns in the country, and
considering how in bypast times of dearth the people of Scotland had
‘received large help and support of victuals out of the easter seas,
France, Flanders, and England,’ thought it proper that ‘the like favour
and guid neighbourheid, charity and amity, should be extendit towards the
people of the said countries in this present year, when it has pleasit God
to visie them with the like dearth and scarcity.’ This was the more
proper, in as far as ‘the farmers sould be greatly interested, gif they
were constrainit to sell their corns at the low prices now current,’
seeing that their expenses were now as great as when in other times they
were getting double prices. For these and other good reasons (whereof
probably not the least was a good douceur from a few corn-merchants, such
as Robert Gourlay), the Regent was pleased to arrange for a short
suspension of the act of parliament forbidding the export of corn out of
the country, taking on himself the power of licensing that operation to a
certain modified extent.—P. C. R.
1577
‘That April, right evil weather; and the May, mickle weet and rain; and
June, right evil, weet and wind; and the beir seed right late in all
places, while after Sanct Colm’s Day [9th June].’—C.
F
Nov 13
‘This year, in the winter, appeared a terrible comet, the stern [star,
forming the head] whereof was very great, and proceeding from it towards
the east a long tail, in appearance of an ell and a half, like to a besom
or scourge made of wands all fiery. It raise nightly in the south-west,
not above a degree and a half ascending above the horizon, and continued
about a sax weeks or twa month, and piece and piece wore away. The
greatest effects whereof that out of our country we heard, was a
great and mighty battle in Barbaria in Afrie, wherein three kings were
slain, with a huge multitude of people. And within the country the chasing
away of the Hamiltons, &c.’— Ja. Mel.
The notices of comets given by our
old historical writers and diarists have no scientific value. They are
only worthy of notice, as shewing the views entertained regarding comets
by early and unenlightened age. ‘the real nature of these strangers of the
sky is not yet ascertained; but we have at least come to know some of the
laws by which they are governed; above all, we know the great fact, that
they are obedient to law. To our ancestors, they appeared in a very
different light—as menacing messengers, sent for special reasons,
‘importing change of times and states.’ Some of the views expressed
regarding them are sufficiently remarkable to be worthy of preservation.
The comet of 1577 was a very noted
one, seen over Europe and Asia, also in Peru, and well observed by Tycho
Brahé. Its tail, according to the description of the Danish astronomer,
extended over 22 degrees. Such was the real space described by James
Melville as an ell and a half! This comet passed its perihelion on the
26th of October in the year mentioned, and was visible, as we see, for a
considerable portion of the winter. The date here given for its first
appearance in Scotland is from the Aberdeen
Chronicle.
The most noted comet at this time
recent, was one called in Scotland the Fiery Besorn, which has been
set down at various dates by English and Scottish historians, but was
undoubtedly identical with that so well known in the history of astronomy
as having appeared in 1556. John Knox tells us that it presented itself
during the winter which he spent in Scotland before his last return to
France—a time when the doctrines of the Reformation stood in the most
perilous circumstances in both England and Scotland, and men’s minds were
consequently in a state of great excitement. Sir James Balfour speaks of
it as having portended change not only in government, but in religion, and
Knox takes care to note—’ Soon after, Christian, king of Denmark,
died, and war raise betwixt Scotland and England, &c.’ Modern astronomers
believe this comet to be the same with one which alarmed Europe in 1264,
and Professor Hind is predicting that it must speedily revisit our skies,
at the very time when these sheets are passing through the press. It is a
curious consideration, that a heavenly body which left the confines of our
sphere on its stated journey when Cranmer stood at the stake in Oxford,
should next come amongst us when we are busy with such an affair (for
example) as the laying of the electric telegraph across the Atlantic.
