THE forty-four years which
separate the founding of the Universities of Glasgow and Aberdeen were
little favourable to educational progress. Twenty-eight are covered by the
reign of James III whose hands were kept more than full by an unbroken
struggle against powerful and rebellious nobles whose chief grievance
against him was that he was interested in art and literature. His favourite
friends who were hanged over Lauder Bridge were almost all people of
culture. They were hanged by Archibald Bell-the-Cat whose character in
respect of culture is quite fairly expressed by Scott's
"Thanks to St Bothan son of
mine
Save Gawain ne'er could pen a line."
Though there was no
concentrated public action with respect to education till 1494, the century
that can lay claim to such literature as the Kingis Quair, Christis Kirk on
the Grease, and the poems of Blind Harry, Dunbar, and Henryson has no cause
to be ashamed. From Dunbar's Lament for the Makaris it is clear that a very
large part of the literary production of that age is lost.
On Elphinstone becoming
Bishop of Aberdeen he found in existence a studium generale of humble
pretensions, which probably suggested the idea of a third university in that
city. With the cordial co-operation of James IV, whose full confidence he
enjoyed, he succeeded in his project. The King forwarded to Pope Alexander
VI a request for sanction for the erection. This was freely given and a Bull
was issued. In the preamble to the Bull, which is too long to quote at
length, the Pope gives his reason for granting it, viz. that the King had
presented a petition, desiring to improve the condition of his people,
especially in the northern parts of his kingdom, where there are places cut
off from the rest by arms of the sea and high mountains ; that the people
living there are ignorant and almost barbarous, owing to their distance from
a university, that proper men cannot be found for preaching and
administering the sacraments ; that the city of Old Aberdeen is near these
places and suitable for a university, where all lawful faculties could be
taught both to ecclesiastics and laymen, who would thus acquire the most
precious pearl of knowledge, and so promote the well-being of the kingdom
and the salvation of souls.
It can scarcely be doubted
that the terms of this petition greatly exaggerated the extent to which
barbarism and the absence of education prevailed in the north and east of
Scotland. In the 12th and subsequent centuries there were schools in
Aberdeen. More than a hundred years before this petition was presented,
Barbour Archdeacon of Aberdeen wrote his Brus in the vernacular. In Aberdeen
Fordun the historian was a chantry priest. It may be fairly presumed that
both wrote for an educated people, who had some appreciation of literature.
A more certain proof of this is Barbour's taking students to study at Oxford
and Paris. The Legends of the Saints-a Ms. in the Cambridge University
Library-is clearly an Aberdeen production of the 15th century. It is to the
last degree unlikely that, in view of the possession of schools, monastic or
other, for three centuries, the priesthood were so unlettered as to be
unable to conduct the services of the Church with efficiency. The mountainss
and arms of the sea are very real obstacles to the spread of education, and
are with us still, but they are not insuperable and seem here unduly
pressed.
Cosmo Innes's comment on this
may be quoted.
"Centuries before the era of
our oldest University, the whole fertile land of Scotland was occupied by
the same energetic tribes, whether Saxon or Danish, who colonised England.
Towns were built wherever a river's mouth gave a haven for small ships in
the dangerous coast. Trade was carried on with the kindred people of
Flanders, Holland and Normandy ; and the hides and wool of our mountains,
the salmon of the Dee and the Tay, and the herring of our seas, were
exchanged against the cloths of Bruges, the wines of Bordeaux and the Rhine;
and the table luxuries, as well as the ornaments of dress and art, which
found admirers among us long before we appreciated what are now counted the
comforts of life. A trading and friendly intercourse with the continental
nations would, of itself, go far to prove some intelligence and education [Fasti
Aberdonenses, p. iv.]."
In connection with the
statement that Elphinstone on his arrival in Aberdeen in 1495 found in
existence a studium generale of humble pretensions, it is necessary to refer
to John Hardyng's Chronicle (p. 423 Ellis's edition), in the 15th stanza of
which we find the following:
Than ryde Northeast all
alongest the see,
Ryght from Dunde to Arbroith as I mene,
Than to Monrosse, and to Barvye,
And so through the Meernes to Cowy as I wene,
Then xii myles of moore passe to Aberdyne,
Betwyxt Dee and Done a goodly cytee,
A merchaunt towne and universytee.
