When the commissioners sent by the Scottish
Parliament to London to negotiate the marriage of Edward and Mary
returned to Scotland, in July, 1543, they brought home with them an
exiled countryman, whom Knox has characterised in the
following glowing terms: "A man of such graces, as before him were never
heard within this realm, and are rare to be found yet in any man,
notwithstanding the great light of God that since his days has shined
unto us; a man singularjy learned, as well in godly knowledge as in all
honest human science." Such was George Wishart—with whose return to
Scotland at this date, commences the Wishart period of the Scottish
Reformation.
Neither the place nor the date of his birth has been
recorded, but he was probably born at the house of Pitarrow, in the
Mearns, about the year 1513. The family of the Wisharts of Pitarrow was
ancient and honourable, and had produced several eminent men for the
service of the church and the state. Sir James Wishart, the father of
the reformer, was a man of ability and learning, and held for ten
years—between 1513 and 1524 —the high judicial office of Lord Justice
Clerk. The house of Pitarrow stood at no great distance from the ancient
church of St Palladius, in the beautiful Glen of Fordoun, and George
Wishart must have been early familiar with the popular superstitions
connected with the shrine and the holy well of that long-honoured saint
So recently as the days of Archbishop Shevez, the relics of St. Paldy,
as he was popularly called, had been deposited in a silver shrine by
that prelate upon occasion of his making a pilgrimage to the sacred
spot—a proof that the worship of the saint was still flourishing in the
reign of James the Third.
The place of Wishart's education is not certainly
known, but may be conjectured with great probability to have been King's
College, Aberdeen. It is known that he had acquired early in life a
knowledge of the Greek tongue, and King's College was the only
university in Scotland at that time, where such an accomplishment could
be obtained. He was early associated in these humanising studies with
John Erskine of Dun, who had the honour of being one of the first
promoters of Greek learning in Scotland. The two families of Dun and
Pitarrow were near neighbours, and were allied by intermarriage. Young
Erskine and Wishart grew up together from childhood; a connexion which
was afterwards closely cemented by the intellectual and religious
congeniality of their riper years.
Wishart was an instance of what was then no uncommon
occurrence in Europe, viz. for noblemen, and the sons of noblemen, to
devote themselves to the task of classical instruction. Erskine had
resolved, as Provost of Montrose, to introduce the teaching of Greek
into the grammar school of that ancient burgh, and he found an able and
zealous teacher in his friend and fellow-student Wishart was engaged for
some years in that useful office; and it is a curious fact that even
after he had reached the more exalted honours of a great preacher, and a
venerated martyr, he still continued to be spoken of, at least in that
district of the country, as "the Schoolmaster of Montrose."
Unfortunately for the first Greek grammar school in
Scotland, it was then considered a heresy by the bishops to teach Greek,
and particularly the Greek Testament, which was Wish-art's text book. In
1538, the schoolmaster was summoned by John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin,
to answer to such a charge. David Beaton, as we have seen, was then
Chief Inquisitor of the kingdom, and took care that all the bishops of
his province should imitate his own example of unrelenting bigotry. But
Wishart, though a zealous Grecian, did not think it his duty to suffer
martyrdom for the teaching of Greek, and wisely consulted his safety by
withdrawing into England.
We next meet with him in Bristol, in the following
year, 1539, engaged as a public lecturer and preacher in several of the
churches of that city. The Deanery of Bristol was at that time a part of
the diocese of Worcester, and Latimer was then the bishop of the see;
and, in the absence of any other explanation of the curious fact that
the Scottish exile should turn up
as a lecturer there, the
conjecture may be allowed, that he had been recommended by one or other
of his numerous fellow-exiles to the zealous Protestant bishop, and that
Latimer had given him a faculty to preach in his diocese.
