Edited
by Frank R. Shaw, FSA Scot, Dawsonville, GA, USA
Email:
jurascot@earthlink.net
I met Dr. Carol
Baraniuk while attending the annual Robert Burns International Conference at
the University of Glasgow in 2010. While at a post-conference dinner for the
symposium speakers, we were able to talk a wee bit about family, friends and
Burns. I learned that Dr. Baraniuk is the aunt of Jennifer Orr who recently
published The Correspondence of Samuel Thomson (1766-1816)
which has many references to Burns. (See Chapter 138 in the index to
Robert Burns Lives! for a review of this magical book.) I met
Jennifer several years ago at the University of South Carolina while
attending one of Ross Roy and Patrick Scott’s outstanding conferences. This
is the first time I have had the pleasure of publishing articles by family
members, an aunt and a niece in this case, and it is a joy to do so.
Carol Baraniuk
was a school teacher for many years and had the pleasure of teaching her
niece Jennifer when the latter was preparing for university. Carol moved
into university academic life when appointed to a position at Stranmilis
University College in Belfast. She was awarded a PhD by the University of
Glasgow for her thesis on the Ulster-Scots poet James Orr. She has been
widely published on the Ulster-Scots poetic tradition and has delivered
conference papers in Ireland, Scotland, Europe and the United States. Carol
has a particular interest in the relationship between Robert Burns and the
Ulster poets who wrote in the Scots tradition. She is currently a researcher
with the Ulster-Scots Poetry Project at the University of Ulster and a
member of the Ministerial Advisory Group for Ulster-Scots. Carol recently
visited British Columbia and the Yukon, following in the footsteps of her
grandfather and great-grandfather, both of whom spent time in Canada as
young men – her great-grandfather helped lay the Canadian Pacific Railroad.
We are all glad he found his way back to Ireland, otherwise we would not be
writing this story. I think you will enjoy this connection of Burns and
Ireland as we continue to celebrate the fact that Robert Burns Lives! after
all these years. (FRS: 5.23.12)
Rehabilitating
the Radical:
Robert Burns in the Belfast Press in the Period of the Irish Act of Union
A version of
this paper was delivered at the Burns International Conference, University
of Glasgow, in January 2009.
Dr. Baraniuk's Ph.D. graduation at Glasgow in
June 2009. Daughter Marianne on the left and and niece Jennifer on the right
During the
1790s two Belfast newspapers, the News-letter and the Northern
Star frequently reproduced items from the works of Robert Burns in their
poetry columns. These sections, designed to entertain and to stimulate
creativity among readers, featured more or less constantly alongside the
usual reports on local and international news. In politics, the editorial
stance of both papers favoured the establishment of a liberal regime in
Ireland, a more just representation of all the people in Parliament and
further relaxation of the Penal Laws, a system which kept the Catholics of
Ireland in subjection and severely disadvantaged the Presbyterian majority
in Ulster. It was, however, only the more circumspect, temperate and
cautious News-letter that was to survive into the nineteenth century.
The Northern
Star was the mouthpiece of the increasingly revolutionary and separatist
United Irishmen, a movement largely of Catholics and Presbyterians, who had
derived inspiration from the American War of Independence and hoped to
establish an independent Ireland with assistance from post-revolutionary
France. Unsurprisingly, when featuring poetry by Robert Burns, the Star
had shown a preference for radical works, such as ‘Is there for honest
poverty’ which appeared to challenge the prevailing social order. The
paper’s vigorous and outspoken defiance of what its editors perceived as
government repression was abruptly silenced when the printing presses were
was smashed by British ‘redcoat’ forces in May 1797.
United Irish
opposition to British rule in Ireland culminated in the disastrous, failed
Rebellion of 1798, after which the Irish Parliament in Dublin was dissolved
and Ireland was fully incorporated into the United Kingdom. In the difficult
period following the suppression of the Rebellion, the surviving Belfast
newspaper, the Newsletter, carried details of the lengthy,
hard-fought Act of Union debates in the British and Irish parliaments. But
this was by no means the only issue exercising the minds of the Ulster
population. Many rural communities lived in fear of predatory and often
murderous banditti, some of whom included diehard United Irishmen who had
evaded capture and taken to outlawry. There was an understandable desire in
such places for strong government and the enforcement of law and order. In
addition, with regard to the international scene, Napoleonic France was
increasingly perceived as a burgeoning, predatory imperialistic power. Many
Ulster people came to believe it was vital to support patriotic preparations
for resisting a French invasion that looked extremely likely.
Burns, to the
United Irishmen a radical poet, retained popularity in Ulster throughout the
Napoleopnic era. So how were his works deployed in the Belfast
News-letter during this tense and highly sensitive transition period?
How was his poetry presented in a style acceptable to an audience
disillusioned with rebellion, facing the prospect of Union with Britain, and
overshadowed by the threat of a French invasion?
