Edited
by Frank R. Shaw, FSA Scot, Dawsonville, GA, USA
Email:
jurascot@earthlink.net
In September of last year Pauline Gray Mackay
from the University of Glasgow was guest speaker at the Burns Club of
Atlanta, and it was a delight for Susan and me to host her, along with Drs.
Ross Roy and Patrick Scott from the University of South Carolina, in our
home for the evening. The two gentlemen had graciously offered to drive
Pauline from Columbia to Atlanta for her talk at our monthly meeting.
Pauline was at the university as the W. Ormiston Roy Memorial Fellow for
research in the area of Robert Burns and Scottish poetry.
Pauline and I were recently on the program
together at the University of Glasgow’s Burns and Beyond conference.
On of the many good things that came out of that all-too-brief conference
was an announcement by Dr. Gerry Carruthers, Head of the Department of
Scottish Literature as well as The Robert Burns Centre, that Pauline had
completed her studies and been awarded her PhD. Hearty congratulations from
one and all to Pauline for this significant step in her education.
The following essay by Pauline is newsworthy and
necessary in today’s modern world where some still hold on to myths and
legends about Burns, particular those regarding women. Even though Burns
never intended for his bawdy works to be published, one must consider that
to know Burns, one must know all about him, and that includes his many
female relationships. For me it is difficult to know Burns the poet and song
writer if I do not know Burns the man. Even his faithful wife once declared
that her husband “should have had twa wives”. My thanks to Pauline for
sharing her paper with our readers as it sheds much light on a subject
considered “taboo” by too many in our enlightened age.
Once again I am indebted to Mitchell Miller and
Johnny Rodger, editors of THE DROUTH where Pauline’s paper appeared
in Issue 38 Winter 2010/2011, entitled FOUNDATION. (FRS: 2.16.11)
Robert Burns: Bawdy Language
By Pauline Anne Mackay

Burns’s bawdy language, as printed in the
originally censored collection of Scots songs The Merry Muses of
Caledonia (some of which are by Burns and some of which are attributed
to the poet), and elsewhere in poems such as ‘Libel Summons’, has until very
recently formed part of what is increasingly know as the poet’s reserved
oeuvre. Following the appearance of the earliest known publication of
The Merry Muses in 1799, Burns’s bawdy writings appeared in numerous
unofficial publications throughout the nineteenth century. However, thought
to be obscene and generally offensive to ‘polite’ society, this material
would remain illegal until well into the twentieth century. Not until the
1960s in fact, were Burns’s writings on sexuality legitimately introduced to
the public in modern editions of The Merry Muses of Caledonia. In
response to official culture’s suppression of Burns’s bawdry, Alan Bold
posits that the songs had ‘a strong underground presence and effectively
disrupted the repressive authoritarianism of Scottish society.’
Certainly, Burns’s bawdy songs might be considered to transgress the
boundaries established and enforced by the church, the state and bourgeois
society insofar as the poet uses bawdy language to undermine
and ultimately explode the tensions between sexuality and official culture
in the eighteenth century.
According to Eric Remuell Randall, Burns’s bawdy
language represents a ‘frank’, ‘sincere’ and realistic expression of
sexuality, representative of the rural folk tradition in which bawdy song
was nurtured and maintained:
Bawdry, in the sense in which the term is used
for Burns and the songs he loved, means uninhibited frankness of expression.
And such frankness in the rural Scotland of Burns’s day was something that
cannot be ignored by anyone who is desirous of assessing Burns’s work
realistically. […] Burns as the minstrel of his people would have been less
than sincere, would not have been true to himself or to them, if he had
muzzled his merry Muse in the interests of conventional gentility.
The ‘uninhibited frankness’ of bawdy folk song
is in part owing to the traditional means of transmission: by word of mouth.
The oral tradition was, by its very nature, more fluid in its transmission
of cultural materials. Orally transmitted bawdry was therefore significantly
less prone to censure or litigation than that which was eventually (and
necessarily) committed to the pages of unofficial publications or privately
printed works. Consequently, folk culture (as recorded in bawdy song) does
seem to propagate a freer, more realistic, earthy acceptance of the human
condition, and therefore a somewhat healthier attitude towards sex and the
body, than eighteenth century bourgeois society; an acceptance that
encourages not only frankness, but a sense of humour, which Robert Chambers
describes as ‘a profound sense of the ludicrous in regard to sexual
relations’.
Catherine Carswell says of the tradition of folk
bawdry that: ‘The Scots were a humane folk. They were also a folk much
addicted to ribaldry. No doubt the two go together. Probably no other
peasantry the world over has been so exuberant in lewdness.’
