When the commissioners returned to Edinburgh, they
found the Regent mistrusted, and his court abandoned by the friends of
the Gospel and of the English alliance. Kirkaldy, Bellenden, Lindsay,
Durham, the court physician, and Borthwick, the king's advocate, had all
become sensible of a change in the regent's disposition towards his
former advisers, and had been compelled by the insults of the Hamiltons,
who crowded his court, to withdraw.
When Arran entered upon his high office, he was a
young and untried man, and a few months of power had sufficed to reveal
the weakness of his character, and his great deficiency in steadiness
and resolution. As yet only a novice in the religion of the Reformers,
and occupying a position of great delicacy and danger, where it was easy
for abler men than himself to make him believe that his worldly
interests were opposed to his religious profession, he soon began to
waver in his attachment to the cause of reform. His brother, John
Hamilton, abbot of Paisley, who had returned to Scotland from Paris in
the month of April, proved his evil genius. A zealous Papist, and a man
of talent and address, the abbot was more than a match for the feeble
earl, and was soon able to poison his mind against the wise and
patriotic men who had hitherto been his accepted councillors. The palace
was filled with gentlemen of the name of Hamilton, who were easily
brought to assist in carrying on the abbot's crafty designs, and who, on
one occasion, made bold to tell the Regent, in the presence of some of
the men to whom he had hitherto given his confidence, " that neither he
nor his friends would ever be at quietness till a dozen of these knaves
who abused his grace were hanged." When such language was heard by Arran
without censure, a change in his public policy could not be far distant
He was soon induced by the abbot to dismiss his Protestant chaplains;
when Rough withdrew to the district of Kyle, and Guilliam to England.
This took place in April. Then he allowed the cardinal to regain his
liberty, permitting him to be transferred from the fortress of Blackness
to his own castle of St. Andrews, where he was really his own master,
though kept, for the sake of appearances, under the pretended custody of
Lord Seton, who was a zealous Papist; a liberty which Beaton instantly
made use of to prepare a threatening demonstration of the nobility and
clergy against the English match and alliance. In a word, the Regent had
now put himself entirely into the hands of men, who soon after, as Knox
says, "led him so far from God, that he falsified his promise to the
English king, dipt his hands in the blood of the saints of God, and
brought the commonwealth to the point of utter ruin."
It was only by degrees, however, that he advanced to
these extremes of perfidy. The embassy sent to Henry had not acted
solely in the Regent's name, but as commissioners from the Three
Estates, and Arran was too timid and irresolute to take the bold step of
repudiating the contract into which they had entered with the English
king. He must needs for a time dissemble his altered views, and appear
to concur, as even the cardinal and his party pretended for a time to
do, in a ratification of the treaty. He summoned a convention of the
nobles at Holyrood, and submitted the contract to their judgment and
approval On the 25th of August, 1543, both the Match and the Peace were
solemnly ratified in the abbey church, "and that nothing should lack
that might fortify the matter, was Christ's body broken betwixt the
Governor and Maister Sadler, Ambassador, and received of them both, as a
sign and token of the unity of their minds, inviolably to keep that
contract in all points, as they looked of Christ to be saved, and
afterwards to be reputed men worthy of credit before the world." Sadler
dined with the Regent after the solemnity was over, and reported to
Henry, in a letter written the same day, that Arran, referring to the
oath which he had just taken, declared "that if all the rest of
the realm should be against it, he alone would shed his blood and spend
his life in the observation thereof." "In which case," he added, "if he
should be pursued by the cardinal and his accomplices, he must needs
make his refuge to his majesty, without whose help and aid he should not
be able to withstand their malice; but his trust was, that all should be
well." These words betrayed his inward uneasiness, and half revealed to
the sagacious ambassador his treacherous design. In fact, the Regent was
revolving in his thoughts much more seriously the power of his enemies,
and the dangers which were now threatening his own authority, than the
obligations of honour and truth which lay upon his conscience, in
relation to the English king. He dreaded the -issue, to himself, of an
open struggle between the cardinal's party, and the party of the English
alliance. He saw many indications of the unpopularity of the policy
which had led to the treaty which he had just concluded. The clergy had
succeeded but too well in rousing among the people the old feelings of
national jealousy and antipathy against their "auld enemies of England;"
and the Regent came at last to the conclusion that, in order to save
himself, it was indispensable to reconcile himself to the cardinal, and
break with the king. To keep his word and suffer for it, was a pitch of
honour to which his virtue as a man and a governor proved wholly
unequal. Affairs soon came to a crisis. On the 28th of August, Sadler
informed his royal master that " the adverse party had already a great
advantage over the friends of England: they were already gathered, and
were ready to set forward, intending to be at Stirling on an early day."
But Arran was still loud in his professions of devotion to Henry. "No
prince alive had, nor should have, his heart and service, but your
majesty only; alledging plainly, that of force he must adhere to your
majesty, for he had lost all other friends in the world besides, and
without your majesty's aid and supportance, he was in .great danger of
overthrow." Alas, for the faith of princely protestations! In eight days
thereafter Sadler wrote again .from Edinburgh, to tell that "the
governor was now revolted to the cardinal and his complices. On Monday
last, after that Sir John Campbell of Lundy, and the Abbot of Pittenweem
had been here with the governor, with letters from the cardinal, the
said governor, the same day towards night, departed hence suddenly,
alledging that he would go to the Blackness to his wife, who, 3s he
said, laboured of child; and yesterday he rode to my lord Livingston's
house, which is betwixt Linlithgow and Stirling, where the cardinal and
the Earl of Murray met with him, and very friendly embracings were
betwixt them, with also a good long communication. And then they
departed from thence altogether to Stirling, where they now be."