Patriotic verse
in the Belfast press during the 1800s frequently urged a close
identification with England as the mother country. The routing of the United
Irishmen, and the exposure of their intentions to engage the assistance of
France in fulfilling their aims, gave many post-Rebellion loyalist writers
the opportunity to present the projected Union as a means of ensuring peace
and security in the face of the threat from French imperial ambitions. In
this climate Napoleon himself could be represented as a ‘bogeyman’ figure.
An early example of such verse is provided by Thomas Stott, a prosperous
linen merchant from Dromore in County Down. Stott was a leading member of a
literary circle encouraged by the loyalist Anglican Bishop Percy and he
regularly contributed pieces to metropolitan publications such as the
Gentleman’s Magazine and the London Morning Post. There was
certainly no question of Stott admiring a Jacobin or radical Burns. Quite
the reverse. Instead, Stott adopted something of Burns’ cocksure, subversive
tone and his favourite stanza form, standard habbie, for a jingo-istic
‘Address to Buonaparte’ published in the News-letter on 17 January,
1800.
Stott assumes a
Scots vernacular register in which to address Napoleon. This is interesting
for several reasons. First because vernacular speech and verse were, in the
late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in Ulster, associated
primarily with the labouring classes for whom broad Scots was also the
normal speaking mode. It had been employed in the Northern Star by
local poets with radical political messages who wished to challenge the
British government - one even called himself Paddy Burns. It was
certainly not Stott’s natural mode of expression, either in speech or in
verse, but by showing that he, the refined amateur, could ‘do vernacular
poetry’, he may have been attempting to divest it of its exclusive,
labouring-class radical chic.
It is a style
of composition particularly appropriate to Stott’s purpose. In countless
satirical works Burns had shown how effective Scots was as a medium for
cutting one’s opponent down to size. Here Stott employs it to present
Napoleon reductively as a crafty trickster, but also as a restless,
implacable and uncanny figure. There are, surely, deliberate echoes of
Burns’ ‘Address to the Deil’ in this portrait, evident in some of the
phrasing. For example, where Burns begins ‘O Thou! Whatever title suit thee
- / Auld Hornie, Satan, Nick or Cloutie’, Stott concludes:
Now ca’ yoursel
what name ye please
Consul – Dictator – or Praeses
Supported by the pious Sieyes
In council dark
TYRANT, perhaps some folk will guess,
Shou’d be your mark.
Stott appears
to be claiming he can deliver what Burns the staunch patriot (in Stott’s
version of him) would have said to Napoleon, while endorsing the
conservative view that revolutionary leaders inevitably grow into tyrants.
For Hallowe’en
1801 Stott contributed a ‘Sonnet to the Shade of Burns’ in which he
celebrated Burns the poet, and had no hesitation in imagining him now
communing with Fergusson and ‘Scotia’s elder bards’, demonstrating that a
strong sense of the Scottish poetic tradition and Burns’ deserved status
within it would have been understood by Ulster readers.
Taking
advantage of the appearance of James Currie’s edition of Burns Life and
Works which appeared in 1800 the Newsletter continued to exploit
the public’s taste for the Scots bard’s works. Roscoe’s stirring, dignified
but naturally idealised ‘Elegy on the Death of the Scottish Poet Burns’,
which designated him ‘the Sweetest Bard […] That ever breath’d the soothing
strain’, was printed on August 5, 1800. Readers were urged to admire the
piece, ‘the merits of which’ they were informed, ‘no one epithet can
describe’. It is noticeable that a re-kindling of interest in Burns appears
to have had the effect of reviving the poetry column which had lapsed for
many weeks earlier in 1800 and subsequently became lively again. The poetry
editor was not slow to remind the public that so far as recognition of
Burns’ genius was concerned the News-letter had been in at the kill,
claiming that it had been ‘the first in Ireland to introduce the poetical
productions of the celebrated Robert Burns to public notice’. The defunct
rival, the Northern Star was therefore relegated to the status of a
‘Johnny come lately’ as far as adulation for Burns was concerned.
From August through to October
of 1800 as the eighteenth century closed and Ireland stood on the verge of
Union the Newsletter reproduced compositions that included ‘The Banks O’
Doon’, ‘Hail, Poesie! Thou Nymph reserv’d’, ‘Address to the Woodlark’ and
‘By Allan Stream I chanc’d to rove’. If the choice of such pieces appeared
to promote a pastoral, often lovelorn, non-threatening Burns, romantically
engaging with the Scottish landscape, it should be recalled that, as the
Ulster vernacular poet James Orr asserted after the Union was an
accomplished fact, ‘to sing the Burns and Bowers’ of one’s own ‘fair lan’’
could serve as a means of asserting an independent national spirit.[i]
Probably such works were chosen, however, because they are delightful in
themselves, and likely to have universal appeal.