Dec 18
The Lord Somerville had often importuned the Lords of Session for a
hearing in the Inner House [of a cause respecting lands, in which he was
engaged against his relation, Somerville of Cambusnethan], but was still
postponed by the moyen [means] and interest of the Laird of Cambnsnethan
and the Lady. At length he was advised to use this policy, by one who knew
the temper and avarice of Morton, then Regent. This gentleman’s advice
was, that the Lord Somerville should have his advocates in readiness, and
his process in form, against the next day; timely in the morning, that he
might not be prevented by other solicitors, he should wait upon the Regent
in his own bed-chamber, and inform him that his business was already fully
debated and concluded; that only Cambusnethan had given in a petition of
new, craving that his business might be heard again in presentid,
before their decerniture, which hitherto, notwithstanding of his bill, he
had hindered himself; therefore his desire should be that his royal
highness’ should be pleased to call his action against Cambusnethan, that
so long had been depending before them. And, whatever answer he should
receive from the Regent, he desired my Lord Somerville not to be much
concerned; but upon his taking leave, he should draw out his purse, and
make as though he intended to give the waiting-servants some money, and
thereupon slip down his purse with the gold therein, upon the table, and
thereafter make quickly down stairs, without taking notice of any cry that
might come after him. The Lord Somerville punctually obeyed this
gentleman’s direction and advice in all points; for, having advised his
business the night before with his advocates, and commanded his agents to
have all his papers together against the morrow, for he hoped to bring his
business to a close, being prepared, timely the next morning with his
principal advocate he was with the Regent, and informed him fully of his
affair; he gave a sign to his advocate to remove, as though he had
something to speak to the Regent in private; when he observed his advocate
to be gone, he takes his leave of the Regent, there being by good-fortune
none in the room but themselves, two of the Regent’s pages, and the
door-keeper within. It being the custom for noblemen and gentlemen at that
time always to keep their money in purses, this the Lord Somerville draws
out, as it were to take but a piece of money to give to the door-keeper,
and leaves it negligently upon the table. He went quickly down stairs, and
took no notice of the Regent’s still crying after him:
"My lord, yon have forgot your
purse," but went on still, until he came the length of the outer porch,
now the Duke of Hamilton’s lodging, when a gentleman that attended the
Regent came up, and told him that it was the Regent’s earnest desire that
his lordship would be pleased to return and breakfast with him; which
accordingly the Lord Somerville did, knowing weel that his project had
taken effect.
‘About ten o’clock, the Regent went
to the house, which was the same which is now the Tolbooth Church, in
coach. There was none with him but the Lord Boyd and the Lord Somerville.
This was the second coach that came to Scotland, the first being brought
by Alexander Lord Seaton, when Queen Mary came from France. Cambusnethan,
by accident, as the coach passed, was standing at Niddry’s Wynd head, and
having inquired who was in it with the Regent, he was answered: "None but
the Lord Somerville and the Lord Boyd;" upon which he struck his breast,
and said: "This day my cause is lost;" and indeed it proved so; for about
eleven hours, the 18th day of December 1577, this action was called and
debated until twelve most contentiously by the advocates upon both sides
After the debate was closed, the interlocutor passed in my Lord
Somerville’s favours. Thus ended that expensive plea betwixt the houses of
Cowthally and Cambusnethan, after seven or eight years’ debate, and these
lands of Lothian [Drum, Gilmerton, and Goodtrees] returned again to the
Lords Somerville when they had been fourscore years complete in the
possession of the family of Cambusnethan.’ M. of S.
Although this story was transcribed
from family tradition a century after the alleged occurrence, there is too
much reason in the monstrous avarice of Morton to believe it near the
truth.
The commencement of the lawsuit
between Lord Somerville and his cousin forms an equally curious tale. The
Laird of Cambusnethan had a second wife, exceedingly ambitious of the
advancement of her own children. First and second alike had been
favourites of King James V., and women of great beauty. To promote a match
for her son with Lord Somerville’s second daughter, Lady Cambusnethan
brought a package of family papers to Cowthally, intending to shew that
the young man would inherit a large portion of his father’s
property.....namely the Mid-Lothian estates. It happened that Mr John
Maitland, younger brother of Secretary Lethington was then living in
retirement with his kinsman, Lord Somerville; and, the papers being put
into his hands, he soon discovered that the lands destined for the young
man were recoverable by his lordship. He took a duplicate of one important
document, and then the whole were returned to Lady Cambusnethan, who by
and by took her leave with a fair answer from Lord Somerville, though in
reality he only felt disgust at a proposal which aimed at a severe injury
to the heir of her husband’s house.