However this may have
been, there is evidence of the most authentic kind for a singular fact
connected with Wishart's sojourn in Bristol, which was left unrecorded
by all our early historians ; and which, though referred to by several
writers of our own time, has never hitherto been set in a correct light
While at Bristol, Wishart was publicly accused and convicted of setting
forth doctrines which were heretical, in the sense of being not merely
opposed to the teaching of the Romish Church, but to the teaching and
truth of the Word of God. The following record of this fact is found
entered in "The Mayor's Calendar" of Bristol; a very ancient volume, in
which have been chronicled for centuries the names of the municipal
authorities of the city, and occasional incidents which occurred during
the successive mayoralties.
"30. Henry
VIII. That this year, the 15 May, a Scot,
named George Wysard, set furth his lecture in St Nicholas Church of
Bristowe, the most blasphemous heresy that ever was herd, openly
declarying that Christ nother hath nor coulde merite for him, nor yet
for us; which heresy brought many of the commons of this town into a
great error, and divers of them were persuaded by that heretical lecture
to heresy. Whereupon, the said stiff-necked Scot was accused by Mr. John
Kerne, deane of the said diocese of Worcester, and soon after he was
sent to the most reverend father in God, the Archbishop of Canterbury,
before whom and others, that is to signify, the Bishops of Bath,
Norwich, and Chichester, with others as doctors; and he before them was
examined, convicted and condemned in and upon the detestable heresy
above mentioned; whereupon, he was injoyned to bere a fagot in St
Nicholas church aforesaid, and the parish of the same, the 13 July, anno
fore-mentioned ; and in Christ church and parish thereof, the 20 July,
abovesaid following; which injunction was duly executed in aforesaid."
The acccuray of this original record is confirmed by
the following letter from the Mayor of Bristol, for the year 1539, which
is still extant among the papers of Lord Cromwell, to whom it was
addressed.
"Pleaseth it your honourable lordship to be
advertised, that certain accusations are made and had by Sir John Kerell,
Dean of Bristowe, deputy of the Bishop of Worcester, our ordinary, and
by divers others, inhabitants of Bristowe foresaid, against one George
Wischarde, a Scottishman born, lately being before your honourable
lordship. Which accusations the said Dean and other inhabitants
aforesaid have presented before me the mayor of Bristowe, and justices
of peace; and the same accusations I have received, sending the same
unto your said honourable lordship; and furthermore, the chamberlain and
the Dean of Bristowe shall signify unto your honourable lordship, the
very truth in the premises, unto whom we shall desire you to give
credence. And thus our Lord preserve your honourable lordship in health
and wealth, according unto your own heartiest desire. At Bristowe, the
ix day of June, Anno Regis Henrici VIII, xxxi.
Be me Thomas Jeffryis, Mayor of Brystowe.
It does not admit of a doubt then, that Wishart had
fallen at this early period of his life, while his views of divine truth
were still immature, into some serious misapprehension on the subject of
the merits of Christ, and the way of human redemption. If the popish
churchmen of Bristol had been his only judges, we might have been
justified in receiving with hesitation so strange an accusation, because
he was no doubt even then a vigorous opponent of popish doctrines;
and it was, probably, his zeal in attacking the doctrine of
mediatory merit in the case of the Romish saints, which carried him into
the heretical extreme of denying the mediatory merit of the Redeemer
himself. But as he was sent up to London to be tried by a tribunal over
which Cranmer presided, it is only fair to conclude that the sentence
which that tribunal pronounced upon him was just. If the Protestant
preacher had been misunderstood or calumniated by his enemies, the
Protestant archbishop would have protected him from their malice.
Wishart himself acknowledged the justice of the sentence, by publicly
recanting his error in the very churches where he had promulgated it.
But this account of Wishart's conduct at Bristol is
very different from the version of it which has hitherto been current It
has long been supposed that what Wishart preached against there, was the
mediatory merit of the Virgin Mary, and that what he publicly recanted
twice over was the Protestant doctrine upon that subject, a doctrine
which he no doubt believed to be true and scriptural at the very time he
was supposed to have ignominiously recanted it The difficulty of
accounting for Cranmer's condemnatory sentence, was, upon this
supposition, insuperable; and equally so was the difficulty of
vindicating the conduct of the Reformer in publicly declaring to be
false, what he could not but know to be the truth of God. Still, the
record in "The Mayor's Calendar" was thought to be decisive upon the
point But it is now ascertained that this reading of the Calendar was an
entire mistake; and curiously enough, a serious misunderstanding of
history, which has now been current for nearly half a century, is found
to have arisen from the misreading of a single word, nay, of a single
letter of the original chronicle.
