Edited
by Frank R. Shaw, FSA Scot, Greater Atlanta, GA, USA
Email:
jurascot@earthlink.net
This is an unusual
piece for Robert Burns Lives!, a critical look at some papers
of Burns that had been with us for quite a while, disappeared, and
are back in our midst again. It includes the names of some
manuscript owners that the average Burnsian probably is not familiar
with and also shows that the works of Burns have appealed to people
from all walks of life who have either purchased his materials or
inherited them. This is truly one of the most interesting articles I
have read on Burns and was written by dear friend Patrick Scott.
I have known Patrick since my early
Burns days and he has proven to be a great friend in the truest
sense of the word. He is an unusual man - scholar, author,
professor, speaker, educator, conversationalist, teacher, editor,
husband, father and grandfather. He excels at everything he does and
is as much at home with his colleagues at the University of South
Carolina as he is with the common man in the streets. You can write
it down in gold that if he tells you he will do something, it shall
be done! Join me as we welcome Patrick back to the pages of
Robert Burns Lives!. (FRS: 2.3.15)
A
“Lost” Collection of Robert Burns Manuscripts:
Sir Alfred Law, Davidson Cook, and the Honresfield Collection
by
Patrick Scott
Patrick Scott on
Arthur's Seat looking across to the Pentlands, from July 2014
Earlier this month,
I was working with Ross Roy’s reminiscences from his twenty-plus
years editing The Letters of Robert Burns. Elizabeth
Sudduth and I are preparing a selection of Ross’s Burns essays for
publication, and the introduction, “Encountering Robert Burns,”
brings together sections from the autobiographical oral history
interviews that Ross made in the spring of 2012 and shorter passages
from other writings, such as his last article for Robert Burns
Lives! about his grandfather W. Ormiston Roy. One paragraph
about editing the Burns letters brought me up short:
The problem is, of course, that
over the years letters have disappeared into private hands. There
was a collection in the Burns field of manuscript material owned by
a man by the name of Law, and since the time Ferguson was working on
these in the early nineteen thirties nobody knew where they were.
The original man, Law, had died, and you know these are private
things, they get passed on to somebody, or he might even have given
them away before he died. I tried through his lawyers and the firm
that he owned, and no trace of it. They still haven’t turned up.
They will, because material like that doesn’t get destroyed, but it
can disappear.
Oral
histories don’t have footnotes. The Law collection has in fact long
been known to Burnsians, most famously for its great treasure, the
First Commonplace Book. After a minute or two of bewilderment, I
checked Ross’s introduction to the 1985 Letters, and found:
The Honresfield
Collection, owned by Sir Alfred Law of Honresfield, when Ferguson
collated seventeen letters in it, cannot now be traced (Roy,
Letters, 1985, I:lxiii; cf. Ferguson, Letters, 1931, I:
xlvi).
Very similar statements will be found running through
the notes of James Kinsley’s Poems and Songs (1969), in the
Robert Burns entry in the Index of English <sic> Literary
Manuscripts (1986), and in James Mackay’s biography (1992: p.
88). It sounds like a dead end, but in fact a great deal is known
about the Burns manuscripts that were in the A.J. Law or
“Honresfield” Collection, about Sir Alfred Law himself, and about
the role played by the Burns scholar Davidson Cook. Many (indeed
most) of the Burns items that are “untraced,” and no longer
available to Burns scholars, have in fact been very fully described
over the years. It seems worth while putting something on record
about this, both to put the mystery in perspective, and perhaps to
save other Burnsians some head-scratching. Behind Ross Roy’s
seemingly-casual remark lies a fascinating story.
The
story starts in the generation before Sir Alfred Law. His two
uncles, Alfred and William Law, owned a factory, Durns Mills, in
Littleborough, near Rochdale, in Lancashire in the northwest of
England. William was born about 1836, and Alfred in 1838. Neither
brother was married, or if they were, neither was survived by a wife
or children. The firm of A. and J. Law is listed in an 1879 trade
directory as “fulling millers” (that is, involved in the thickening
and finishing of cloth), who manufactured “flannels, baize,
blankets, etc.” Honresfield House, just outside Littleborough, where
the two brothers lived, was a large, plain two-story red brick
structure, which had been built for William in 1879 at a cost of
£5068 (Hartwell et al., p. 252).
William Law was the brother who first became prominent as a
collector of literary manuscripts. In 1894, he bought two major
items: Walter Scott’s manuscript for Rob Roy, for £600, and
Robert Burns’s First Commonplace Book, previously owned by John Adam
of Greenock, and subsequently by John Duff of Greenock and Thomas
Arthur of Ayr. In 1896 he loaned the Commonplace Book, and the
manuscript of Burns’s song “The Fornicator,” for the great Glasgow
Burns Exhibition (see Memorial Catalogue, 1898, items 1095,
and 1098), and he also provided James C. Dick with photographs of
another significant Burns item, the four-page list of songs for the
third volume of the Scots Musical Museum that Burns sent to
James Johnson on April 4, 1789 and that Dick reproduced in his
Songs of Robert Burns (1903). William was a local benefactor,
funding a new organ for the Littleborough parish church (Manchester
Courier, October 4, 1890), and he was a devoted Shakespearean
also, donating a new stained glass east window for the church in
Stratford-on-Avon (Leamington Spa Courier, August 25, 1894;
May 11, 1895).