His history is not above
suspicion, but it is certain that he was sent on confidential missions to
Scotland by Henry V and Henry VI whose reigns cover the period from 1413 to
1461, and that he spent over three years in the country.
"The precise date when
Hardyng visited Scotland cannot be determined; but it must have been early
in the reign of Henry V. His Chronicle, written in his advanced age, was
originally intended for the special behoof of Richard, Duke of York. As it
was not completed in its, final form, however, till York's death, Hardyng
presented it to his son Edward IV [Hume Brown's Early Travellers in
Scotland, p. 20, ed. 1891."
However untrustworthy he may
be in some respects, we have on a subject, about which he had no motive for
deliberate falsehood, a statement of the existence of a university in
Aberdeen seventy years before Elphinstone found only a studium generale of
humble pretensions. A probable explanation is, that it is another example of
what seems to have been the case, as already mentioned, at the foundation of
Glasgow University, that there was in the northern city a learned
corporation having a vigorous virtual existence long before it obtained
legal recognition as a university. This is perhaps a feasible explanation,
but it is further to be observed that if the building
was not completed till the
reign of Edward IV (1461 - 1483) this brings us not very far off
Elphinstone's date. We have however still to account for Hardyng's "goodly
cytee and merchaunte towne." Here we are met by a conflict of authorities
-on the one hand Buckle, who describes Scotland at this time as almost a
wilderness, and on the other Pedro de Ayala, a Spanish statesman and
historian, ambassador at the court of James IV, whose residence in the
country was a little earlier than Hardyng's, and who speaks of it as fairly
prosperous, inhabited by a people hospitable, courteous, and generally in
comfortable circumstances. Though not definitely stated it is highly
probable that Aberdeen was included in this general survey. Dunbar, on James
and Margaret's visit in 1511, in a poem of nine verses of eight lines each,
speaks very highly of Aberdeen, the last line of every verse being "Be
blithe and blissful burgh of Aberdeen."
It is not safe to say more
than that De Ayala's account so far lends probability to Hardyng's
statement. It may be summarised thus-The towns and villages are populous.
The houses are all good, built of hewn stone, provided with excellent doors,
glass windows, and a great number of chimneys, and well furnished. The
people are handsome, and hospitable to foreigners, but vain, and spend too
much in keeping up appearances.. They are courageous, strong and active. The
women are exceedingly courteous, really honest, though very bold, graceful
and handsome, absolute mistresses of their houses and even of their
husbands, and take the management of income and expenditure. They are better
dressed than English women, especially as regards their head-dress, which he
thinks is the handsomest in the world. He ends by saying " There is as great
a difference between the Scotland of old time and the Scotland of to-day, as
there is between bad and good [Bergenroth's Calendar of Spanish Papers, I,
pp. 169 - 175.]."
It is not necessary for our
purpose to enter into a detailed account of Elphinstone's career, beyond
saying that, after making a liberal discount from the marvellous qualities
ascribed to him by Boece, - who is characterised by Cosmo Innes as "quite
unembarrassed by facts,"-he was a man of very great ability as a statesman,
untiring energy and devotion as a churchman, .a conspicuous benefactor to
the north-east of Scotland, free from the slightest taint of selfishness,
and "has left a name to be reverenced above every other in the latter days
of the ancient Scottish Church [Fasti Aberdonenses, xi.]." In Dalrymple's
translation of Leslie's History a fine description of Elphinstone's
character is given : Part III, 152, S.T.S. His experiences in Glasgow and
Orleans, and as Rector of Glasgow University, eminently fitted him for
giving a promising start to the third Scottish University. Glasgow had so
far not been successful. In its constitution he discovered two serious
defects. "No salaries were provided for regular lectures in the high
faculties, and there was not sufficient power over the university to remedy
disorders when these became general and infected the whole body." In
Aberdeen both these defects were remedied. Salaries were provided for
teachers in the high faculties by handing over to the university the
churches of Arbuthnot, Glenmyk and Abergarney with their revenues, and a
visitorial power was established, the Chancellor reserving to himself a
dictatorial authority to be used at his discretion depending on the reports
given by the visitors.