The incident, thus cleared of misapprehension, leaves
the character of the Reformer for sincerity and fortitude without a
stain. It reveals indeed the unripeness of his views of Gospel truth at
that early period of his life; he had fallen into a serious error of
judgment, and he had incurred just censure for rashly proclaiming so
dangerous an error to the uninstructed multitude. But he now stands
acquitted of all imputation upon his firmness and integrity. When
Cranmer and his other judges condemned him to abjure his error at their
bar, he honestly abjured it When he publicly recanted it at Bristol, his
recantation was sincere. It was an error which he recanted, not a truth.
Instead of diminishing our admiration ot his heroism as a confessor of
the faith, the incident enhances it; for it shows that he was as ready
to brave the ignominy of a public recantation in the interest of truth,
as he afterwards showed himself prepared to suffer the disgrace and the
horror of a heretic's death, in the same service.
If Wisharfs views of divine truth were still somewhat
unsettled upon some important points, and he had not yet learned to draw
accurately the lines of distinction between Scripture truths and Rome's
corruptions of them, it was a happy arrangement of Providence which led
him, on leaving England, in 1540, to visit the Reformed Churches of
Switzerland These Churches were now far advanced in Christian knowledge
and life. When prematurely bereaved of Zwingle and CEcolampadius, they
had found a worthy successor to these great and good men in Henry
Bullinger; and Bullinger, building upon the foundations which his
predecessors had laid, in the same spirit as the founders, had raised up
a goodly fabric of Church discipline and order, which was the admiration
of evangelical visitors from all the Reformed countries of Europe.
The First Helvetic Confession became the subject of
Wish-art's careful study, during his sojourn in the Cantons; and he gave
an unmistakeable proof of his approbation of its teaching, by executing
a translation of it into his mother-tongue* Nor is it difficult to trace
the influence of that Confession in his subsequent public teaching. The
great prominence which he was wont to give on all occasions to the Word
of God, as the only legitimate source and standard of Christian truth,
corresponded exactly with the spirit of the Swiss Confession; and no
less so did the distinctness and decision of his doctrine on the subject
of the Sacraments. In a word, the effect of his visit to Switzerland
seems to have been to give to his theological views the characteristics
of the Helvetic type of doctrine, as distinguished from the German or
Lutheran type; and this fact had an important influence in the long run,
upon the Confessional characteristics of the Reformed Scottish Church.
It was during his sojourn on the Continent that an
incident occurred, which he afterwards referred to, shortly before his
martyrdom. "I once chanced," said he, "to meet with a Jew when I was
sailing upon the waters of Rhine. I inquired of him what was the cause
of his pertinacie, that he did not believe that the true Messiah was
come, considering that they had seen all the prophecies which were
spoken of him, to be fulfilled ; moreover, the prophecies taken away and
the sceptre of Judah. By many other testimonies of the Scripture I
vanquished him, and approved that Messiah was come—-the same which they
called Jesus of Nazareth. The Jew answered again unto me, 'When Messiah
cometh, He shall restore all things, and He shall not abrogate the Law
which was given to our fathers, as ye do. For why? We see the poor
almost perish through hunger among you, yet you are not moved with pity
towards them; but among us Jews, though we be poor, there are no beggars
found Secondarily, it is forbidden by the Law to faine any kind of
nagery of things in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the sea
under the earth, but one God only to honour; but your sanctuaries
and churches are full of idols. Thirdly, a piece of bread baken upon the
ashes ye adore and worship, and say that it is your god/ " These
Jewish censures upon the practice of Christendom, appear to have made a
deep impression upon Wishart. He never forgot them. He used to refer to
them in his preaching, as a proof of the bad impression which was made
upon the minds of unbelievers, by the use of images in Christian
worship, and by the Popish doctrine of the Real Presence ; and it is not
improbable that words which he quoted so often as a lesson to others,
may have made some salutary impression, when he first heard them, upon
himself. It is certain that Wishart became, in his own person, an
eminent instance of that humane concern for the poor, with the want of
which the Jew reproached the Christian world at large; and no less so of
that zeal against religious u imagery" and bread-worship, of
which the latter had set him so fervent an example.