Early in 1901, the Law brothers’ warehouse and mills suffered
extensive damage from fire (and then water), with much of the stock
needing to be sold off (Sunderland Daily Echo, April 11, 12,
etc, 1901). William Law died on July 27 that year, aged 65,
leaving an estate of just £20,000, including £10,000 to his nephew
Alfred Joseph Law (Manchester Courier, Oct. 31, 1901;
Times, London, November 2, 1913, p. 16). The other uncle,
Alfred, survived his brother by a decade, till March, 1913, and he
too made the same nephew his primary heir. Alfred Law’s estate was
much more substantial than William’s: he left an estate with net
value of £548,812, which, after smaller bequests to another neice,
Emma Dixon, and nephew totalling £65,000 and death duties (estate
tax) of £90,000, left some £400,000 for Alfred Joseph Law, that is,
some £40 million (or $65 million) in current value (Manchester
Courier, June 27, p.9).
Alfred Joseph Law was the son of William’s and Alfred’s brother
John, of Dearnley. He had been born in 1860, so was 53 when he
inherited both Honresfield House and his uncle William’s library.
Something of the library’s range can be seen in a news story from
1915, about a visit to Honresfield by the Rochdale Literary and
Scientific Society to see “the collections formed by the late Mr.
William Law, uncle of the present owner.” Items on display included
a first folio of Shakespeare, two quarto Shakespeare plays,
“manuscripts of Walter Scott novels and some cantos of ‘The Lay of
the Last Minstrel,’ Brontë relics, Burns’s commonplace book, and
letters by many English authors ” (Rochdale Observer, Sept
18, 1915).
But
A. J. Law was less interested in literature than politics. He
started in local politics in the 1880s, serving on the Littleborough
School Board, and as first chairman of the Littleborough Urban
District Council. In 1894, he was a Conservative party nominee as a
magistrate or Justice of the Peace, using the initial J.P. after his
name, and from 1897 to 1908 he was chairman of the local
Conservative Association. Shortly before the Great War he was named
parliamentary candidate for Rochdale (normally a liberal
stronghold), and in the first post-Armistice election, in late 1918,
a Conservative landslide, he won the seat, though losing it again
inevitably in 1922. He was knighted in 1927, under a Conservative
government, for political services, becoming “Sir Alfred Law.” Soon
afterwards, in 1929, he returned to parliament, but for a much safer
Conservative seat, High Peak in Derbyshire, and he then remained an
M.P. till he died ten years later, on July 18, 1939, aged 79. He
remained “Governing Director” of Alfred and William Law and Co.,
till early 1939, and clearly regarded himself as a progressive
employer, introducing “a co-partnership plan by which employees
became shareholders after a qualifying period” (Yorkshire Post,
July 19, 1939, p. 5). But the mill wasn’t his only business
interest. Other business roles included being chairman of the
Rochdale Canal Company and of S.S. Whalley and Co. Ltd., along with
several directorships, notably for the London and Lancashire Fire
Insurance Co. (Who’s Who, 1939). In 1937, he endowed
a nursing home “for patients with post-encephalytic
Parkinsonism” (British Medical Journal, Sept. 18, 1937, p.
603). Even after such philanthropy, and
despite the impact of the Depression, Law’s estate was nonetheless
probated at £448,802 (Derbyshire Times, November 17, 1939).
In many ways, the
older Law brothers were fortunate in their chosen heir. Honresfield
had one owner continuously from 1913 to 1939, a period during which
many other families, houses, and libraries faced unexpected death
duties (estate taxes) when recent heirs were killed in the trenches
or died young of war injuries. Moreover, A. J. Law was financially
secure, lessening the temptation to sell off his uncle’s treasures
piecemeal, as often happened to similar collections in the 1920s,
during the American boom in auction prices, and (more dispiritingly)
in the 1930s, as the Depression began to take hold.
That we still know
so much about the Honresfield Collection is owing, not only to A.J.
Law himself, but to the Burns scholar who gained his confidence,
Davidson Cook. On the face of it, Cook was an unlikely figure to
get privileged access at Honresfield. He was not a professional
scholar, and not university educated. Nonetheless, Cook did a quite
remarkable job, not only for the Honresfield Burns manuscripts, but
also for the other major Honresfield collections, of Walter Scott
and of the Brontës. Cook himself wrote and published about all
three collections, but equally importantly he contacted and
networked with other researchers, helping them gain access to the
Honresfield material and collaborating with them on the production
of the facsimiles and editions that would provide scholarly access
for the future.
Surprisingly,
despite Cook’s many contributions to Burns scholarship, the Burns
Chronicle never carried an obituary or other tribute. T.
