The most notable work of Mr Duncan's life and the one with which his
name will ever be honourably associated, and which will give him an
assured place among the benefactors of mankind, was the "System of
Savings Banks"—of which he was the founder. Always keenly interested in
the conditions of the poor, he was, as we have seen, very much averse to
the poor laws. While studying this all-important subject, he came across
a paper called Tranquillity by Mr John Bone, dealing with the very
subject he was so much interested in, viz., a plan for gradually
abolishing the poor rates in England, and a theoretical scheme for
establishing a bank for the savings of the industrious. The germ of the
idea which he afterwards successfully developed, was contained in this
publication. It was of too visionary and unpractical a nature in its
present form, but he felt, when he had separated the real from the
ideal, that upon the substance remaining he could build up a practical
scheme for encouraging the working classes to provide for their old age
or for the proverbial rainy day. His maxim was to help the people to
help themselves ; and not merely to relieve poverty, but to cure
pauperism; or, to quote the excellent words of Dr Chalmers : "If you
confine yourself to the relief of poverty, you do little. Dry up, if
possible, the springs of poverty, for every attempt to stem the running
stream has signally failed."
It was with this end in view that he
carefully drew out his plans. He published a pamphlet to call attention
to the subject and to get the necessary support "so as to render the
measure he contemplated suitable not for one locality only, but for his
country and the world." Mr Duncan at first met with little response. He
was but too well aware of the difficulties and prejudices he would have
to contend with in dealing with an untried scheme. There were numerous
pessimists ready to quench the impulse and doom it to failure before it
had reached the initial stage, and there was no resident heritor to give
it the light of his countenance ; there were no rich people to come
forward and support it, and there were not many even of the well-to-do
among his parishioners. As for the poor, many of them already belonged
to Friendly Societies, and, as it was, found difficulty in keeping up
their payments. Not the least of his difficulties were' the suspicions
and prejudices of the lower classes where money was concerned. Their
reluctance to trust it to anyone else's keeping is told in the following
words of his own: " Nor were there wanting surmises that the author of
the scheme might himself have some private end to serve in taking
possession of their savings." And this prejudice was overcome by means
of a box provided with three different locks which could only be opened
in the presence of three persons. [Mr Scott, of Inverness, whose
grandfather was schoolmaster at Ruthwell for nearly forty years, has in
his possession the original Savings Bank Box, and has kindly allowed me
to reproduce it. It is painted green, and h»s in black letters on the
lid, "Ruthwell Parish Bank" In his own account of the box he says, "...
if my memory serves me right, my father told me the minister and each
elder had the key of a lock, so that it could not be opened unless the
three were present."] Even under the most favourable auspices an
institution such as he hoped to
found must have endless difficulties to contend with, but he went on and
on, writing, talking, hoping. Though at first somewhat depressed by the
results, by sheer force of work, and his own passionate belief in the
scheme, he pushed it through. To begin with, he had great confidence
that the common-sense of his own parishioners would, in the long run,
prevail, and he felt sure he could in time win them over to see the
necessity of economy and thrift. The foundations of the little bank he
proposed starting must be built on solid rocks; there must be no sandy
foundations to give way and shake the timid confidence of those who
first entrusted their money to its keeping. A stocking, a chink in the
wall, or a loose board in the floor were in those days the only way of
keeping surplus money for the lower classes, as the public banks did not
take less than £10, and the want of a safe place to keep small amounts
often prevented people from attempting to preserve them. Poor people
were in danger of being robbed of their little treasure, dearly
accumulated by much self-sacrifice and denial. The presence of the
tempting nest egg was too often known to others; in that case it was
difficult to avoid lending it, perhaps for a too .trivial reason. The
hearts of the poor are very easily touched by the troubles of others.
The temptation to break into it was more than human nature could
withstand ; they would dive into it, and once that had been done it was
so easy to dive again. But directly the money was safely in the keeping
of the Savings Banks, Mr Duncan knew that they would hesitate to break
into their little store unless for some definite or urgent reason. He
says: "If any method then could be devised for giving to the honest and
successful labourer or artisan a place of security, free of expense, for
that part of his gains which the immediate wants of his family do not
require, with tht power to reclaim all, or part of it, at pleasure, it
would be a most desirable thing even if no interest should be received."