Here as in the other Scottish
universities teaching was commenced before any special buildings were
erected. An inscription over the door of King's College chapel bears that
the masons began to build early in 1500. The name given to the erection was
the College of St Mary in nativitate but it was soon thereafter named King's
College, and was completed probably in 1505.
In Elphinstone's charter of
foundation we find the first use of Principalis Collegii as a
designation of the head official, who was to be a Master in Theology.
In the universities of the
middle ages the subjects taught were the seven liberal arts arranged in two
divisions. In the first, called the trivium, there were three subjects,
Grammar, Logic and Rhetoric, and in the second, called the quadrivium, there
were four, Arithmetic, Geometry, Music and Astronomy. This was the
arrangement in Aberdeen, but in addition to these Canon Law, Civil Law,
Medicine and Theology were taught. It is noteworthy that Elphinstone's
scheme was at least in theory more comprehensive than that of any university
in Britain, prescribing not only the three Faculties, Arts, Theology and
Law, but also Medicine, for which no professorship was established in Oxford
or Cambridge till near the middle of the 16th century, nor in Glasgow till
1637, nor in Edinburgh till 1685. Instruction was given in Latin, not so
much as a subject of academic study, but as necessary for the prosecution of
the higher studies, the teaching of which was all conducted in Latin.
Philosophy based on the treatises of Aristotle was the backbone of the
teaching. From the scarcity of books, dictating from the text-books was the
usual method. These dictations were accompanied by notes supplied by the
teacher. This practice continued for a considerable time after the supply of
books made it unnecessary.
There were at first
thirty-six members of the college for whose endowment provision was made.
Six of these were permanent teachers of theology, canon law, civil law,
medicine, the liberal arts, and grammar respectively. Five were students of
theology who had taken their degree of Master of Arts, and combined with
their own studies in theology the duty of regents, by taking part in the
teaching of thirteen bursars who were proceeding to the degree of Master.
The other twelve were prebendaries and choristers to whom less important
duties were assigned. The Chancellor and Rector were usually not resident
members. They were superior to all the other members. Their duties lay
outside the details of teaching, and were almost entirely supervisory. The
Bishop ex officio was named Chancellor in the Bull, the Rector was elected
by the votes of the students in `nations [The earliest record of the King's
College nations is Aberdeen, including Aberdeen and Banff, Angus, including
Angus and Mearns, Moray, all north of the Spey, Lothian, the rest of
Scotland.].' It is noteworthy that the Bull introduced a new element into
the governing body of the university, by giving authority for the admission
of two outsiders, Privy Councillors, to be associated with the Chancellor
and Rector in its management. The experience of St Andrews and Glasgow,
which enjoyed complete immunity from interference by statesmen, perhaps
suggested that a practical lay element would be valuable for keeping within
bounds the too ecclesiastical views of men who had breathed only the
atmosphere of the cloister.
The Chancellor nominated the
six teachers above mentioned, the chief of whom was the Principal. His
duties were to teach theology and undertake the general government of the
university. He could command the obedience of his five colleagues. The
theological students could not reside more than seven years. They as well as
the bursars were admitted on the recommendation of the Rector, Principal and
sub-Principal, but the bursars could reside for only three years and a half,
at the end of which they were expected to graduate.
As compared with St Andrews
and Glasgow, Aberdeen was in several important respects fortunate. The Pope
and the King combined to promote its prosperity. From various sources to
which considerations of space permit only a general reference funds were
contributed. The revenues of a hospital which had long ceased to serve the
purpose for which it was founded ; the revenues of at least five churches ;
and a series of gifts from private individuals were turned to the use of the
university. Taught by the misfortune of the two older institutions in having
no salaries for regular lecturers, Aberdeen was able, through the untiring
zeal of Elphinstone, to remedy this serious defect. This improvement came by
degrees. It was at first a regulation in all European universities, that a
master or doctor after taking his degree was bound to teach for a certain
time. As there were no salaries, teaching could not be satisfactorily
provided in any other way. After a time however this was changed for a
system according to which graduates received a fee from each student, which
was further followed, thanks to Elphinstone's personal influence, by the
endowment of Aberdeen with an amount sufficient for the whole body of
professors, within less than a dozen years after its foundation.