Davidson Cook (1874-1941), born at Ballieston, Lanarkshire, spent
his whole career working in the clothing stores of various
Co-operative Societies, working in Dalziel, Alloa, Glasgow, and
Newcastle, before settling in Barnsley, Yorkshire, in 1908, where he
would spend the next thirty-one years as drapery manager for the
Barnsley British Co-operative Society (Yorkshire Post,
December 12, 1941, p. 8; Motherwell Times, December 19, 1941,
p. 8). In his own way, like A.J. Law, Cook lived a life of public
service: he was involved in local government as a member of the
Barnsley Library and Education Committees, he was president of
Barnsley Book Lovers’ Club and Barnsley Table Tennis League, and he
served as honorary organizer for the local Citizen’s Advice Bureau.
The two men had two other things in common: neither had been to
university, and neither had seen military service during the Great
War of 1914-1918. Law, fifty-four when war broke out, would have
been too old, and running a blanket factory would have been part of
the war effort. Cook, just forty in 1914, though married with two
children, was luckier to escape the trenches, especially in the last
year, when married men up to age forty-nine were liable to
conscription.
It was during the
Great War that Cook began writing for the literary periodicals. For
instance, he contributed articles to The Bookman, a
London-based illustrated monthly founded by W. Robertson Nicoll, on
Burns and Stothard in 1917, on Burns and Peter Pindar in 1918, and
on Burns and Aberdeen in 1920. By 1922, Cook was being described as
“that assiduous delver into overlooked corners of Burns tradition” (Aberdeen
Journal, February 18, 1922, p. 3). In 1922, he had his first
great coup, when he recognized some Burns manuscript notes newly
published in the Kilmarnock newspaper as being missing sections from
Burns’s notes in the interleaved Scots Musical Museum, and so
exonerated Cromek from James C. Dick’s accusations of forgery. His
article on these annotations, published in the Burns Chronicle,
issued as a separate pamphlet, and later reprinted alongside Dick’s
earlier studies, made Cook a name to be reckoned with among
Burnsians. We don’t know where Cook first came on a reference to the
Law manuscripts, but it could well have been from the facsimile
“lately in the possession of Mr. William Law, of Littlesborough,” in
Dick’s Songs of Scotland.
What is certain is
that by mid-1925, Cook had been welcomed at Honresfield to examine
its treasures, and that he had already begun to write about them.
His first article, in the Bookman for September 1925, was a
general report on “Literary Treasures at Honresfield,” followed by
an article in November on the Honresfield Brontë manuscripts, and
soon after by an essay in the more prestigious monthly The
Nineteenth Century about the gem of the Brontë collection, the
manuscript collection of poems by Emily Brontë that William Law had
bought in 1897 from the now-notorious Thomas J. Wise. An American
scholar, C. W. Hatfield, had just published an elaborate edition of
Emily’s poetry, in 1923; Cook alerted Hatfield to the new
discoveries, sharing his own transcripts (and photographs) with
him. In due course, it would be Hatfield, not Cook, who would edit
a new edition for Columbia University Press, in 1941. It was surely
also with Cook’s encouragement that Sir Alfred Law allowed high
quality photographs to be made of the full manuscript, so that in
1934 facsimiles of all the poems from the E.J.B. notebook could be
included in volume 17 of the Shakespeare Head Edition.
Cook was similarly
unpossessive about the remarkable collection he found at Honresfield
of letters written by Walter Scott. Aside from the manuscript of
Rob Roy previously mentioned, the Law collection included six
bound volumes of Scott manuscript letters, over three hundred
letters in all. Cook wrote a couple of articles about specific
letter groups, in 1927, but he also contacted the eminence grise
of Scott scholars, H.J.C.Grierson, Regius Professor of Rhetoric and
English Literature at Edinburgh, and persuaded him to head up a new
collected edition of Scott’s letters. At Cook’s urging, in 1928, Law
donated the six volumes of Scott letters, with an estimated value of
between £10,000 and £15,000, to the still-fledgling National Library
of Scotland. The news release about the donation reported that “Sir
Alfred has an idea that his uncle, the late Mr. William Law,
intended to give or bequeath the letters to the Scottish National
Library, and considers there is a moral obligation upon him to carry
this into effect” (Aberdeen Journal, Nov. 20, 1928; cf.
Yorkshire Post, Nov. 20; later reports give seven volumes with
nearly 400 letters: Year’s Work in English Studies, 9
[1930]: 364). Incidentally, Cook was also involved in getting
another major scholarly resource from private to institutional
ownership, the following year, when the collection of 17th
and 18th century song music formed by Mr. Frank Kidson
(1855-1926), of Leeds, a relative of Cook’s, went to the Mitchell
Library, Glasgow (Yorkshire Post, July 18, 1929).