Ruthwell was a very poor parish and seemed a peculiarly unsuitable place
for any experiment of the kind. A trial looked as if it must fail. His
cherished enterprise, however, so carefully worked out with such endless
and dogged perseverance, met with extraordinary success. The first year,
1810, the deposits amounted to £151, followed by £176 in the second
year, £241 in the third, and progress now being made by leaps and
bounds, in the fourth year the money deposited was £922. Remarkable
figures and far beyond his most sanguine expectations. Mr Lewin, in his
work on Savings Banks, says : " The fact that an institution of the kind
contemplated could possibly be carried out by a single individual,
however benevolently disposed, is evidence enough of that person's
sagacity and perseverance . . .; " and the Quarterly Review of 1816
says, some years after the founding of the Ruthwell Bank, "Justice leads
us to say that we have seldom heard of a private. individual in a
retired sphere, with numerous avocations and a narrow income, who has
sacrificed so much ease, expense, and time for an object purely
disinterested, as Mr Duncan has done." Mr Duncan carried his point;
Savings Banks were an established fact. His real work began. His
correspondence increased day by day—letters poured in by every post from
town, country, and continent asking for information. The interest taken
in his new scheme was most gratifying, it stimulated him to still
further work. Fortunately for the future success of the new undertaking
he was a remarkable letter-writer, and this laborious occupation never
seemed to tire him. He was always an early riser, and would himself
kindle his fire in the morning and devote himself to long hours of
steady work before the rest of the world was awake. To inspire
confidence in his parishioners he became himself the actuary. They felt
then their money was in his personal keeping. The expenses of stamps,
etc., were borne by him, and his biographer says that " he spent,
notwithstanding the franking privileges of the day, nearly £100 a year
on furthering the cause." Early in 1814 he published his essay on
Savings Banks, which rapidly went into several editions. The following
year an enlarged edition was published. Edinburgh, Kelso, Hawick quickly
followed the Ruth well example, and in the South similar establishments
were founded at Liverpool, Manchester, Exeter, Southampton, Bristol, and
Carlisle. In Ruthwell the small white - washed cottage is still
standing that gave birth to the great movement. It in no way differs
from its fellows, and stands side by side with them in the quiet village
street; but once the threshold is passed you find yourself
in one long
low room with wooden forms around the walls; the door is in the centre
and on either side arc two small windows. Imagine the Httle cottage as I
saw it on a dazzling day in June. The shutters were up and the small
building looked much as if it were taking an afternoon siesta, so lazy
and idle it seemed compared to the other cottages which showed signs of
life, the faint blue of the smoke from the chimneys, the voices of
children and the perfume of flowers. The sun was full upon it, and the
sight of the humble little institution, where the depositors first
brought their hard-earned savings, made one reflect on how small
beginnings may end in great and noble things. For it was here, a hundred
years ago now, that the impetus was first given to what is now a great
movement; it was here in this little wayside cottage that it sprang into
healthy active life, putting out roots and fibres that have since
grafted themselves on to every country in the civilised world.
It was not till some years after the founding of the
parish bank at Ruthwell that Savings Banks were put under Government
protection. They were simply voluntary associations, protected by
private individuals, generally benevolent people of note in their
respective neighbourhoods. The first Act was passed in 1817. Up to that
date the only guarantee that the poor had that their savings were in
safe keeping was the honesty and integrity of the Trustees, and in that
their confidence had never been misplaced. The Ruthwell Bank was, as far
as possible, in the absence of a special Act of Parliament, under the
protection of the Friendly Societies Act, but "the Father of Savings
Banks," as Mr Duncan was frequently called in the House of Commons, was
not satisfied with this state of matters. He took legal advice, from
which it appeared that the protection afforded by the Act was doubtful,
and that a plea founded on its terms might be ruled out as irrelevant if
used in connexion with Savings Bank questions in a court of law. He
therefore wrote to Sir W. R. Douglas, member for the Dumfries Burghs, on
the subject of an Act to deal specially with the matter. He was,
however, anticipated by Mr Rose, so well known as a keen observer and
student of the poor laws, who only a few weeks later introduced the bill
of 1817.
There were clauses in the measure which, for technical
reasons unnecessary to go into here, were found to be quite unsuitable
for Scotland. Mr Duncan, therefore, resisted the extension of the
English Bill to Scotland, and fought an active campaign against it. In a
large measure owing to his attitude the Bill was only passed for England
and Ireland. It was another proof of his sagacity that Mr Douglas, M.P.
for Dumfries, asked Mr Duncan to prepare the draft of a Bill adapted to
Scottish Savings Banks, and to transmit the same to every Savings Bank
in Scotland. Here, again, he was met with opposition, for the Edinburgh
Bank sternly turned its face against the measure and deprecated the idea
of Government interference as injurious to these establishments. So
powerful, indeed, was the influence directed against the Bill that it
seemed problematical whether it would ever have a chance of passing into
law. Opposition, however, only whetted Mr Duncan's enthusiasm. He
managed to get active support from most of the other Scottish Banks, and
Glasgow fortunately supported him. The difference of opinion between the
Edinburgh Bank and Mr Duncan was at its height in 1819. Edinburgh
published a report protesting against State interference ; this was
followed by a very able letter from Mr Duncan to Mr Douglas, M.P., on
the expediency of the Bill, which was published and freely circulated.
