The hand of an overruling God was as conspicuous in
the act of withdrawing Knox trom the kingdom in 1556, as it had been in
bringing him to it in the preceding year. His departure averted the
storm of persecution that would otherwise have burst upon the revived
cause; and the principles which he had laboured so hard to impress upon
its adherents, not being subjected to a premature trial
of their strength, had time to root themselves deeply in the conviction
of their minds. The congregations which he had organized continued to
meet in secret in their several districts, and to edify and strengthen
themselves by the Word of God, and by prayer.
The best illustration of these remarks is furnished
by the contents of a short letter, which was written to the Reformer by
some of the Protestant nobles in the spring of 1557; in which, though
little more than nine months had elapsed since his departure, they
expressed their earnest desire for his return. It was signed by
Glencairn, Lorn, Erskine, and Lord James Stuart "The faithful that are
of your acquaintance in these parts," they said, "thanks be to God, are
steadfast in the belief whereinto ye left them, and have ane godly
thirst and desire day by day of your presence again; whilk, if the
Spirit of God will so move and permit time unto you, we will heartily
desire you, in the name of the Lord, that ye will return again into
these parts, where ye shall find all faithful that ye left behind you;
not only glad to hear your doctrine, but will be ready to jeopard lives
and goods in the setting forward of the glory of God, as He will grant
opportunity; and albeit the magistrates in this country be as yet but in
the state ye left them, yet at the making hereof, we have no experience
of any mair cruelty to be used than was before, but rather we have
belief that God will augment his flock, because we see daily the freirs,
enemies to Christ's Evangel, in less estimation, baith with the queen's
grace, and the rest of the nobility of our realm. Off Stirling, the 10th
of March, 1557."
This letter, which was conveyed to Knox's hands in
Geneva by his friends James Syme and James Barron, had arisen out of a
conference of the leading Reformers, held in Stirling in the beginning
of March. The question moved in this conference had been one of the
utmost importance. It was, whether the time had not now come for united
public action, both in the way of defence and aggression. Their meetings
for evangelical worship had hitherto been private, and their aims as
congregations had been restricted to their own religious instruction and
improvement; but they had now come to consider the duty which was
incumbent on them as Christian men to make a public confession of the
truth of Christ, and to appear openly for its defence and advancement,
and the duty, too, which as citizens, and many of them nobles of the
realm, they owed to the common weaL Could they be content in either
character to possess the truth themselves? Must they not do their utmost
to procure the public setting forth of it by faithful preachers to their
countrymen at large? Must they not stand prepared to defend their
preachers and congregations from the oppression and persecution of the
dominant Church? And ought they not to use all their power and authority
as barons and magistrates, in their several localities, to promote and
protect that work of Reformation, which was the one great necessity of
the country and of the times? Such were the weighty questions which were
discussed and concluded in the conference of Stirling; and the
conclusion unanimously arrived at was, that they would accept these
public duties however dangerous, and proceed in " the enterprise," as
they bravely called it, however difficult It was no wonder that at such
a time they wished to have Knox at their head. They needed an intrepid
captain like him to lead them in such a battle. They needed a prophet's
voice like his to strengthen and inspire them in the conflict which was
now at hand.