The Scott edition
had originally been intended to mark the Scott centenary in 1932,
but, rather to Grierson’s dismay and that of the publishers, it
would take five extra years to complete and fill twelve substantial
volumes. From its inception to the mid-1930s, Cook worked steadily
as Grierson’s assistant, traveling widely in the hunt for manuscript
letters, despite his full-time job back in Yorkshire with the
Barnsley British Co-operative Society. The little book of Walter
Scott love poems that Cook edited in 1932 was not an easy
publication creamed off from the Honresfield collection; it came
from a quite different manuscript that he had discovered by accident
in the Victoria and Albert Museum while grinding away on the
collected letters.
For the Honresfield
Burns manuscripts, Cook produced a very thorough survey, published
in three parts in the Burns Chronicle in 1926-1928. Cook was
rightly proud of this research, and he had the three parts reissued
as a separate publication (unfortunately getting Law’s middle name
wrong on the cover). The list enumerates 29 manuscripts, though
several of them include texts of two or more individual poems or
songs. With one exception, Cook gives quite extensive and
well-researched descriptions of all the manuscripts, with full text
of items where he judges the Honresfield manuscript to preserve a
unique text or unique passages. In the second part (1927), he also
included a four-page facsimile of the letter that Burns wrote in
December 1781 from Irvine to his father back at Lochlea (MS. xi; cf.
Letters, I: 6-7).
The one exception
was, of course, the manuscript of Burns’s First Commonplace Book
(MS. xxix), perhaps because it had been put into print by its
previous owner in 1872, but more probably because Cook recognized it
would justify much fuller treatment. Moreover, as news leaked out
of its whereabouts, the Burns establishment led by J. C. Ewing, the
new editor of the Burns Chronicle, had their eyes on the
manuscript’s philanthropic owner as their next John Gribbel. The
final sentence of Cook’s final Honresfield article in the
Chronicle sounds more like Ewing than Cook, first noting that
the Second Commonplace Book was at Alloway, and then adding
unctuously: “All Scotland may cherish the hope that the companion
volume may one day find a permanent home in the place that above all
others is meet for such a treasure” (Chronicle, 1928, p. 17).
Law might be philanthropic, but he wasn’t to be pressured. Even so,
in due course, once the massive Scott edition was completed, Law
allowed Cook and Ewing to produce a large format edition of the
Commonplace Book with a transcript and photographic facsimile “from
the poet’s manuscript in the possession of Sir Alfred Law, M.P.” The
1938 Ewing-Cook edition was reprinted in 1965, with an introduction
by David Daiches, and remained the standard source until the recent
publication of the new Oxford edition edited by Nigel Leask.
Most important, with
Burns, as he had done with Scott and the Brontës, Cook happily
shared his discoveries with other scholars. The American Burns
scholar, J. DeLancey Ferguson, was already at work on the first full
scholarly edition of the Burns letters, much to the suspicion of the
Burns establishment; Duncan M’Naught had been shocked that Ferguson
planned to print the bawdy letters uncensored, and J. C. Ewing,
M’Naught’s successor as editor, preferred that
previously-unpublished Burns letters should appear first in the
Chronicle rather than in Ferguson’s edition. Cook, however,
collaborated with Ferguson, who was able to collate almost all the
Burns letters at Honresfield from manuscript for himself, as well as
using Cook’s transcripts.
All this activity by
Davidson Cook attracted the interest not only of scholars and
enthusiasts, and curators, but also of the book dealers. Here the
available facts become more inferential, because the first major
dealer to get his foot in the Honresfield library door was Gabriel
Wells, of New York, who is reputed never to have issued a catalogue
of the books he had for sale (Baker, p. 306). Wells had excellent
connections with major private collectors, but more often sold on
what he bought to other dealers. In 1928, Wells persuaded Law to
sell him the Shakespeare First Folio, which William Law had bought
at Sotheby’s in 1897 for £415. The movements of Shakespeare folios
are better documented than those of any other book; indeed one
wishes there was similar information readily available about the
movements of the Burns Kilmarnock editions. We don’t know what Wells
paid Law for the Shakespeare, but he sold it on immediately to the
London dealer Maggs, from whom it went to the Swiss collector Martin
Bodmer, who traded it as part-payment to the Philadelphia dealer Dr.
A.W. Rosenbach; in 1960, it was auctioned in Hamburg, on behalf of a
Swedish firm, fetching DM 350,000, then “the second highest price
ever paid at auction for a book,” and since then it has been in a
library in Würtemburg, Germany (West, pp. 261-264).
Solid information is
also available about the fate of at least some of the Honresfield
Brontë manuscripts. In March 1933, a group of them (though not the
Emily Brontë “E.J.B.” poems manuscript) was auctioned at Hodgson’s,
in London, listed as “The Property of a Collector” rather than with
Law’s name attached (Alexander and Smith, 291; see also Book
Prices Current, 1933, 119-121). In the early thirties, auction
prices had fallen, and only about half of the items sold. In the
1940s, one scholar found their subsequent movements “already
well-nigh untraceable” (Christian, p. 179), but some have since
resurfaced, and a number of them were either bought for or
subsequently donated to the Brontë Parsonage Museum in Haworth, so
remaining available (Rosenblum and White). Nonetheless, Christine
Alexander concluded that for Brontë scholars the disappearance of
the Law manuscripts remains a “major stumbling-block,” and reported
that “repeated pleas” to Law descendants “have gone unanswered”
(Alexander, Manuscripts, xviii-xix).