The Christian Instructor for March 1819 alludes to the controversy as
follows: "All their objections (meaning the Edinburgh ones) he has
refuted in the most complete and satisfactory manner, and offered such a
full vindication of the measure towards which their hostility has been
so industriously and powerfully directed as must remove every doubt
which that hostility has excited in the public mind. . . ."
But there was also another and far more dangerous
opponent—Cobbett. Cobbett was born in 1762 and was the son of a small
farmer. The first part of his life was spent in agricultural pursuits.
He came up to London in 1783 and entered a lawyer's office, but shortly
afterwards enlisted in the Fifty-fourth Foot. At the dep6t at Chatham,
he had time to educate himself, and he made the most of his time,
rapidly developing a great taste for study. He attained the rank of
sergeant-major, and what was more remarkable still he contrived to save
not less, probably a good deal more, than £150. Yet this son of the
people, the man who had largely educated himself and owed so much of his
future advancement in life to his own thrifty habits, was a bitter
opponent of the State protection of Savings Banks! His celebrated paper,
the Political Register, was the first cheap newspaper. In 1816 Cobbett
had suddenly reduced the price from one shilling and a halfpenny to
twopence. The, effect was instantaneous; the lower classes had now, for
the first time, within their reach a paper conducted by a man of the
people. By this act Cobbett increased the power of the Press threefold,
and the opinions of his paper were received with enthusiasm. In 1817 he
bitterly criticised Mr Rose's Bill, alluding to it as "the Savings Bank
Bubble," and later on as "the most ridiculous project that ever entered
into the mind of man."
But it was in January 1819, in his letter in the same
paper to Mr Jack Harrow on the new cheat, which is now on foot, and
which goes under the name of Savings Bank," that he surpassed himself in
virulence of language. He managed in the most ingenious way to bring
forward his arguments against the scheme. He was a persistent opponent
of the National Debt, which he maintained was a contrivance of the rich
for imposing further burdens on the poor. He speaks of it as "the great
fraud, the cheat of all cheats," and goes on to tell Jack what an
imposture it is, and how shamefully the people have been taxed to pay
the interest upon it. I must quote his own words as they are of great
interest. Speaking of the Borough-mongers as he calls the " Lords,
Baronets, and Esquires," he says that they knew how necessary it was
that a great many rich people should uphold the system. " They,
therefore, passed a law to enable themselves to borrow money of rich
people and, by the same law, they imposed it on the people at large to
pay, for ever, the interest of the money so by them borrowed. The money
thus borrowed they spent in wars, or divided amongst themselves, in one
shape or another. Indeed the money spent in war was pocketed for the far
greater part by themselves. Thus they owed in time immense sums of
money; and, as they continued to pass laws to compel the nation at large
to pay the interest of what they borrowed, spent and pocketed^ they
called, and still call this debt, the debt of the nation; or in the
usual words, the National Debt." He then goes on to argue that Savings
Banks are only a further means, and a particularly crafty one, of still
further feeding the pockets of the detested "Borough-mongers." He
devotes pages to repeating the same refrain, but, to put it into a
nutshell, in a biting paragraph he says : " Now then, in order to enlist
great numbers of labourers on their side, the Borough-mongers have
fallen upon the scheme of coaxing them to put small sums into what they
call banks. These sums they pay large interest upon, and suffer the
parties to take them out whenever they please. By this scheme they think
to bind great numbers to them and their tyranny. They think that great
numbers of labourers and artizans, seeing their little sums increase, as
they will imagine, will begin to conceive the hopes of becoming rich by
such means; and, as these persons are to be told that their money is in
the funds, they will soon imbibe the spirit of fund-holders, and will
not care who suffers, or whether freedom or slavery prevail, so that the
funds be but safe."
"Such is the scheme, and such the
motives. It will fail of this object, though not unworthy the inventive
power of the servile knaves of Edinburgh. . . .[This was not the case,
as the idea originated at Ruth-well, and the Bill of 181!) was brought
forward by Mr Duncan. The Edinburgh Hank opposed it] The parsons appear
to be the main tools in this coaxing scheme." Cobbett succeeded in
bringing over large numbers of people to his views, especially in
Lancashire. A question was asked in the House of Commons whether the
report was true " that the Government was about to seize the funds of
the Friendly Societies and Savings Banks, and apply them to the payment
of the National Debt." This report actually did lead to the breaking up
of some Friendly Societies, causing great loss to those who had claims
on them. The Chancellor of the Exchequer pronounced it to be utterly
groundless," and assured the pubhc that money belonging to the
institutions in question was kept entirely apart .... and even if the
Treasury were base enough, they had not the power to misappropriate
these funds."