When the excitement of the conference was over, and
its members had dispersed to their own homes, it was natural enough that
some of them should begin to feel misgivings as to the wisdom of the
movement to which they had committed themselves, and that these doubts
should at length find their way to the leaders who had communicated with
Knox. It was equally natural that other friends of the cause, who had
taken no part in the conference, should feel alarm at the magnitude and
the perils of the contemplated undertaking, and should see all their
influence with the leaders to induce them to postpone their purpose. The
moment was one when nothing >ut intrepid constancy in the heads of the
party could main-Lain the spirit, and reassure the courage of their
followers. But in the absence of Knox himself, this constancy proved for
a time to be wanting. The lords judged it necessary that "new
consultation should be appointed for final conclusion of the matter
before purposed," and when the Reformer arrived at Dieppe on the 23d of
October, on his way to Scotland, he had the mortification of finding
letters awaiting him there; in which they "willed him to abide in those
parts till they saw their way to a final determination." He felt keenly
the awkward position in which this vacillation placed him in relation to
Calvin and his other friends in Geneva, whose counsel he had asked and
followed in complying with "the vocation" which the lords had sent to
him; and he was "pierced with anguish and sorrow" by the thought, that
all hope of the deliverance of his country from bondage was gone, when
even the best and stoutest of her sons lost heart and failed her in her
hour of need. It was with these feelings that he wrote to the lords from
Dieppe, on the 27th of October. He could not conceal from them how much
he was "confounded" and troubled by their inconstancy; and reminding
them that "wise men ought to understand that a true friend cannot be a
flatterer," he told them plainly that in lending themselves, as he
understood they were doing, to the public support of the Regent and the
French faction, instead of following out faithfully their former
purpose, they were betraying their country to "the slavery of
strangers." "What are the sobs, and what is the affection of my troubled
heart, God shall one day declare. But this will I add, to wit, if any
persuade you for fear of dangers that may follow, to faint in your
former purpose, be he esteemed never so wise and friendly, let him be
judged of you both foolish, and your mortal enemy; foolish, because he
understandeth nothing of God's approved wisdom; and enemy unto you,
because he labouretji to separate you from God's favour; provoking his
vengeance and grievous plagues against you, because he would that ye
should prefer your worldly rest to God's praise and glory, and the
friendship of the wicked to the salvation of your brethren. I am not
ignorant that fearful troubles shall ensue your enterprise, as in my
former letters I did signify unto you ; but O joyful and comfortable are
those troubles and adversities which man sustaineth for accomplishment
of God's will revealed by his word. For how terrible that ever they
appear to the judgment of the natural man, yet are they never able to
devour nor utterly to consume the sufferers, for the invisible and
invincible power of God sustaineth and preserveth, according to his
promise, all such as with simplicity do obey him." "God speaketh to your
consciences, unless ye be dead with the blind world, that you ought to
hazard your own lives, be it against kings or emperors, for the
deliverance of your brethren; for only for that cause are ye called
princes of the people, and ye receive of your brethren honour, tribute,
and homage, at God's commandment; not by reason of your birth and
progeny, but by reason of your office and duty, which is to vindicate
and deliver your subjects and brethren from all violence and oppression,
to the uttermost of your power. Advise diligently, I beseech you, with
the points of that letter which I directed to the whole nobility; and
let every man apply the matter and case to himself, for your conscience
shall one day be compelled to acknowledge that the Reformation of
religion and of public enormities doth appertain to more than to the
clergy or chief rulers called kings. The mighty spirit of the Lord Jesus
rule and guide your counsels, to his glory, your eternal comfort, and to
the consolation of your brethren. Amen."
Words of prophet-like faith and power like these,
could not fall upon the ears of Christian patriots without effect They
rallied them at once to the battle, like the sound of a trumpet
Immediately "new consultation was had what was best to be done, and in
the end it was concluded that they would follow forward their purpose
once intended, and would commit themselves, and whatsoever God had given
them, in his hands, rather than they would suffer idolatry so manifestly
to reign, and the subjects of that realm so to be defrauded, as long
they had been, of the only food of their souls—the true preaching of
Christ's Evangel. At Edinburgh, the 3d day of December, 1557, a "Common
Band" was made, and by some subscribed, 'that every one should be the
more assured of other,' the tenor whereof follows :—
"We, perceiving how Satan in his members, the
antichrists of our time, cruelly doth rage seeking to downthring and to
destroy the Evangel of Christ and his congregation, ought, according to
our bounden duty, to strive in our Master's cause, even unto the death,
being certain "of the victory in Him. The whilk our duty being weall
considered, we do promise before the Majesty of God and his.
congregation, that we, by his grace, shall with all diligence
continually apply our whole power, substance, and our very lives, to
maintain, set forward, and establish the most blessed Word of God and
his congregation ; and shall labour at our possibility to have faithful
ministers purely and truly to minister Christ's Evangel and Sacraments
to his people. We shall maintain them, nourish them, and defend them,
the haill congregation of Christ and every member thereof, at our haill
powers and waring of our lives, against Satan and all wicked power that
does intend tyranny or trouble against the foresaid congregation. Unto
the whilk holy word and congregation we do join us, and also do forsake
and renounce the congregation of Satan with all the superstitious
abomination and idolatry thereof, and, moreover, shall declare ourselves
manifestly enemies thereto, by this our faithful promise before God,
testified to his congregation by our subscriptions at these presents.