Carswell too links ‘ribaldry’, or bawdry, with humanity and with a
commendable realism. Moreover Carswell recognises the ‘exuberance’, the
sheer energy and enjoyment that the expression of humanity in humorous, lewd
or bawdy song afforded those who shared and preserved the tradition. It is
exactly this exuberance, a somewhat mischievous defiance on Burns’s part
that is ever-present in his bawdy songs where in ‘Why Shouldna Poor Folk
M—e’ for example, ‘The poor man lies down, Nor envies a crown/ But comforts
himsel’ with a m-e’.
That said, Burns himself knew only too well that the bawdy branch of his
work would prove offensive to so-called ‘polite’ eighteenth-century society,
and for that matter unpublishable. For this reason, as evidenced by the
poet’s correspondence, it is clear that Burns did not intend to
present his bawdy work to the general public. He did, however, very much
enjoy disseminating bawdy songs among like-minded contemporaries.
In a letter to George Thomson (1757-1851) in
September 1793, Burns very rightly identifies the bearing of individual
taste, on the reception of bawdry, and bawdy language when he states that,
‘What pleases me, as simple and naïve, disgusts you as ludicrous & low.
In another letter to Provost Robert Maxwell on the 20th
December 1789, Burns cleverly demonstrates the difference between the
‘ludicrous and low’ and what one might refer to as ‘bourgeois’ culture:
Well, to make the matter short, I shall betake
myself to a subject ever fertile of themes, a Subject, the turtle-feast of
the Sons of Satan, and the delicious, secret Sugar-plumb of the Babes of
Grace; a Subject, sparkling with all the jewels that Wit can find in the
minds of Genius, and pregnant with all the stores of Learning, from Moses &
Confucius to Franklin & Priestly – in short, may it please Your Lordship, I
intend to write BAUDY!
Burns skilfully and ironically uses elaborate, highly stylised English to
communicate the very essence of ‘Baudy’; that which is supposedly
unacceptable and subordinate. The extended alliteration used in the phrase,
‘the turtle-feast of the Sons of Satan, and the delicious, secret
Sugar-plumb of the Babes of Grace’ conveys the very intentional artifice of
the writer, and utilises notions of corruption and innocence to suggest the
universal appeal of bawdry. This passage is deliberately exaggerated, a
somewhat unnatural expression of language. And so, with his tongue firmly in
his cheek, Burns posits the idea that, when it comes to sex, the mindset of
bourgeois culture as represented by his somewhat garish use of formal
English is in fact unnatural. Bawdry, as a narrative of the sexual body, is
‘sparkling with all the jewels that Wit can find in the minds of Genius, and
pregnant with all the stores of Learning’, and so sexuality commands
attention. For Burns, the body must be accommodated: if not by bourgeois
culture, in a parallel or unofficial sphere. It is therefore significant
that the ‘baudy’ writing that follows is ‘The Case of Conscience’
a sexually explicit, anti-clerical, anti-puritan satire written almost
entirely in Scots.
The first stanza of this song introduces a
female character in a contemporary socially acceptable light:
I’ll tell you a tale of a Wife,
And she was a Whig and a Saunt;
She liv’d a most sanctify’d life,
But whyles she was fash’d wi’ her —.
(ll. 1-4)
Burns’s female character is an older woman, one
of the so-called ‘elect’, who is both pious and sexually inhibited. The
notion of the woman as religious is gradually developed in the first lines
of the song where she is described, in religious language, as ‘a saunt’ who
lived a ‘most sanctify’d life’. However, this is dramatically undercut by
the final line of the stanza: ’But whyles she was fash’d wi’ her —’. The
profanity of the expletive placed at the close of the stanza acts in stark
contrast to the opening of the song, and so Burns exploits and conflates
highly religious and explicitly sexual language registers. Our attention is
abruptly and very deliberately drawn to the bodily lower stratum and to the
female sexual organs, to convey that the woman is a sexual being troubled by
physical desire, and so we immediately encounter the typically Burnsian
notion that orthodox religion cannot entirely suppress sexuality.
Burns further conflates religion and sexuality
by introducing the voice of a clergyman, a spiritual confident, to reassure
his parishioner that ‘haly gude women enow/ Are mony times waur’d wi’ their
[cunt]’ (ll. 11-12), emphasising that sex is natural and universal. In
stanza five of the song, Burns’s clergyman proceeds by alluding to the
belief common in orthodox Christianity, that the human body and associated
carnal, physical appetites are a test of the spirit, and should be denied:
It’s naught but Beelzebub’s art,
But that’s the mair sign of a saunt,
He kens that ye’re pure at the heart,
Sae levels his darts at your —. – (ll.17-20)
Here Burns humorously subverts the notion of sex
as sinful, by likening Satan to Cupid; the Roman god of erotic love. The
phallic connotations of the word ‘darts’, coupled with the placement of the
expletive ‘—’ (or rather, ‘c—t’) at the very end of the verse, ensures that
once again the reader’s attention is drawn to the physical components of
sex.