It is impossible to form an
exact estimate of the amount which a sum quoted five centuries ago would
represent at the present day. The revenues of the hospital above referred to
are quoted as being thirty pounds. On this Mr Rait remarks," It is not easy
to say what this sum really represented ; for during the 14th and 15th
centuries both King and parliament were constantly altering the coinage. But
seeing that the buying power of money was very much greater then than now,
we shall not be far wrong in supposing that this sum would represent
probably not less than £300 at the present day [Rait's Universities of
Aberdeen, p. 43.]." It is at any rate reasonable to assume that emoluments
sufficient to induce scholars of the reputation of Boece and Hay to accept
the principalship were fairly on a level with those of modern principals and
professors. Unless the coinage was much depreciated-and James IV was in this
respect better than most Kings of his race-they were very considerably more.
In addition to the pious zeal
of Elphinstone and the falling in of endowments, Aberdeen was fortunate in
having as its first Principal a man of the experience and ability of Boece.
Notwithstanding the admitted inaccuracy of his history and his tendency to
exaggeration, he had many admirable qualities. He was a fellow-student and
friend of Erasmus, had felt the influence of the Renaissance, and infused
into the new institution a healthiness of tone which it retained after his
death. There were however other circumstances which contributed to the early
success of the university. The awakening effect of the Renaissance was
becoming more general, and the art of printing was first introduced into
Scotland in 1507.
On this Professor Hume Brown
remarks, "The art had not come too soon to Scotland, for among the other
glories of the time was the appearance of men of learning and genius, whose
productions form part of the national inheritance. To the reign of James
belong the poems of William Dunbar and Gavin Douglas, who in any age must
have been among the first literary figures of their time What is of further
historical interest both in Douglas and Dunbar is the blending in them of
the middle age that had gone and the new age that had come. By their larger
view of life and their more direct knowledge of the classical tradition they
show that they have been influenced by the revival of letters; while in the
moments when they remember the profession to which they both belonged, they
fall back on that cloistral attitude towards men and things which is the
note of medieval christianity [Hume Brown's History of Scotland, vol. i, pp.
346-7.]."
As already mentioned, in the
universities of the middle ages every graduate was taken bound to teach for
a certain time if his services were required [Burton's Scot Abroad, i, p.
257, ed. 1864.]. The student on entering did not necessarily find professors
ready to teach him each in his own subject. He was obliged to place himself
under the charge of a qualified graduate, who carried him through the whole
of his studies in all subjects. Such graduates were as already mentioned
called Regents. This continued to be the regular system in Scotland till
about the middle of the 18th century. To quote Sir William Hamilton, "The
business of instruction was not confided to a special body of privileged
professors. The university was governed, the university was taught, by the
graduates at large. Professor, master, doctor were originally synonymous.
Every graduate had an equal right of teaching publicly in the university the
subjects competent to his Faculty, and to the rank of his degree ; nay,
every graduate incurred the obligation of teaching publicly for such was the
condition involved in the grant of
the degree itself As the
university only accomplished the end of its existence through its Regents,
they alone were allowed to enjoy full privileges in its legislature and
government ; they alone partook of its beneficia and sportulae
[Dissertations, pp. 391-2 (Sir Wm. Hamilton).]."
There is an absence of exact
information as to the steps by which graduation was reached. The Bull gives
to the Aberdeen authorities the power of granting degrees to deserving
students after due examination, but what constituted a due examination is
not specified. There is nothing more definite than what is stated by
Professor Laurie in his Lectures on the rise and early constitution of
universities. " Graduation was, in the medieval universities, simply the
conferring of a qualification and right to teach (or in the case of
medicine, to practise), given after a certain length of attendance at a
university, and an examination conducted by those already in the position of
teachers [Lecture xii, p. 214.]."