Lord Somerville and Maitland took
the pleasure of hunting that afternoon. ‘During their sport, Mr Maitland
takes occasion to inquire at his cousin, if his lordship’s predecessors
had ever any interest in Mid-Lothian, and if he knew how they parted with
the same. He answered they had; and to the best of his knowledge, the
house of Cambusnethan had these among many other lands they received from
his great-grandfather, Lord John, who, upon the account of his son of the
second marriage, went near to have ruined his family, by reason of the
great fortune he left to the son of that marriage. By this answer, Mr
Maitland understood that his cousin Lord James was altogether ignorant of
the way and manner of the conveyance of Drum, Gilmerton, and Goodtrees
from his family to that of Cambusnethan, and therefore, in a drolling way,
he asked his cousin what he would bestow upon that person that should put
him in a way to recover these lands. My Lord, smiling, said: "Cousin, the
bargain should soon be made, if once I saw the man that made the oiler."
Whereupon Mr Maitland pulling out the paper, which was the double of King
James the Fourth’s gift, delivers it to my lord, saying: "There it is that
will effectuate and do that business; and seeing I am the man that has
made the discovery, I crave no more but your lordship’s white gelding."
Hearing this discourse, and having read the note, Lord Somerville
immediately lights from his horse, and taking his consin all in his
arms—"Here is not only my gelding, but take this, which in these
troublesome times I have still kept upon me, not knowing what might
befall, having, as was my duty, sided and taken part with that just
interest of my princes which has had but bad success in the world." That
which the Lord Somerville gave with the gelding to his cousin was a purse
sewed by his mother, Dame Janet Maitland, with silk and silver, containing
twenty old pieces of gold; and, indeed, it could not be better bestowed
than upon her nephew, a brave gentleman, whose great abilities and
personal worth afterward brought him to be the principal officer of state
in Scotland.’
The crop of this year must have
failed to a lamentable extent, as, immediately after harvest, we hear of
‘exorbitant dearth of victual and penury thereof,’ and the ensuing year
was, according to a contemporary diarist, marked by ‘ane great dearth of
all kinds of victuals, through all Scotland, that the like was not seen in
man’s days afore! According to the latter authority, ‘the meal was sauld
for sax shillings the peck, the ale for tenpence the pint, the wine for
the best cheap forty pence the pint; fish and flesh was scant and dear.’—Aber.
Chron.
In November 1577 two boat-loads of
beir were about to sail from Aberdeen harbour for Leith, when the
town-council arrested them, and ordained the victual to be sold to the
inhabitants of Aberdeen at ‘competent prices.’
According to the usual policy in
such cases, the government (April 14, 1578) issued a proclamation
commanding the possessors of grain to thrash it out before the 10th of
June, under pain of escheating, and that no person should keep more
victual than was sufficient to serve him and his family a quarter of a
year, the rest to be brought to the market within twenty days. It was also
ordered, that no grain should be taken forth of the kingdom, but
‘strangers bringing in victual should be favourably enterteened and
thankfully paid.’—Cal. This proclamation, being entirely accordant
with the prejudices of the masses, was ‘mickle commendit.’—Moy.
Following the usual rule, the
scarcity of 1577 was attended by an epidemic disease. At least, so we
think may be inferred from an entry in Marjorebanks’s Annals, under
1580:
‘There was twa years before this
time ane great universal sickness through the maist part of Scotland:
uncertain what sickness it was, for the doctors could not tell, for there
was no remede for it; and the commons called it
Cowdothe.’
1578, Mar 17
There was an ancient feud between the families of Glammis and Crawford,
but as the present lords were on the same side in politics, it was felt by
both as inexpedient that any hostility should take place between them.
Moreover, it would have been highly indecent of Lord Glammis, who was
chancellor of the kingdom, to allow any demonstration of rancour to come
from his side. Neverthless, a fatal collision took place between these two
nobles.