Burns sustains his attack on religious hypocrisy
when, significantly, Burns’s ‘honest auld woman’s’ struggle with sexual
desire is not relieved by religion, but by sexual intercourse with the
corrupt clergyman:
And now with a sanctify’d kiss
Lets kneel & renew covenant:
It’s this – and it’s this – and it’s this –
That settles the pride o’ your —. – (ll. 33-6)
Devotion blew up to a flame;
No words can do justice upon’t;
The honest auld woman gaed hame
Rejoicing and clawin her — . – (ll.37-40)
Burns’s use of rhythmic repetition to convey
sexual action, ‘it’s this – and it’s this – and it’s this’ ensures that
sexual action is not merely alluded to, but presented overtly and in a sense
of real time. Burns’s conflation of religious and sexual language reaches a
climax in the line, ‘Devotion blew up to a flame’. The implication here is
that sex is a more suitable form of worship than empty, hypocritical
religious pretence. Burns’s conclusion, ‘The honest auld carlin gaed hame/
Rejoicin’ and clawin her c—t’, heralds the joyful triumph of sexuality over
Puritanism, by defiantly presenting the woman’s happy sexual liberation from
solemn religious piety. For Burns, there is no such thing as ‘the pride o’
your c—t’: sexual desire as a natural phenomenon is humanity at its most
basic and necessary level and does not recognise religious pride, or for
that matter official culture.
In ‘Act Sederunt O’ the Court O’ Session’
(?1793) Burns conflates sexual and ‘official’ language registers when he
assumes a mock-legal stance to scoff at social and religious impositions on
human sexuality:
In Embrugh town they’ve made a law,
In Embrugh at the Court o’ Session
That stanin’ p---ks are fau’tors a’,
And guilty o’ a high transgression.— (ll. 1-4)
Prior to its publication in The Merry Muses
of Caledonia (1799), this song was sent by Burns to Robert Cleghorn in
October 1793, followed by the exclamation, ‘Well! The Law is good for
something, since we can make a B—dy-song out of it. – (N.B. I never made
anything of it any other way –)’.
Burns’s contempt for the law, seemingly borne from the state’s attempted
jurisdiction of sexuality, likewise exudes from the song itself:
Decreet o’ the Court o’ Session,
Act sederunt o’ the session.
That stanin’ p---ks are fau’tors a’
And guilty o’ a high transgression. (ll.5-8)
The opening stanzas are a reference to the
state’s involvement in matters of sexual regulation. It should be noted
that, when deemed appropriate, the Presbyterian Kirk session could submit
persistent or unrepentant fornicators (as well as couples who had entered
into irregular marriages) to the jurisdiction of the official courts. And
so, Kirk and state were, to a degree, united in their attempted suppression
of sexuality in the eighteenth century. Burns deliberately mocks official
concern with the public’s sexual affairs in humorous and defiantly explicit
terms. The phallic imagery of the refrain, ‘staning p---ks are fau’tors a’/
And guilty o’ a high transgression’, points to the ironic notion that,
rather than those who take part in natural sexual activity, it is the
state’s attempted suppression of the human body and natural, irrepressible
sexuality that contravenes basic humanity, or rather, nature’s law. This is
emphasised in Burns’s sexually explicit representation of the state’s
punishment for sexual transgression, which is conveyed by metaphorical
reference to the female sexual body:
An’ they’ve provided dungeons deep.
Ilk lass has ane in her possession;
Until the fau’tors wail and weep,
They there shall lie for their transgression. –
Decreet o’ the Court o’ Session,
Act Sederunt o’ the Session,
The rogues in pouring tears shall weep,
By act Sederunt o’ the Session. – (ll.9-16)
These stanzas are clearly ambiguous. One
interpretation rests upon perceived ideas of the ‘sexual entrapment’ of men
by women, notions that we might consider were exacerbated by the regulation
of extra-marital relationships. The female genitalia is quite literally
representative of ‘dungeons deep’: prisons where promiscuous masculinity
must ‘wail and weep’, or rather, languish, for indulging in illicit sex.
Alternatively these lines might be read as a defiant reminder of the state’s
inability to repress sexual activity: a representation of male and female
genitalia (‘stanin’ pricks’ and ‘dungeons deep’) engaged in sexual
intercourse, ‘until the wretches wail and weep’ with sexual pleasure,
culminating in the ‘pouring tears’ of ejaculation. And so, Burns’s rejection
of official culture is couched in the reality of that which cannot be
suppressed; human nature, the most powerful expression of which, for Burns,
is sexual intercourse.