At Stirling, "the unhappy man," says Knox, "beaten
with the temptations brought to bear upon him, rendered himself to the
appetites of the wicked; subjected himself to the cardinal and his
counsels; received absolution, renounced his profession of Christ's Holy
Evangel, and violated his oath for observation of the contract and
league with England."
All men stood amazed at the disgraceful deed. The
friends of the Reformation were plunged into distress by such a sudden
disappointment of their most cherished hopes. The king of England was
roused to a transport of resentment, and made a vow of revenge, which he
was not slow to fulfil with all the terrors of invasion and war. The
suddenness and completeness of the Regent's apostasy took the cardinal
himself by surprise; he was for a time even embarrassed by his
unexpected success. Calculating upon a much more protracted struggle, he
had intrigued with the Earl of Lennox, to bring him over from France as
a rival to Arran; holding out to him not only the promise of the
regency, but also the 'prospect of a marriage with the dowager queen.
But when the earl by-and-bye arrived, and found Arran and Beaton
reconciled, and no hope remaining of his being able to realise these
splendid objects of ambition, he naturally vented upon the cardinal the
bitterness of his chagrin; and his revenge threatened for a time to give
serious disturbance to the unholy league which had now been consummated
between the governor and the clergy.
It was in the midst of all these vicissitudes of hope
and fear for the cause of reform, that George Wishart began his labours
as a preacher of the Gospel. "The beginning of his doctrine was in
Montrose," the scene of his former labours, and where the remembrance of
his early learning and zeal must have predisposed the minds of many to
listen to his teaching with favour. The topics of his discourse, as he
tells us himself, were chiefly the Ten Commandments of God, the Twelve
Articles of the Faith in the Apostles' Creed, and the Lord's Prayer."
Unfortunately, there is not a single trace remaining in the records of
the town, by which we might be able to estimate the effects which his
ministrations produced. But their fruits were no doubt considerable, for
Montrose ever afterwards displayed a steady attachment to the cause of
reform. The minds of the population had long been under training to
welcome such a ministration as Wishart's. Montrose, as we formerly saw,
was one of the earliest towns in Scotland to receive importations of the
English Testament. It was one of the first to have teachers able to
teach, and scholars willing to learn, the Greek Scriptures. The Erskines
of Dun, who took a lead in its municipal affairs, had long been gained
to the side of religious truth, and other pious families of good estate
in the neighbourhood, such as the Melvilles of Baldowey, the Stratons of
Lauriston, and the Wisharts of Pitarrow, all contributed their influence
in the same direction. Indeed, so strong had been the demonstrations of
Lutheran opinion and feeling as early as 1540, that in that year, the
Monastery of Black Friars, near the town, then under the rule of Prior
Robert Borthwick, had found it necessary to obtain from James
V. a special patent of protection for
themselves and all their possessions and goods, movable and immovable—a
curious document which is still extant.
From Montrose Wishart passed to Dundee, where his
preaching attracted much attention, and called forth "great admiration
of all who heard him." He chose for his subject the Epistle to the
Romans, which he appears to have expounded consecutively from chapter to
chapter—the first example given in Scotland of the expository lecture; a
method of pulpit instruction which continues in high favour among her
people to the present day. Wishart had seen this method practised in the
pulpits of Switzerland, for we know that it was Bullinger's habit, as it
had been Zwingle's before him, to lecture in the pulpit as well as in
the chair upon whole books of Scripture; and it was very natural that
the Scottish Reformer, who sympathised so thoroughly with what the Swiss
divines taught, should have been led to imitate them also in the manner
in which they taught it.
It was, in all probability, the preaching of Wishart
in Dundee, which led to a popular demonstration against the monasteries,
which is known to have taken place there in the autumn of 1543. On the
13th of September, Lord Parr, the Warden of the East English Marches,
informed the Duke of Suffolk "that the work of Reformation had begun at
Dundee, by destroying the houses of the Black and Grey Friars, and that
afterwards the Abbey of Lindores had been sacked by a company of good
Christians, who turned the monks out of doors." Parr also mentions the
singular fact, that the Regent soon afterwards acknowledged, at
Stirling, to the cardinal, that this demolition at Dundee had taken
place with his consent; "for which he did open penance in the
Friar-house at Stirling, and took an oath to defend the monks, heard
mass, and received the sacrament, and was therefore absolved by the
cardinal and bishops."1
It was probably soon after this outbreak of popular
zeal against the corruptions of the church, the first of the kind which
occurred in Scotland, that Wishart was charged by the Governor's
authority to desist from preaching in Dundee. That he was so prohibited
from continuing his ministrations, is a fact which we learn from the
first of the Articles afterwards alleged against him; and the most
probable date of the prohibition is that which we have assumed. It need
scarcely be added that he paid no regard to an abuse of authority which
he knew well had been dictated to the feeble Regent by the imperious
cardinal. "My lords," said he to Beaton and the other prelates, at his
trial, "I have read in the Acts of the Apostles, that it is not lawful,
for the threats and menaces of men, to desist from the preaching of the
Evangel; therefore, it is written "we shall rather obey God than men.'"
It was equally in vain that John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin, reiterated
the command that he should preach no more, and clenched it with the
curse and excommunication of the Church, "delivering him over into the
hands of the devil," as his accusers afterwards themselves expressed it.
"My lords, I have also read in the Prophet Malachi, I shall curse your
blessings, and bless your cursings, saith the Lord.'" With such a
conviction of his duty to God, and of Divine acceptation and benediction
in his work, no wonder that the Reformer exposed himself to the charge
of "continuing obstinately to preach in Dundee, notwithstanding." So
long as Dundee herself with her Evangelical Constable, Sir John
Scrymgeour, and her godly magistrates and burghers, was willing to hear
the words of Eternal Life, Wishart was resolved not to desert his post
at the bidding either of regent, cardinal, or bishop.