About the dusk of a spring day, Lord
Glammis was coming down from Stirling Castle to his own house in the town,
attended as usual by some of his friends and followers, when, in a narrow
lane, he encountered the Earl of Crawford similarly attended. The two
nobles bade their respective followers give way to the other; and the
order was obeyed by all except the two last, who either wilfully or by
accident jostled each other, and then immediately drew their swords and
fell a-fighting. A skirmish then took place between the two parties, in
the course of which Lord Glammis, whose stature made him overtop the
company, was shot through the head with a pistol, and many were hurt on
both sides.
‘Lord Glammis was a learned, godly,
and wise man. He sent to Beza when the work of policy was in hands, and
craved his judgment in some questions of policy; whereupon Beza wrote the
book De Triplici Episopatu, Of the threefold bishopric, divine,
human, and devilish, and his answers to his questions. Mr Andrew Melville
made this epigram upon him after his death:
Ta Leo magne jaces inglorius:
ergo, manebunt
Qualia fata canes? qualia fata sues?
Since lowly lies thou, noble
lyon fine,
What sail betide, behind? the dogs and swine ?
—Cal.
The respective friends of Glammis
and Crawford fell into active hostilities after this event, and Crawford
was seized and thrown into prison. Being really free from blame, and
befriended by many of the nobility, he was soon liberated, to the great
joy of his own people. The general joy diffused by this event exasperated
Thomas Lyon, a nephew of the deceased chancellor, insomuch that ‘Crawford
all his life was glad to stand in a soldier’s posture.’—Jo.
Hist.
Godscroft relates that the slaughter
of Lord Glammis, which was committed at five in the afternoon in Stirling,
was ‘reported punctually and perfectly in Edinburgh at six, being
twenty-four [Scotch] miles distant.’ He perhaps means to insinuate that
the deed was premeditated. Under November 1585 will be found another
instance of miraculous-looking quickness in the communication of
intelligence.
1578, June 13
A Band of Friendship—a sort of modification of the old bonds of
manred—was formed by the Earl of Eglintoun, the Earl of Glencairn, Lord
Boyd, the respective eldest sons of these nobles, Sir Matthew Campbell of
Loudon, and Wallace of Craigie, for the repressing of diverse troubles in
the country, and with a view to their greater efficiency in the king’s
service. They bound themselves, upon their faith and honours, ‘the holy
evangel touched, to tak true, faithful, plain, and aefald part all
together, as wed by way of law as deed, pursuit as defence in all actions,
causes, quarrels, controversies, and debates, movit or to be movit by or
against us... against whatsomever person or persons, the king’s majesty
alane excepted.’ It was also concluded ‘that all castles, houses,
strengths perteining to us sall be ready and patent to ilk ane of us, as
the occasion may require.’ Then came a remarkable clause—’ Gif it sall
happen, as God forbid, ony different, slaughter, bluid, or other
inconvenient, to fail out amangs us, our friends, servants, or dependers,
the same, of whatsomever wecht or quality it sall be of, sall be remitted
to the decision and judgment of the remanent of us, wha sall have power to
judge and decern thereintill, whase sentence and decreet baith the parties
sall bide at, fulfil, and observe without reclamation, and sall be as
valid and effectual in all respects, and have as full execution, as the
same had been given and pronounced after cognition in the cause, by the
Lords of Session, Justice-general of Scotland, or ony other judge ordinar
within this realm.’
In the parliament held at this time,
Lord Home was restored from the forfeiture passed against his father in
consequence of his adherence to the queen’s party. David Home of Godscroft
represents this as being mainly brought about by the intervention of Sir
George Home of Wedderburn with the Earl of Morton; and according to
Godscroft’s narration, it was against the will and judgment of Morton that
Wedderburn’s end was gained. The affair stands out in strong illustration
of the principle of clanship and kindred as affecting even Lowland bosoms
in that age. Morton freely told Wedderburn that ‘he thought it not his
best course; "For," said he, "you never got any good of that house, and if
it were once taken out of the way, you are next— and it may be you will
get small thanks for your pains."