On the death of Elphinstone
in 154 Bishop Alexander Gordon became Chancellor. His short tenure of office
for three years and delicate health prevented him from exercising any
important influence on the Institution. With the appointment of Bishop Gavin
Dunbar as Chancellor, a man of zeal and force scarcely inferior to
Elphinstone, and the addition of fresh funds from various sources, some
consisting of money, others of land, and others of fishings, the new
Chancellor was enabled to complete the most of the schemes which Elphinstone
had contemplated but only partially carried out. In 1531 Dunbar's Charter
was confirmed, involving important changes in the constitution of the
college and in the allocation of the revenues. The number of members of the
staff was increased from 36 to 42, and their functions were altered, some
having been found to work unsatisfactorily. The precise character of these
changes is not certainly known. To enumerate them in detail is for the
purpose of this work unnecessary. Suffice it to state that, dictated as they
were, by experience of former defects, they were found to be on the whole
improvements, and secured for the university such an access of prosperity as
caused Ferrerius in 1534 to characterise it as " the most celebrated of the
Scottish universities at that time." Mr Rait gives the following estimate of
Dunbar's influence [Rait, p. 79.].
"Gavin Dunbar. deserves a
very high place among the benefactors of King's College. The piety with
which he carried out Elphinstone's designs, the zeal which he showed in his
office of Chancellor, and the liberality with which he gave to the needs of
the university entitle him to our respect and gratitude. In his time the
college attained its highest pre-reformation success.
The preceding century had
been rich in inventions and discoveries, the inspiration of which remained.
The revival of learning had awakened Europe from the 'dogmatic slumber' of
the middle ages No shadow of coming evil was projected across the busy
scene. The college was in the full tide of prosperity at the close of
Dunbar's life, and that prosperity was in great part due to Dunbar himself."
Mr Bulloch's appreciation of
Dunbar is not less hearty. He speaks of him as the true successor of
Elphinstone, and as putting the 'coapstone' on the Founder's schemes in
respect of both university and public matters. By his exertions two
chaplainries were endowed in the Elgin Cathedral, and a hospital was founded
in Aberdeen for the maintenance of old men. He drew up a new constitution
for the university, and by limiting the autocratic power of the Chancellor,
and instituting the election of the Rector by `nations,' he broadened the
administration and increased the independence of the university.
From the appointment of Boece
as Principal at the beginning of the 16th century to 1531 the success of the
university was all that could be wished. Dunbar had the benefit of the
hearty co-operation of his friend and fellow-student in Paris, William Hay,
as sub-Principal, and of the zeal and ability of Vaus as grammarian.
There is nothing more
inexplicable in the history of the Scottish universities than the contrast
between the condition of King's College in 1530 when Dunbar died, and in
1549 when Alexander Galloway made his rectorial visit [He was a man of the
highest reputation and a zealous coadjutor of Elphinstone in all his
projects. He was Rector in 1516, again in 1521, and lastly in 1549. Boece
gives him the credit of having discovered that geese grew from shellfish,
for on a visit to the Hebrides, he says, " Galloway openit some of the
musyll schells, but then he was mair astonyt than before. For he saw no
fische in it but ane perfect shapen fowl, small and great, aye effeiring to
the quantity of the schell."]. There is very little information concerning
the college during these I9 years, and no evidence that the visitorial power
assigned to the Rector was regularly exercised. Reference has already been
made to the visit of James V and his suite in 1541. The King's high
commendation of the scientific deputations and linguistic skill in Greek,
Latin and other tongues seems to indicate a maintenance of zeal and hard
work for the first I I of these years, even after allowance is made for
probably generous and lenient judgment on the part of the King. The first
rectorial visit was made in the following year, no report of which seems to
have been given or at any rate recorded. Unless the King's praise produced a
sudden slackening of the reins, there could not be a great falling off in
the course of a single year. The next rectorial visit was paid by Galloway
in 1549, and in his report we have an absolutely appalling and inexplicable
account of wreck and ruin in every direction.