The Times newspaper was also hostile to
Savings Banks and kept up this attitude long after the benefits of these
institutions were generally admitted. The more opposition that was shown
the more fully determined " the father" of the measure was that the
matter should be brought to a successful issue. Mr Douglas, M.P., a
great personal friend and a warm supporter of Mr Duncan's policy,
invited him at this juncture to stay with him in London. No doubt this
was with a view to Mr Duncan lending the aid of his powerful personality
to convince any wavering members of Parliament and induce them to
support the Bill they both had so much at heart. A journey in those days
was a great undertaking, and it was his first visit to the great city.
He rode all the way, leaving Ruthwell on Monday morning and arriving at
his destination on Saturday night. He stayed at the Albany in the very
heart of London. The Albany, which was once Lord Melbourne's house, was
altered in 1804 into separate apartments for " bachelors and widowers,"
most of them men of fashion, members of the House of Lords, House of
Commons, or Officers in the Army or Navy. The name of the Albany was
given to these apartments from the second title of the Duke of York.
Many celebrated people had occupied rooms there, including Byron and
Macaulay. There Macaulay wrote a great portion of his History, and it is
recorded in Trevelyan's Life of the celebrated historian that he paid
£90 for his suite of rooms. In an entry in his diary in 1856, he says, "
After fifteen happy years passed in the Albany I am going to leave it
thrice as rich a man as when I entered it." Lord Lytton and Brougham
were also distinguished occupants. No ladies resided there or were even
admitted, except very near relatives, but "this rule," Walford says,
"was not strictly adhered to." Mr Duncan was presented to the Prince
Regent, and no time was lost in getting into touch with various
influential people.
He was himself at the very summit
of life ; his energy was at its full height. He felt able and ready for
all things. Wilberforce promised him his support; Canning was greatly
interested, and asked for his pamphlets; Macaulay showed him great
kindness; Lord Minto became, after reading his views and suggestions, a
convert, though a few days before at a dinner at Lansdowne House he
found him "strangely possessed with the inexpediency of the Bill." The
Lord Advocate supported him. The tide had turned. Of a special meeting
of Scottish members, who had assembled to further discuss the matter, he
writes to tell a friend the result. He says, "I had previously seen and
converted Lord Minto and Lord Binning; I had neutralised Sir John
Marjoribanks and Sir James Montgomery and had Kirkham, Finlay, Lord
Rosslyn, and Mr Gladstone [Afterwards Sir John Gladstone, father of the
famous statesman. He was at that time member for Lancaster.] for my firm
friends." It was surmised that even if it passed through the House of
Commons, the Bill might not be carried in the Upper House, but Lord
Rosslyn promised to give it his special attention and protection, and he
ends by saying, "After a tough and, at one time, a doubtful battle I
have at last carried the day triumphantly." In one of his first letters
to his wife he speaks of London as being " a dreadfully bustling town,
and people pay dearly for their greatness. I would not lead such a life
for all the wealth and honours the wrorld can bestow. . . . O, for my
own fireside with my wife and bairns about me."
He was
destined to remain in London for many weeks. He was asked to give,
before the Committee on the Poor Laws, his views upon these laws, their
effect in Scotland on emigration, etc., etc., and the great problems of
pauperism to which as yet nobody has found the solution. This was the
way he spent his time, feted, and sent for by some of the most
enlightened and interesting men of the day, eager to hear what he
thought, and recognising in him the practical philanthropist that he
was. He would not have been human if he had not felt flattered by so
much attention; he said himself later that "once was quite enough for
the head of a quiet Presbyterian minister," and prayed that he might be
"humbled." He returned in April to Ruthwell, that dear village where his
heart was so closely entwined with the interests of his people. No
offer, though he had many, to remove to a larger or more lucrative
living with wider opportunities had ever tempted him to leave it.
Ruthwell was his home and he loved his parishioners. His return called
forth from his pen these lines, addressed to a neighbouring minister:
"Never poor aeronaut, whose too buoyant vehicle had darted with him
beyond the region of the clouds, and beyond the sight of terrestrial
things, was happier to plant his foot on terra firma than I at this
moment feel in being myself again." Think of the pride it must have been
to him when the Bill that he had fought for so strenuously had passed
into law—through the House of Commons—through the, at one time doubtful,
House of Lords, into the book of the Statutes of the land. Mr Douglas
also wrote to tell him : "You may carry with you the satisfaction of
knowing that the Savings Banks Bill would not have been carried except
by your visit to London." |