God called to witness—
A. Erle of Ergile.
Glencarne.
Morton.
Archibald, Lord of Lorne.
John Erskine of Doun."
Many other names besides these were subscribed to
this solemn instrument, which was of the nature of a covenant, both with
God and with each other, and the signing of which was solemnized "with
humble confession of former offences, and with fasting and supplication
unto God." The Reformers were the first Covenanters. They were now the
sworn assertors and defenders of God's truth; and they felt
themselves strengthened for their work and battle by that double pledge
to God and to each other.
The following year, accordingly, was one of great
boldness and activity. It began with the nobles and barons carrying out
in their several localities, in virtue of their territorial powers and
jurisdictions, "Two heads concerning the religion, and others concerning
the policy," upon which they had agreed before leaving Edinburgh in
December. The chief of these were (1) That the English "Book of Common
Prayer should be read publicly in the Parish Kirks on Sundays and other
Festivals, with the lessons of the New and Old Testament; and if the
curates of the parishes be qualified, to cause them to read the same,
and if they be not, or if they refuse, that the most qualified in the
parish use and read them. (2) That doctrine, preaching, and
interpretation of Scriptures be had and used privately in quiet houses,
without great conventions of the people thereto, till afterward God
shall move the prince to grant public preaching by faithful and true
ministers: and (3) That open crimes should be punished without respect
of persons, by the exercise of ecclesiastical discipline.
In laying these first stones of the foundation of
ecclesiastical reform, the old Earl of Argyle set a noble example. He
took upon himself the maintenance of John Douglas, a zealous preacher,
"and caused him preach publicly in his house, and reformed many things
according to his counsel. The same boldness took divers others as well
within towns as in landward parishes." For the ends of the new
discipline elders were appointed by common election, to whom the whole
brethren promised obedience; and in the general want of public ministers
of the word, certain zealous men exhorted the congregations according to
the gifts and grace granted unto them. Among these were John Erskine, of
Dun, David Forres, Robert Lockhart, Robert Hamilton, and others. But
shortly after "did God stir up his servant, Paul Methven, who in
boldness of spirit began openly to preach Christ Jesus in Dundee, and in
divers parts of Angus and Fife, and so did God work with him that many
began openly to abrenounce their auld idolatry, and to submit themselves
to Christ Jesus and his blessed ordinances; insomuch, that the town of
Dundee began to erect the face of a public church reformed, in which the
word was openly preached, and Christ's Sacraments truly ministered. The
forwardness of the zealous burghers of Dundee procured for their good
town the honourable name of the Geneva of Scotland; and its municipal
records still contain interesting traces of the measures which were
adopted by its magistrates, as early as 1558, to introduce the
prescriptions and sanctions of the new discipline.
The clergy and their abettors could not fail to be
greatly troubled and alarmed at these bold proceedings of the Reformers.
They had but one weapon to fight the battle with—the old sword of
persecution, already stained with the blood of so many martyrs—and they
resolved again to unsheath it First, the primate of St Andrews resolved
to summon the Earl of Argyle's preacher, John Douglas, and sent Sir
David Hamilton to the stout old lord with a credence in six articles, to
persuade him by every possible argument to dismiss the heretic from his
house, and leave him unprotected to the extreme censures of the church.