Two of the Burns
items illustrate how items can disappear and then reappear. In
Davidson Cook’s Chronicle listing, Honresfield MS. xxviii is
described as inserted into the copy of The Caledonian Pocket
Companion that William Law had loaned for exhibition in 1896.
Cook thought that the manuscript (which included the song “To
daunton me,” and instructions to James Johnson about an extra verse
for “Here awa, there awa”) didn’t really belong with the book (Chronicle,
1928, p. 15). Cook also, some years later, wrote a separate article
about the item. Because of the instructions to Johnson, Ferguson
treated the manuscript as a letter (Letter 111), dating it as May or
June 1787, and when his edition came out, in 1931, his location note
shows it was no longer at Honresfield, reading “Transcribed by
permission of Mr. Gabriel Wells, New York” (Ferguson, I: 94). Wells
did not apparently sell the item, but some years after his death in
1946, his unsold stock was for the first time cataloged, in four
batches, with a fifth list for the leftovers, reproduced from
typescript. In that fifth list, item 85 is “The Caledonian Pocket
Companion … ROBERT BURNS’ COPY. Of the greatest importance,”
priced at $750 (Boesen, item 85):
The catalogue
doesn’t mention the manuscript, or say if it was still in the book.
Kinsley refers to the existence of the manuscript, with a reference
to Ferguson, but doesn’t give a location or any information that
wouldn’t have been in Cook or Ferguson (Kinsley I: 398; cf. Smith
and Boumelha, p. 178, BuR 1086). Ross Roy redated and renumbered the
letter (October or November 1787, Letter 147A), but once his updated
location note has been found, the subsequent whereabouts of the
book, and of the manuscript, becomes clear: “Here collated with the
original manuscript in the Birthplace Museum, Alloway. It is a
half-sheet which is laid into a copy of James Oswald’s The
Caledonian Pocket Companion” (Roy, Letters, I: 169). And
what was once lost without trace is now more visible than ever
before: both the book cover and Burns’s manuscript can now be viewed
on the Burns Birthplace Museum’s website (object no. 3.3010:
http://www.burnsmuseum.org.uk/collections/object_detail/3.3010).
Slightly more
mystery attaches to Cook’s MS. xii. This was, Cook wrote, “a
beautiful holograph of ‘The Fornicator’; six stanzas, of which the
first four have been printed in The Merry Muses of Caledonia,
the Songs and Ballads of Robert Burns (1823, p. 265) and the
Aldine Edition … (1893, vol. i., p. 59)” (Chronicle, 1928, p.
11). This was another item that William Law had loaned for the 1896
Glasgow exhibition (Memorial Catalogue, item 1098). Cook does
not print the manuscript text, even for the additional stanzas: he
was after all publishing in the Burns Chronicle in the 1920s.
Kinsley’s source-note includes “MS. not traced” (Kinsley, I: 101 n),
and Kinsley relies for his text on a transcript attributed to Prof.
Robert Dewar of Reading University, from whom he had taken over the
Clarendon edition in the late 1950s, and who had started work on it
in 1930; the Roy Collection includes Dewar’s marked copy of Cook’s
pamphlet on the Honresfield Burns manuscripts, and it seems more
likely that the transcription was made by Cook than by Dewar
himself. However, fifteen years after Kinsley, Smith and Broumelha
give entries for two separate manuscripts of “The Fornicator”: the
Law manuscript as BuR 314, listed as “unlocated,” but also a second
manuscript, BuR 313, described as “Autograph fair copy, indicating
the tune ‘Clout the Caldron’,” which they track back to the early
1930s through the auction records, to a Hodgson auction (July 6,
1933, lot 187), then after the War at Sotheby’s (May 21, 1949, lot
541), before its acquisition for the University of Texas (Index
of English Literary Manuscripts, vol.III, part 1, p. 123). The
Harry Ransom Center catalogue lists BUR 313 as “Autograph fair copy,
2 pp., undated” (http://norman.hrc.utexas.edu/fasearch/findingAid.cfm?eadid=00860).
However, under their entry for the Law manuscript, BuR 314, Smith
and Broumelha also include the conjecture that it is “possibly
identical with BuR 313 above,” i.e. with the Texas manuscript, as
indeed the sale through Hodgson makes likely.
There may well be a
few more stories like these two that could be reconstructed about
individual Burns manuscripts, but it does not seem that even in 1933
Sir Alfred Law sold off Burns manuscripts on the same scale as he
did Brontë manuscripts. Few libraries have complete runs of all the
older auction house catalogues or of the catalogues issued by
individual book dealers that one needs to have at hand for such
reconstruction, and as the story of the Caledonian Pocket
Companion shows, sales between individuals don’t usually leave a
published record. In any case, it appears that the majority of the
Burns manuscripts stayed in the Honresfield library throughout the
1930s, till Law’s death.