‘Sir George answered, that "the Lord
Home was his chief, and he could not see his house ruined. If they
were unkind, that would be their own fault. This he thought himself bound
to do. And, for his own part, whatsoever their carriage were to him, he
would do his duty to them. If his chief
should turn him out at the fore door, he would come in again at the back
door." "Well," says Morton, "if you be so
minded, it shall be so. I can do no more but tell you my opinion." And so
[he] consented to do it.’
Sir George Home of Wedderburn was
son and succcssor of the Merse gentleman described under 1574, and a
sketch of him, drawn by the perhaps partial hand of his brother, David of
Godscroft, is well worthy of preservation. He was now twenty-eight years
of age; he had been trained to pious habits by his parents, and completed
his education at the Regent’s court, in company with the young Earl of
Angus. He knew Latin and French thoroughly, had studied logic; and
acquired such an extensive knowledge of geography, that, ‘though he had
never been out of his own country, he could dispute with any one who had
travelled in France or elsewhere. He learned the use of the triangle in
measuring heights, without any teaching, or ever having read of it; so
that he may be said to have invented it.
‘He was diligent in reading the
sacred Scriptures, and not to little purpose. He was assiduous in settling
controverted points, and at table, or over a bottle, he either asked other
people’s opinions, or freely gave his own. He did read a great deal when
his public and private business allowed him. He likewise wrote meditations
upon the Revelations, the soul, love of God, &c. He also gave some
application to law, and even to physic... As to his body, he was
well-proportioned; his countenance was lovely and modest, and his limbs
handsome and of great strength. He was polite and unaffected in his
manners. He sung after the manner of the court. He likewise sang Psaltery
to his own playing on the harp. He also sometimes danced. He was very keen
for hare-hunting, and delighted much in hawks, particularly that kind that
have a small body and large wings, called marlins. With these he
caught both partridges and muirfowl. He was so much given to diversion
that he built a hunting-house, which he called Handaxewood, in the
hills of Lammermuir, in which he might divert himself in the night-time.
He first delighted most in those hawks called falcons; but,
wearying of them, he took to the other kind, called tercels, which
he used even in his old age.
‘He rode skilfully, and sometimes
applied himself to the breaking of the fiercest horses. He was skilful in
the bow beyond most men of his time. He was able to endure cold, hunger,
thirst, fatigue, and watching.... He was moderate both in his eating and
drinking which was in those days scarce any praise, temperance i~
being then frequent, though it is now very rare.’
Being, while at court in his youth,
stinted of money by a stepmother, he had to avoid cards and dice, and
restrict himself to tennis. He was forced by the same cause to restrain
the affection he began to feel for the sister of Angus, who, by and by,
was married to Lord Maxwell, ‘not at all agreeable to her own inclinatio ,
but by the express command of the Regent, who would not neglect this
opportunity.’ Having succeeded to his estate, ‘his first care was to
restore his family to its ancient splendour and fulness, from which it had
fallen by the sordidness of his stepmother. Therefore he always went with
a great number of attendants, kept a great family, about eighteen
horsemen, each of whom had two horses. He was likewise attended by his
vassals in Kimmerghame, which was a village at no great distance. They
were about twelve in number, and had generally been made use of by his
predecessors in services of this kind. They never took greater care of
their fields than of their horse; and never ceased accustoming and
perfecting themselves in the use of arms. They seldom employed themselves
in the country work, and never made use of their horses for that purpose,
and they were so swift and beautiful that they might even have contended
with those of their master’s domestics. They were always ready at command
on every emergency to be led or sent where he pleased. Thus, he was always
guarded with twenty or thirty horsemen, all brave and warlike, in order
that he might be more respected. Nor was he mistaken in his opinion; it
procured him such great fame and authority both with his friends and
others, it so much checked his rival; that they all yielded to him in the
beginning, nor ever dared to oppose any of his attempts.