Carol admiring the Burns statue in Stanley Park,
Vancouver
Two more obviously daring
pieces, however, were included in August 1800. One was ‘Kind Sir I’ve read
your paper through’, which incorporates Burns’s pithy review of political
news abroad and at home c. 1790 and exhibits a distinct lack of deference.
The consitutionally reformist Newsletter clearly had no intention of
projecting Burns as an anodyne, unchallenging figure. Potentially more
dangerous, because of its enthralling, romantic power and its potential
contemporary application was ‘A Vision: As I stood by yon roofless tower’.
Here the poet muses well after nightfall in an eerily beautiful Scottish
landscape, rendered all the more picturesque by the presence of the ruins of
the twelfth century Lincluden Abbey. In this powerful, sacred place Burns,
the reader may infer, is re-connected with independent Scotland’s pre-1707
Union, pre-Glorious Revolution and indeed pre-Calvinist Reformation past. A
gothic element is supplied both by the Mediaeval ruin and the appearance of
the mournful ghost of a minstrel, who sings with joy of former times but
grieves over ‘latter days’. His message is mysterious and secret. The poet
dares not report it in his rhymes but he does reveal that a sacred symbol on
the minstrel’s bonnet identifies him with ‘liberty’. Liam McIlvanney calls
this one of ‘Burns’s most vehemently radical pieces.[ii]
In Ireland, of
course, the word ‘liberty’ resonated with very recent United Irish
associations and the inclusion of a poem in which ‘liberty’ is represented
by a ghost grieving over present circumstances, just as Ireland was facing
incorporation could have been interpreted as deliberately subversive, even
potentially inflammatory. No wonder the editor appended a note that set the
work within the contexts of antiquarianism, picturesque writing and romantic
fantasy. The note concluded: ‘Though this poem has a political bias, yet it
may be presumed that no reader of taste, whatever his opinions may be, would
forgive its being omitted.’ So there was clearly an attempt to show that
Burns’ more troubling works could be rehabilitated by making them the
property of the tasteful literary connoisseur.
In the autumn
of 1800, several readers enthusiastic about the well-nigh completed Union
project contributed verse designed to express their satisfaction. In his
‘Poem on the Union’ a Mr Dibden assembled an array of national symbols – St
George, St Patrick, St Andrew; the Thames, the Tweed, the Shannon; the Rose,
the Thistle, the Shamrock. The writer, clearly with the French threat firmly
in mind, expresses certainty that ‘the world’s admiration and fear
are excited, / To see Ireland and Scotland, and England united.’
‘A Song on the
Union’, January 16, 1801 is even more triumphalist in tone:
Arise mighty
Kingdom,
Enjoy thy proud fate,
And hail the blest aera
That renders thee great!
May each year increase
Thy Prosperity’s store
And Union befriend thee
Till time be no more.
On 6 January
1801, however, when the Union was only days old in law, the Newsletter
had again turned to Burns for a mot juste, or at least to a poem for
which Burns had expressed admiration. Readers were offered the anonymous,
ballad-like ‘Keen blaws the wind o’er Donnocht Head’, and informed that it
appeared ‘in Dr Currie’s edition of Burns’s works printed at Liverpool’.
Here too the minstrel trope is employed; this time a homeless, lonely, last
bard type figure who, wishing to escape appalling winter weather in a
desolate, highland landscape, begs for shelter at the home of a kindly
couple. The setting, the minstrel’s bereft condition and the state of the
country depicted must have suggested strongly to Ulster readers in January
1801 the condition of Scotland following the Rebellion of 1745, but also,
inevitably, the condition of their own land post-1798. The piece concludes:
Nae hame have
I, the minstrel said
Sad party strife o’erturned my ha’;
And weeping at the eve of life,
I wander through a wreath of snaw.
Does the
News-letter’s inclusion of this work encode a plea for resignation to
the fact of the Union and an end to further violence and bitter division
within Ireland, given the trauma that the country had just endured? If so,
the jingo-istic certainties of loyalist patriots are absent, but the message
seems clear – continuing party strife will serve only to perpetuate ruin and
desolation.
Burns is
reported to have said he would have given ten pounds to have written
‘Donnocht Head’. Perhaps the News-letter’s inclusion of the
information that Burns had ‘entertained a high opinion’ of this ‘affecting
poem’ was intended as a signal: as if ‘that celebrated author’, from beyond
the grave, was encouraging his Ulster readers to give up “sad party strife”
even if many of them felt unable to rejoice in the wake of the Union.
[i]
Orr, James, ‘Epistle to S. Thomson of Carngranny in Collected
Works (Belfast: Mullan and Son, 1935), pp. 122-5.
[ii]
McIlvanney, Liam, Burns the Radical: Poetry and Politics in Late
Eighteenth-Century Scotland (East Linton: The Tuckwell Press
Ltd., 2002), p. 232.
Carol Baraniuk
University of Ulster
May 2012
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