Like the two uncles
from whom he had inherited the house and library, Sir Alfred Law
never married. At the time he died, in November 1939, other things
must have been more important for his executors than sorting out the
library at Honresfield. While the Texas-based Brontë scholar Fannie
Ratchford asserted that by 1941 the library had already been
“dispersed” (see Ratchford, p. 266), it seems that some collections,
including the manuscript of Scott’s Rob Roy, were still in
the house in 1948, after the end of the War (Parker, p. xvi). They
must have been removed sometime in the late 1940s or early 1950s,
because in 1959, Honresfield House became a residential care home,
part of the group of homes for the disabled founded by Group Captain
Leonard Cheshire, V.C.
One clue as to the
date may be the appearance at auction in 1952 of another significant
Burns item, a manuscript of “Auld lang syne,” lines 9-24, i.e. the
verses without the opening or refrain (Sotheby’s, June 24, 1952, p.
50). This was bought for the Burns Birthplace Museum and is duly
noted by Kinsley, as the “Alloway MS.” (Kinsley I: 443-444) and by
Smith and Broumelha (BuR 48: Index of English Literary
Manuscripts, vol.III, part 1, p. 104). A digital image is
available on the Birthplace web-site, at
(http://www.burnsmuseum.org.uk/collections/object_detail/3.6172.
Neither Kinsley, nor Smith and Broumelha, however, list or otherwise
refer to the manuscript of “Auld lang syne,” with the same verses,
that was listed by Davidson Cook as Honresfield MS. x(b) (Chronicle,
1927, p. 24); Cook did not transcribe or facsimile it, just listed
the first line of each verse. The logical inference is that the
manuscript at Alloway is the one formerly in the Law collection. The
Law/Honresfield manuscript had four pages (i.e. one large sheet
folded once), and “Auld lang syne” only took up one page, p. 4. Cook
focuses much more attention on the other item in the manuscript, MS.
x (a), which was the unique autograph source for Burns’s early song
“On Cessnock banks” (Kinsley I: 17; IELM, BuR 937). Cook had printed
a complete transcript of this second item. Neither Kinsley nor Smith
and Broumelha recorded any location for the “Cessnock banks”
manuscript, and Kinsley used Cook’s published transcript for the
Oxford edition text (Kinsley I: 17; IELM, BuR 937). “Cessnock banks”
certainly isn’t listed on the Birthplace web-site, like “Auld lang
syne.” Puzzled, I looked at again at the “Auld lang syne” image, and
realized it showed only the front, without the verso. Through the
kindness of Dr. David Hopes of the Birthplace Museum, I got an image
of the verso, but instead of showing, as I had hoped, part of
“Cessnock banks,” it carried only the annotation, in a later hand,
“a Scotch [perhaps Scotish] song / in the hand writing of / Burns.”
But the on-line images showed that the manuscript had been
repeatedly folded, unfolded, and refolded over the years; it was
much worn and had been repaired on the right margin of the page with
“Auld lang syne,” so that the right hand half of the final stanza
(ll. 21-24) was missing. Perhaps “Cessnock banks” had been written
on pp. 1-2 only, and accidentally with wear, or more deliberately
before the 1952 sale, the two leaves had been separated. Since the
Law manuscript version of “Cessnock banks” has thirteen verses,
totaling fifty-two lines, this means that Burns had written 26 lines
of verse to a page. Page 4, with “Auld lang syne,” carried 16 lines,
or perhaps (if Burns wrote the opening words of the refrain under
for each stanza) 20 lines. If the Alloway manuscript is not
the Honresfield one, however, then there is an important manuscript
of “Auld lang syne” from which any textual variants have never been
recorded.
As far as the Burns
manuscripts were concerned, when James Kinsley and Ross Roy were
working on their Burns editions, the Honresfield manuscripts had
indeed vanished without trace. The disappearance posed (and poses)
less of a problem for the letters than for the poems and songs.
While Ross Roy would have preferred to recollate the Honresfield
letters against manuscript for himself, he could rely with
reasonable confidence on the Ferguson text, for which in almost
every instance Ferguson had done his own collations. Cook had listed
nineteen letters at Honresfield: Ferguson had collated seventeen of
these for himself, plus the “letter” in the Caledonian Pocket
Companion that he treats not as a Honresfield item, but as in
the possession of Gabriel Wells. There was only one letter for which
he had had to rely on Cook to check the manuscript for him, Burns’s
letter to Cleghorn [January 1, 1792], for which his source-note
reads “Here corrected by Mr. Davidson Cook from the original MS.
formerly in the Honresfield Collection,” which suggests that by 1931
the Cleghorn letter had already moved elsewhere (Cook MS. xiv:
Ferguson II: 103 [letter 488]; cf. Roy, II: 126-127 and n.).