‘Nor did he acquire less glory in
the care he took of his sisters, which was crowned with success. The
remembrance of the best of mothers, their own goodness and beauty,
procured them his love. Chance assisted the care he had, advantageously to
dispose of Isobel, the eldest. John Haldane of Gleneagle; who having come
to the Earl of Morton, who was then governor, to transact and agree with
him about the ward and marriage of his land; Morton answered he had given
all right he had to it to Isobel, Wedderburn's sister, and he might go and
take her and it together. There were, along with Haldane, his uncles,
Richard and Robert, and David Erskine, abbot of Dryburgh. They, without
delay, come to Wedderhurn, where they see, converse with, and please the
young lady, who had before been known to them by report only; they treat
and agree with the brother, and the marriage-day is set. He had resolved
that she should be dismissed as honourably as possible. For that purpose,
there was a most splendid apparatus and entertainment, which was made up
by the bride’s direction, and it greatly added to the fame of her
prudence, as few had ever seen so grand and genteel a marriage-feast, and
all who were present never failed to give it the greatest commendations.’
Sept 11
An attempt was made by proclamation to raise the value of the coin,
thirty-shilling pieces being ordained to pass for 32s 8d., and twenty,
ten, and five shilling pieces in proportion, refusal of the coin at the
exalted rates being threatened with capital punishment. ‘This was
altogether mislikit by the common people, and specially by the inhabitants
of Edinburgh.’—.Moy.
1579, Feb 21
‘The whilk day, the lords of secret council has thought meet and expedient
that the king’s majesty sould not write to the lords of his hienes’
council and session, in furtherance or hindrance of ony particular
persons’ actions and causes in time coming, but suffer them to proceed and
do justice in all actions privilegit to be decidit by them, as they sall
answer to God and his hienes thereupon.’—P.
C. R.
James was now twelve and a half
years old, but nominally in possession of the government. We see that his
influence was already sought by individuals, to affect the course of the
chief civil tribunal of the country. It will appear a characteristic
circumstance, and there are many others to corroborate its general
purport. Yet it is but right to remark, as the general impression produced
by a perusal of the Privy Council Record, that the decisions given there
on matters of right between individuals are, on the whole, marked by an
appearance of fairness and impartiality. Oppression from high quarters is
frequently denounced; and there are numberless instances of a humane and
forbearing spirit towards poor and unfortunate people.
‘The magistrates of [Glasgow], by
the earnest dealing of Mr Andrew Melville and other ministers, had
condescended to demolish the cathedral, and build with the materials
thereof some little churches in other parts, for the ease of the citizens.
Divers reasons were given for it—such as, the resort of superstitions
people to do their devotion in that place; the huge vastness of the
church, and that the voice of a preacher could not be heard by the
multitudes that convened to sermon; the more commodious service of the
people; and the removing of that idolatrous monument (so they called it)
which was of all the cathedrals in the country only left unruined, and in
a possibility to be repaired. To do this work, a number of quarriers,
masons, and other workmen, was conduced, and the day assigned when it
should take beginning. Intimation being made thereof, and the workmen by
sound of a drum warned to go unto their work, the crafts of the city in a
tumult took arms, swearing with many oaths, that he who did cast down the
first stone should be buried under it. Neither could they be pacified till
the workmen were discharged by the magistrates. A complaint was hereupon
made, and the principals cited before the council for insurrection: where
the king, not as then thirteen years of age, taking the protection of the
crafts, did allow [sanction] the opposition they had made, and inhibited
the ministers (for they were the complainers) to meddle any more in that
business, saying, "That too many churches had already been destroyed, and
that he would not tolerate more abuses in that kind."
‘—Spot.
Apr
John Stewart, Earl of Athole, was one of the more respectable of the
Scottish nobility of this age. To Queen Mary—whom he had entertained at a
hunt in Glen Tilt in 1564—he proved a faithful friend, till her fatal
marriage with Bothwell, when, although a Catholic, he joined those who
crowned her son as king. During the regencies, he lived in dignified
retirement, till called upon to make an effort to rescue the young king
from the thraldom in which he was held by Morton. A temporary fall of
Morton in 1577 left Athole chancellor of the kingdom.
He now came to Stirling, to assist
in accommodating some quarrels of the friends of the Mar family regarding
the custody of the young king and the government of Stirling Castle.