But the earl was too much of the Christian and the man of honour to
listen to such a base demand. He sent back a lengthened and noble reply
to the primate's articles, taking them up and disposing of them one by
one; and John Douglas remained unscathed behind the targets and
broadswords of the great Highland Chief
The primate's next attempt was as dastardly as his
first was dishonourable. Recoiling from conflict with Argyle's lordly
might, he was mean enough to make an attack upon old age and
decrepitude, in the person of Walter Mill, "that blessed martyr of
Christ," as Knox calls him. When Mill was brought forth to his trial at
St Andrews, on the 20th of April, 1558, the old man was so feeble that
he had to be helped up into the pulpit where he was to answer to his
articles ; but when he began to speak, his voice "had so great courage
and stoutness that the church rang again." His first words when he rose
from his knees were, "We ought to obey God rather than man;" and his
last on the same spot were, "I am accused of my life; I know I must die
once, and therefore as Christ said to Judas, ' What thou doest do
quickly.' Ye shall know that I will not recant the truth, for I am corn,
I am no chaff; I will not be blown away with the wind, nor burst with
the flail, but I will abide both."
So great was the admiration and sympathy felt in St
Andrews for the brave and good old priest, that not a man in the city
would sell or lend a rope to bind him to the stake, or a tar-barrel to
burn him; and when he died in the fire, " so great was the mourning and
lamentation of the multitude, that they were not only moved and stirred
up, but their hearts also were so inflamed, that he was the last martyr
that died in Scotland for the religion."
This cruel execution gave a death-blow to the power
of the Papal Church of Scotland, and disabled it for ever for inflicting
any similar stroke. The feeling of the multitude at St Andrews became
the feeling of the multitude everywhere. "Immediately after his death
began a new fervency amongst the whole people;" and this fervency showed
itself in a widespread iconoclasm. " The images were stolen away
in all parts of the country, and in Edinburgh was that great idol St
Gile first drowned in the North Loch and afterwards burnt" The friars
ran upon the bishops with their complaints, "rowping like ravens," and
the bishops ran upon the queen, who, though favourable enough to them,
"yet thought it could not stand with her advantage to offend such a
multitude as then took upon them the defence of the Evangel, and the
name of Protestants." "But yet the bishops," continues Knox, in a
passage of remarkable graphic force and humour, "could in no sort be
quiet, for St. Gile's day approaching—the 1st of September, 1558 —they
gave charge to the provost, bailies, and council of Edinburgh, either to
get again the auld St Gile, or else upon their expenses to make ane new
image. The council answered that to them the charge seemed very unjust,
for they understood that God in some places had commanded idols and
images to be destroyed; but where he had commanded images to be set up
they had not read, and desired the bishop to find a warrant for his
commandment; whereat the bishop offended, admonished them under pain of
cursing—which they prevented by a formal appellation, appealing from him
as a partial and corrupt judge unto the pope's holiness. Yet would not
the priests and friars cease to have that great solemnity and manifest
abomination which they accustomably had upon St Gile's day, to wit, they
would have that idol borne, and therefore was all preparation necessary
duly made. A marmouset idol," i. e. a little monkey-looking
image, "was borrowed from the Grey friars, and was fast fixed with iron
nails upon a barrow called a fertour. There assembled priests, friars,
and canons, and rottin papists, with taborns and trumpets, banners and
bag-pipes; and who was there to lead the ring but the queen regent
herself, with all her shavelings, for honour of the feast The hearts of
the brethren were wondrously inflamed, and seeing such abomination so
manifestly maintained, they were decreed to be revenged. There were some
temporizers that day who laboured to stay the brethren, but that could
not be, for immediately after the queen was entered into the lodging
where she was to dine, some of those that were of the enterprise drew
nigh to the idol as willing to help to bear him, and getting the fertour
upon their shoulders began to shudder, thinking that thereby the idol
should have fallen; but that was provided and prevented by the iron
nails, and so began one to cry, ' Down with the idol, down with it,' and
so without delay it was pulled down. Some brag made the priests
at first, but when they saw the feebleness of their god, for one took
him by the heels, and dadding his head to the causeway, left Dagon
without head or hands; this considered, we say, the priests and friars
fled faster than they did at Pinkie Cleuch. Down go the crosses, off go
the surplices, round caps, and cornered crowns. The Grey friars gaped;
the Black friars blew; the priests panted and fled; and happy was he
that first gat the house; for such ane sudden fray came never amongst
the generation of antichrist within this realm before. Search was made
for the doers, but none could be deprehended; for the brethren assembled
themselves in such sort, in companies, singing psalms, and praising God,
that the proudest of the enemies were astonied."