One of Burns’s most skilful and most extensive
bawdy productions is ‘Libel Summons’ (also intermittently titled ‘The
Fornicator’s Court’ and ‘The Court of Equity’).
The poem is modelled upon the disciplinary practices of the
eighteenth-century Presbyterian Kirk Session and its agenda is clear in that
it is humorously satirical of both church and state. Burns’s chosen title,
‘Libel Summons’, and his adoption of Latinate terms introduces the notion of
legal parody, and so, the poem is presented to us as a legal writ, ‘Pro
bono amor’ (l. 8), a humorous subversion of the legal term Pro
bono publico; for the public good. This is in ironic reference,
probably, to the eighteenth-century Kirk Session’s application to official
courts, such as the Edinburgh Consistory Court, for legally binding
decisions pertaining to fornication and the legitimacy of ‘irregular’
marriages. However, while Burns’s imagined ‘Court of Equity’ (l.10) purports
responsibility for the regulation of extra-marital sexual relationships, it
does not consider sex alone a transgression, but rather the failure to
partake of consensual sex with respect for the act itself and for one’s
partner, ‘The stays unlacing quondam maiden/ With growing life and anguish
laden’ (ll. 13-14).
Throughout the poem, standard English is used to
mimick, or rather mock, official culture. However, this is undermined by
Burns’s imaginative and humorous metaphors for sexual activity. In the
following excerpt, a young couple are accused of fornication:
First, Clocky Brown, there’s witness borne,
And affidavit made and sworn,
Ae evening of the Mauchline fair,
That Jeanie’s masts there were seen bare,
For ye had furl’d up her sails,
And was at play at heads and tails;
That ye had made a hurly burly,
About Jean Mitchell’s tirly whorly;
That ye her pendulum tried to alter,
And grizzled at her regulator; (ll.57-66)
Here is an extremely detailed, highly
sexualised, physical description of Clocky Brown and Jeanie Mitchell’s
sexual adventure. Burns begins this excerpt by
using recognisably official terms (‘witness’, ‘affidavit’, ‘sworn’). The
rhythm and metre of the verse conveys sexual urgency, mocking the ridiculous
and voyeuristic nature of the charges. The couplets provide a progressive
depiction of the sexual act: the process of undressing and the image of the
Jeanie’s naked legs (an image frequently used by Burns in erotic
description), reference to the couple’s anatomy (‘heads and tails’), and
finally the sexual act itself which is made emphatically carnal by use of
the word ‘grizzled’. The word choice is made even more impressive by Burns’s
humorous employment of terms associated with Browns’ profession as a
Clockmaker (‘pendulum’ and ‘regulator’) to describe his sexual technique. A
variation of lines 65-66 that does exist in Burns’s holograph, but that is
rarely printed except from in James Kinsley’s edition of the Poems and
Songs, are the identifiably Scots lines ‘And blooster’d at her
regulator/ Till a’ her wheels gang clitter-clatter.’
The plosive, alliterative sounds of these lines are indeed effective in my
opinion, the only reason that I can think of for their exclusion is that
they are somewhat more vigorous (violent even) and signify one manifestation
of what Alan Bold in ‘The Sensual Scot’ refers to as ‘Burns’s rampant
phallicism’. In these lines, the physical body is only alluded to. We don’t
have explicit words such as ‘c—t’, but the much more comic phrases, ‘hurly
burly’ and ‘tirly whorly’ and this leads me to a final point for
consideration: that which is ‘unsaid’, or rather, ‘unprinted’.
Robert Burns himself was no stranger to ‘the
dash’. The poet frequently used these to obscure names or bawdy words that
might provoke controversy or, indeed, prove litigious should they fall into
the wrong hands. The poet’s sexually explicit song and poetry is littered
with expletives such as ‘c--t’, ‘p---ks’, ‘p---le’, ‘m--e’ and ‘f--k’ to
name but a few. The use of expletives (or dashes) in publications of Burns’s
bawdy verse is becoming a matter of increasing interest among scholars and
the general public, with some calling for modern editions to print any
previously obscured words in their entirety (where they are known). Jeffrey
Skoblow, in discussing terms of reference for Burns’s Merry Muses,
rejects both ‘bawdy’ and ‘erotic’ in favour of the telling omission, ‘—‘. In
doing so he suggests just one reason for retaining the practice:
From the above, there is much to be gained from
the consideration of Burns’s sexually explicit bawdy writing and, indeed,
from the poet’s reserved oeuvre more generally. Certainly, Robert
Burns’s agenda in producing the bawdy satires discussed here is clear:
Burns’s skilful and carefully considered bawdy language shirks the
boundaries imposed by Kirk and State and harnesses the frank and realistic
attitude to matters sexual present in eighteenth-century folk culture, in
order to reject the suppression of natural sexuality (and, ultimately, human
nature) by religious and official culture.
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