‘Matters being seemingly adjusted, the old Countess of Mar, or the Earl of
Morton, in her name, invited the chancellor to an entertainment. While
they were drinking hard, somebody conveyed a deadly poison into the
chancellor’s glass.’ April 16th, ‘the chancellor passed forth of Stirling
to Kincardine, very sick and ill at ease, and upon the 24th day deceased
there.’ His friends, thinking he had got foul play, sent to Edinburgh for
surgeons to open the body; and though these men of skill declared upon
oath that they found no trace of poison or mark of violence done to the
deceased, the widow and eldest son entered a protest that this should not
prejudge the criminal process which they intended before the
Justice-general. ‘Some blamed the old Countess of Mar for it; others
suspected the Earl of Morton at the bottom of it.’ Both suspicions were
probably groundless; it may even be doubted if the earl was poisoned at
all. When under sentence of death some years after, Morton solemnly denied
the crime imputed to him, and said in no circumstances would he have
injured a hair of Athole’s head.
‘Upon the sevent of July, the corpse
of the Earl of Athole being convoyit to Dunblane, was carried forth
thereof the direct way to Dunfermline, where they remained that night.
Upon the morn, they passed forth to Edinburgh, where a great number of
friends were convenit to the burial. Upon the tenth day, [the body of the
earl] was hononrably convoyit with his friends from Haliroodhouse to St
Giles’ Kirk, where he was buried on the east side of the altar on the
south side of the church.’ Owing to the general belief as to the mode of
the earl’s death, his funeral brought forth strong marks of public
feeling. It appears that, before it took place, there was a rumour that
the relatives of the deceased designed that it should be attended with
sundry superstitious rites, as ‘a white cross in the mortclaith,
lang gowns with stroups, and torches.’ A deputation from the General
Assembly came to inquire, and were asked to satisfy themselves by
inspecting the preparations. ‘The kirk thought the cross and the stroups
superstitious and ethnic-like, and desirit them to remove the same! It was
accordingly arranged to cover the cross with black velvet and to remove
the stroups.—B. U. K
May
There was at this time a collection of money in Aberdeen and other parts
of Scotland, for the support and relief of the ‘Scottismen prisoners in
Argier in Affrik, and other parts within the Turk's bounds.’ One Andro
Cook engaged himself to dispose of this money as intended, and to deliver
the surplus, ‘gif ony,’ to the royal treasurer, to be used as his majesty
might think fit.—Ab. C. R., P. C. R.
This collection did not go on
briskly, or come to any important effect. On the 26th of October 1583,
nothing had been done beyond the collecting of £562, exclusive of what had
been bestowed in expenses. Cook was dead, but his son had this sum in his
hands, and was desirous of rendering it up under proper authority. It was
found, however that the unhappy captives at Algiers were removed from all
earthly hardships, so that it was desirable to devote the money to some
other object. By the king it was ordained in council that the sum resting
with Cook’s son should be paid to the procurators of David Hume, shipper
in Leith, who was now lying captive at Bordeaux.
Aug 12
‘Twa poets of Edinburgh, remarking some of his [the Earl of Morton’s]
sinistrons dealing, did publish the same to the people by a famous libel
written against him; and Morton, hearing of this, causit the men to be
brought to Stirling, where they were convict for slandering ane of the
king’s councillors, and were there baith hangit. The names of the men were
William Turnbull, school-master in Edinburgh, and William Scott, notar.
They were baith weel beloved of the common people for their common
offices.’—H. K. J.
‘Which was thought a precedent, never one being hanged
for the like before; and in the meantime, at the scattering of the people,
there were ten or twelve despiteful letters and infamous libels in prose,
found, as if they had been lost among the people, tending to the reproach
of the Earl of Morton and his predecessors.’—Moy.
R.
At the fall of Morton, less than two
years after, when he was taken prisoner and conducted to Edinburgh
Castle—’as he passed the Butter Tron, a woman who had her husband put to
death at Stirling for a ballad entitled Daff and dow nothing,
sitting down on her bare knees, poured out many imprecations upon him.’—Cal.
Aug 17
During the night following this day, ‘there blew sic ane tempest at the
herring drave of Dunbar, that threescore fisher-boats and three hundred
men perished.’ —Moy. |