Having returned to England, probably late in 1541,
Wishart repaired to Cambridge, and took up his residence in Corpus
Christi, or Bene't College. It was no time to think of returning to
Scotland, for the Cardinal was still at the pinnacle of his despotic
power. But there were many devout students of the Word of God in the
colleges of Cambridge; and there, amidst studious shades, and in
the enjoyment of the society of men of congenial spirit, he could wait
for the arrival of better times for his persecuted country.
He went to Cambridge, however, not only to study, but
to teach; and among his pupils there was one Emery Tylney, who conceived
for him the deepest veneration and love. To this affectionate scholar we
are indebted for an account of his person, character, and habits of
life, which, for its minuteness of detail, and graphic truth of
description, is of great biographical value. It was contributed by
Tylney, many years afterwards, to Fox's Book of Martyrs, and it was well
worthy of a place in that great gallery of Christian worthies.
"About the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred
forty and three, there was in the university of Cambridge one Maister
George Wishart, commonly called Maister George of Bennet's College, who
was a man of tall stature, polled-headed, and on the same a round French
cap of the best. Judged of melancholy complexion by his physiognomy,
black-haired, long-bearded, comely of personage, well-spoken after his
country of Scotland, courteous, lowly, lovely, glad to teach, desirous
to learn, and was well travelled; having on him for his habit or
clothing, never but a mantle, frieze gown to the shoes, a black Milan
fustian doublet, and plain black hosen, coarse new canvas for his
shirts, and white falling bands and cuffs at the hands, all the which
apparel he gave to the poor; some weekly, some monthly, some quarterly,
as he liked, saving his French cap, which he kept the whole year of my
being with him. He was a man modest, temperate, fearing God, hating
covetousness, for his charity had never end, night, noon, nor day; he
forbore one meal in three, one day in four for the most part, except
something to comfort nature; he lay hard upon a puff of straw, coarse
new canvas sheets, which, when he changed, he gave away. He loved me
tenderly, and I him for my age, as effectually. He taught with great
modesty and gravity, so that some of his people thought him severe, and
would have slain him, but the Lord was his defence. And he, after due
correction for their malice, by good exhortation amended them, and he
went his way. O that the Lord had left him to me his poor boy, that he
might have finished that he had begun! For in his religion he was, as
you see here, in the rest of his life, when he went into Scotland with
divers of the nobility that came for a treaty to King Henry
VIII. His learning was no less sufficient than
his desire; always prest and ready to do good in that he was able, both
in the house privately and in the schools publicly, professing and
reading divers authors. If I should declare his love to me and all men,
his charity to the poor in giving, relieving, caring, helping,
providing, yea, infinitely studying how to do good unto all and hurt to
none, I should sooner want words than just cause to commend him. All
this I testify with my whole heart and truth, of this godly man."
What a noble instrument of good to his country had
God prepared in "Maister George of Bennet Collegel" "a character like
Latimer or Tyndale," and a man sealed like them to be a sacrifice for
the salvation of his native land. On the tiptoe of expectation he
awaited God's call. The arrival of these ambassadors at the English
court was the signal of Providence, that his long wished for hour of
opportunity was come. He hastened from Cambridge to join them in London;
and sympathising in the joy of their successful embassy—a success which
promised a lasting peace and a common crown to the two kingdoms, as well
as an intimate alliance in the work of Religious Reform—he set off with
them for Scotland, where the whole party arrived before the end of July,
1543.