“Corrected” is important: Ferguson had used as his basis the text of
the letter in Scott Douglas (VI: 101), expanding the two lines from
Burns’s song “There was twa wives” given by Scott Douglas by
substituting the six lines (out of sixteen in the letter manuscript)
printed by Cook in the 1928 Burns Chronicle (p. 12: the
Chronicle in the 1920s would not have admitted the second
stanza, any more than it would have published a transcription of
“The Fornicater” manuscript). Cook corrected Ferguson’s text from
the manuscript, without adding in the remaining ten lines. Despite
this example, overall, for the letters in the Law Collection, even
if scholars since Ferguson haven’t seen the original manuscripts,
there are full and trustworthy texts available.
In editing Burns’s
poems and songs, Kinsley faced evidence that was less complete, and
for which he had to rely more heavily on Cook. The situation was,
however, not as dire as one might imagine if one looked only at
those endless footnotes about manuscripts that can no longer be
located. By my count, there were forty-four manuscript poems in
Burns’s hand in the Honresfield collection. Twenty-five of these
were poems in the First Commonplace Book, itself unlocated by
Kinsley, but for which he could reasonably use the 1938 Ewing-Cook
facsimile and transcript: indeed, in his list of sources, Kinsley
includes the Commonplace Book under Manuscripts, but only references
the facsimile as his source (Kinsley III: 968). Of the nineteen
autograph manuscript poems not in the Commonplace Book, one, “Keen
blaws the wind o’er Dornocht-head” (Cook MS. xxi), was a song for
which Burns explicitly disclaimed authorship (Letters, II:
316). Which makes eighteen. Then, by the time Kinsley was at work,
three manuscript items had found their way to the Burns Birthplace
Museum: the extra stanzas for two songs that were in the
Caledonian Pocket Companion, and, if my conjecture is right, the
manuscript of “Auld lang syne.” Which leaves fifteen.
For ten of these
fifteen, Davidson Cook had printed full transcriptions in the
Burns Chronicle. Though the Chronicle under Ewing would
not have welcomed the two more bawdy or scatological poems for which
the Law collection held the unique holograph manuscripts, Cook (or
perhaps Dewar himself) made full transcripts of both, and Kinsley
used both transcripts. Cook was dead long before Kinsley took over
the edition, and Kinsley’s acknowledgements and textual introduction
(Kinsley I: viii-x; III: 963-994) contain no indication that he had
had direct access to Davidson Cook’s own papers (or of their
whereabouts), so if Cook rather than Dewar made the two transcripts,
he had shared them with Dewar. For “The Fornicater’s Song,” only the
first thirty-two of forty-eight lines had been included in the 1799
Merry Muses; Kinsley provides the first full text in any
edition of Burns’s poetry, for which his source-note credits a
transcript by Dewar (see Kinsley, I: 101 n); an editor
working now would of course be able to check the Cook-Dewar-Kinsley
text against the original manuscript at Texas. For “There was twa
wives,” where the unique source is the Cleghorn letter mentioned
above, the Kinsley edition provides the first printing in a Burns
edition of the full sixteen-line version, which it credits to Cook
(Kinsley, II: 595; MS. listed as BuR 1050, but still unlocated, in
IELM, p. 175; but cf. also Barke and Goodsir Smith, p. 72).
In summary, of the
forty-four poetic manuscripts at Honresfield, Kinsley had reasonably
full evidence from facsimile or transcription for forty-one. What
about the other three? These were the manuscripts in Burns’s hand of
the song “O wat ye wha’s in yon town” (Cook MS. xxii: Kinsley, II:
772), the song “Sweet fa’s the e’en on Craigieburn” (Cook MS. xxiii;
Kinsley, II: 763), and two stanzas from “Address to the Toothach”
(Cook MS. ii(b); Kinsley, II: 791-792). For these, Cook had listed
the items but had not printed transcripts. Kinsley’s textual notes
for the three items include no mention of the Law/Honresfield
manuscripts, even to note their unavailability. The “Address to the
Toothach” was not published in Burns’s lifetime, but there are early
printed texts of both songs, in Johnson’s Scots Musical Museum,
5 (1796), song 458, and Thomson’s Select Collection, I, set 2
(1798), song 32, respectively, and an editor working now might well
not share Kinsley’s preference for manuscript over published texts.
We can’t know why Cook shortchanged these three manuscripts, but the
inference must surely be that they were fair copies in which he had
found no, or no significant, textual variants from the published
texts.
Of course, in an
ideal world, every manuscript of a major author would be readily and
permanently accessible to every interested scholar. Since the 1930s,
not only successive Burns scholars, but those doing research on
Emily Brontë or Walter Scott, have lamented the disappearance of the
Law manuscripts from Honresfield. As the survey above indicates,
the situation is not as bleak as it might seem, largely because of
the remarkable work in the 1920s by Davidson Cook. But in fact there
is published evidence that key portions of the Law collection
survive and are still in family ownership. The 1995 Oxford edition
of Emily Brontë’s poems had to rely for the Honresfield manuscript
(the “E.J.B.” notebook) on the Shakespeare Head facsimile, along
with photographs from the notebook in the Brontë Parsonage Museum,
Haworth (Roper and Chitham, p. 14; and cf. Alexander and Smith, pp.