What havoc these seven years
had wrought! The high officials were grossly negligent, and discipline was
lax. The most stringent provisions of the foundation were disregarded. The
regents had to a large extent given up lecturing. There were scarcely any
lay students; practically instruction was provided only for the bursars who
were being educated for the Church, and even they were not attending to
their work. Academic dress did not receive enough, while the growth of hair
and beards received too much attention. The authorities were instructed to
discourage the growth of hair and beards [The heinousness of the
misdemeanour making this instruction necessary is not specified, but that it
formed the subject of one of the fifty-one suggestions for improvement
indicates the drastic character of the visitation, and the sincerity of the
efforts which Galloway made for putting matters right.]. Financial matters
were in a bad way; buildings were neglected and falling into decay. The
question of food and drink required the creation of a new official-an
Economus who was specially charged to see that the food was `new,' and whose
accounts were to be examined at least once a month by the Principal and
sub-Principal. The regulation that Latin alone was to be spoken in the
college seems also to have been broken through. No female bakers or brewers
were allowed to enter the college, and no women were to be present at
religious services. The students on graduation days had carried their
gaudeamus proceedings to discreditable excess, and new restrictions were
necessary.
Galloway introduced some
changes in the course of study involving a partial return to Elphinstone's
scheme. He ordained also that bursars should be `poor persons' who were to
be exempted from payments of any kind, but candidates for bursaries were to
be examined in grammar before entrance. This is the first mention of a
bursary competition. How much this competition which has come down to our
own days has done for the prosperity of the university is universally
recognised. Long before its example was followed, as it has been during the
last thirty years or so, in the southern universities, Aberdeen secured by
it a satisfactory guarantee for such preliminary training as to make
advanced teaching profitable for the great majority of the students.
It is remarkable that in the
records of Galloway's visitation no reference is made to the violent
religious conflict which had fairly commenced three years before in
Scotland. This seems to warrant the comment of Mr Innes that the members of
the college belonged " to that party who acknowledged, and would willingly
have corrected, some of the corruptions especially in life and morals which
had crept into the Church, while they were not prepared to take the great
leap of the Scotch reformers [Fasti Aberdonenses, pp. xxiv-xxv.]." Aberdeen
seems to have maintained for twelve years this halfhearted attitude towards
the Reformation.
Of the probable changes in
the college and addition of fresh endowments during these years there is no
trustworthy record. The abstention of the authorities from what was a
burning question in the south may be due either to its distance from the
centre of the melee, or to the powerful influence of the Gordon family who
were strong adherents of the old faith. It is clear that towards the end of
the 16th century, Aberdeen, like St Andrews and Glasgow had all but reached
the vanishing point. The history of King's College after 1560 belongs to our
second period where it will be resumed.
The outstanding names in
Scottish literature in the 16th century are Douglas, Lyndsay, Bellenden and
Knox. Their writings afford the clearest evidence of the influence of the
revival of learning on their thoughts and modes of expression. Lyndsay was
much the most popular. This was due to his perfect command of the popular
speech, to his intimate knowledge of the manners and feelings of the time,
and to the geniality of his fancy and humour. But it is remarkable that his
vivid portraiture of the lives and character of the clergy, against whom he
shot his shafts of scathing satire in his Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis, did
not bring upon him the vengeance of a church which, though it was losing,
had not yet lost its power.
From the preceding accounts
that have been given of the three earliest universities it will be seen that
they have many points in common. They were all based more or less completely
on the model of the medieval universities of the Continent. We have seen
that Papal authority was required and obtained for giving them as learned
communities self-government, immunity from taxation, power to give degrees,
and liberty to teach ; that owing to the poverty of the country, and the
selfishness of the nobility and proprietors, they were obliged to be content
with these powers and privileges ; that they were dependent on the support
given them by only such church dignitaries as took a warm interest in them;
that such support was individual, and by no means so general as might have
been expected from a wealthy catholic church ; that their aim was primarily
ecclesiastical and secondarily educational; that their progress and
expansion were hindered by international struggles, and that at last in 1560
from a variety of causes their very existence was all but extinguished.
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