291, 315). For the major Scott edition, however (the Edinburgh
Edition of the Waverley Novels), the general editor, Prof. David
Hewitt, had been able, after a twenty-year search, to get in contact
with Law’s heirs and make special arrangements to study Scott’s
original manuscript of Rob Roy, “the last of Scott’s major
manuscripts to be privately owned.” When the Rob Roy volume
was published, in 2008, Hewitt acknowledged the generosity in
allowing this of “the late David Law Dixon” (Hewitt, p. ix). His
account of the manuscript’s provenance recounts that, when he was at
work on the volume, the manuscript “had passed by inheritance to the
late David Law Dixon” (Hewitt, p. 357: cf. the bequest to “Emma
Dixon” in the older Alfred Law’s will in 1913, noted above). Nigel
Leask, Pauline Mackay, and the Glasgow team did not have similar
access for their recent edition of the First Commonplace Book, but
they were able in 2011, with the permission of the present owner, to
have their new transcription from the Ewing-Cook facsimile checked
on some important points against the original manuscript by
Professor Hewitt (Leask, p. 39).
For the present,
however, most scholarship must continue to rely gratefully on the
work of Davidson Cook, which makes one wonder: what happened to
Cook’s papers, photographs, and transcripts, after his death in
1941? There are typescript copies of his Brontë transcripts at
Haworth (Roper, p. 14 n.1), and in 2012 a further batch of his
Brontë transcripts, both typed and manuscript, was put up for sale
by a North Yorkshire auction house, estimated at £80 to £120, and
selling for £220 (Tennant’s, September 5, 2012, lot 59). Following
his retirement in 1939, Cook had moved back from Barnsley to the
Glasgow area. What Ross Roy said about the Law manuscripts would
also apply to Davidson Cook’s papers: “these are private things,
they get passed on to somebody, or he might even have given them
away before he died.” My instinct is that Cook himself would have
arranged for the preservation of his Burns materials in Scotland,
rather than in Yorkshire. I, and many other Burnsians, would be
glad to hear where they are now.
References
Alexander, Christine, A Bibliography of
the Manuscripts of Charlotte Bronte (Haworth: Bronte Society and
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________________, and Margaret Smith, “Law,
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Alexander and Smith, The Oxford Companion to the Brontës
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 290-291.
Baker, William, “Gabriel Wells,” American
Book Collectors and Bibliographers, First Series [Dictionary of
Literary Biography, vol. 140] (Detroit, MI: Gale Research, 1994),
304-310.
Barke, James, and Sydney Goodsir Smith,
eds., The Merry Muses of Caledonia (New York: Putnam, 1964).
Boesen, Charles S., comp., Sale of the
Remaining Stock of the Estate of Gabriel Wells representing Unsold
Items from Wells Catalogs [Wells catalogues vol. V] (New York:
n.p., 1949).
Christian, Mildred G., “A Census of Bronte
Manuscripts in the United States (Part One),” The Trollopian,
2:3 (December 1947): 177-199.
Cook, Davidson, Annotations of Scottish
Songs by Burns: An Essential Supplement to Cromek and Dick
(Dumfries: Robert Dinwiddie, 1922).
_______________, “Literary Treasures at
Honresfield,” The Bookman, 68 (September 1925): 283ff.
______________, “Bronte Manuscripts in the
Law Collection,” The Bookman, 69 (November 1925): 100-104.
______________, “Emily Bronte’s Poems: Some
Textual Corrections and Unpublished Verses,” Nineteenth Century
and After, 100 (August 1926): 248-262.
______________, “Unpublished Manuscripts of
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ser, 1 (1926): 60-69.
_____________, “Mr. A.J. Law’s Collection of
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for the First Time,” Burns Chronicle, 2nd ser, 2
(1927): 14-27.
______________, “Unpublished Letters of Sir
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_____________, “Sir A.J. Law’s Collection of
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Book),” Burns Chronicle, 2nd ser, 3 (1928): 11-17.
_____________,
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<sic> Law (Glasgow: printed for private circulation by W.
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--some copies have the name on the cover
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_____________, ed., New Love-Poems by Sir
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_______________, “Burns’s ‘Oswald’: The
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Dick, James C., ed., The Songs of Robert
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Written (London: Henry Frowde, 1903).
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Cook, W.M. Parker, and others, eds., The Letters of Sir Walter
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1896 (Glasgow: W. Hodge, and T. & R. Annan, 1898).
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by Walter Scott (London: J. M. Dent, 1962).
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Childhood (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941).
Roper, Derek, and Edward Chitham, eds.,
The Poems of Emily Brontë (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
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Part I (London and New York: Mansell, 1982).
Roy, G. Ross, ed., The Letters of Robert
Burns, 2nd ed., revised, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1985).
Smith, Margaret M., and Penny Boumelha,
comps., “Robert Burns,” in Index of English Literary Manuscripts,
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Wise, Thomas J., and A. J. Symington, eds.,
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Head Bronte vol. 17 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1934).
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