Wolfe Tone urges French Directory to invade Ireland —
Humbert's Expedition— He lands at Killala, and is defeated by Lake at
Ballinamuck— Hardi's Expedition arrives at the Entrance to Lough Swilly
with Wolfe Tone on board the Hoche—Is attacked by the English
Squadron under Admiral Warren — The Hoche is shattered and
brought into Lough Swilly — The Prisoners, including Tone, marched to
Letterkenny — Wolfe Tone identified, and sent in Irons to Dublin—He is
sentenced to Death, and anticipates his Fate in Prison—Pitt's Projects
for the Legislative Union—Progress of the Measure—Grattan and Daniel
O'Connell oppose it — Castlereagh and Corn-wallis support it—Debates on
the Subject—The Methods by which the Measure was carried.
While the rebellion was at its height in Wexford, and
the south of Ireland presented a pitiful picture of widespread woe and
desolation, Wolfe Tone was busy in Paris urging upon the French
Directorate the wisdom of striking while the iron was hot, and pointing
out to them that they should lose no time in carrying out their
projected invasion of Ireland. For this preparations were made without
delay. Hoche being dead, his second in command in an abortive expedition
to Bantry Bay, General Humbert, was appointed commander of a new
expeditionary force of about 1000 men assembled at Rochelle, with 3000
under General Hardi, and 9000 under Kilmaine. The Directory, hampered in
many ways, and with but little money at their command, delayed longer in
making any decisive move than Humbert could tolerate. He took the bold
step of acting on his own responsibility, and set sail for Ireland with
a small squadron consisting of three frigates and a smaller vessel,
having on board troops to the number of about 1000 men, rank and file,
with a large proportion of officers. Several Irishmen, including
Matthew, a brother of Wolfe Tone, and Bartholomew Teeling, accompanied
him.
On the 22nd of August, 1798, Humbert entered the Bay
of Killala, in Mayo, sailing under the English colours. Landing without
opposition, he left Killala with a quantity of ammunition in the charge
of 200 men and six officers, and on the 25th took possession of Ballina,
from which the garrison fled at his approach. On the 26th he proceeded
to Castlebar with 800 of his own men and about 1500 Irishmen who had
joined him. He succeeded, after putting the royalist troops to flight,
in taking possession of Castlebar without resistance, save from a few
Highlanders stationed in the town, who were soon put to death.
Humbert's object evidently was to join forces with
those of General Hardi, whose arrival in the north he daily expected.
His campaign in Ireland was brilliant but short. Abandoning his design
to take Sligo, he pushed on to Manorhamilton, arriving at Ballinamuck,
County Longford, on the 8th of September. Here he was obliged to
surrender to General Lake, who commanded a large army.
Before the news of Humbert's defeat had reached
France, Hardi's small expedition, consisting of the Hoche—of
seventy-four guns—eight frigates, and a schooner, under the command of
Commodore Bompart, and 3000 men, had sailed. Some Irishmen, headed by
Napper Tandy, embarked before Bompart in a small and fast-sailing
vessel, and on the 16th of September reached the Isle of Raghlin, off
the coast of Donegal. Here they heard of Humbert's disaster, and,
contenting themselves by spreading some bombastic proclamations, they
sailed for Norway.
Hardi's expedition set sail on the 20th of September,
Theobald Wolfe Tone accompanying Hardi on board the
Hoche. In order to avoid the English fleets, Bompart, who was an
experienced seaman, took a wide sweep to the westward, and then to the
north-east, in order to bear down upon the northern coast of Ireland;
but, meeting with contrary winds, it was not till the 10th of October
that he arrived off the entrance to Loch Swilly with the Hoche,
two frigates, and a schooner. Here at break of day, on the nth of
October, before he could enter the bay or land his troops, the English
squadron, under Admiral Warren, bore down upon him. A terrific action
ensued; the Hoche had to bear the brunt of the action alone.
"During six hours", says Wolfe Tone's son in his memoir of his father,
"she sustained the whole fire of the fleet, till her masts and rigging
were swept away, her scuppers flowed with blood, her wounded filled the
cock-pit, her shattered ribs yawned at each new stroke, and let in five
feet of water in the hold, her rudder was carried off, and she floated a
dismantled wreck on the waters." At length she struck. The two fleets
were dispersed in every direction, nor was it till some days later that
the Hoche was brought into Lough Swilly and the prisoners landed
and marched to Letterkenny.
During the action Wolfe Tone commanded one of the
batteries, fighting with desperation, and even courting death; but he
was, nevertheless, untouched. For some time after the capture he
remained unrecognized among the French officers, but being identified at
the Earl of Cavan's table by an old fellow-student at Trinity College,
Dublin, Sir George Hill, he was sent in irons to Dublin, and tried by
court martial and condemned to be hanged on the 12th of November. He
anticipated his sentence by cutting his throat in prison.
"Mr. Pitt", says Sir Jonah Barrington, "now conceived
that the moment had arrived to try the effect of his previous measures
to promote a legislative union, and annihilate the Irish legislature.
The loyalists were still struggling through the embers of a rebellion,
scarcely extinguished by the torrents of blood which had been poured
upon them; the insurgents were artfully distracted between the hopes of
mercy and the fear of punishment; the Viceroy had seduced the Catholics
by delusive hopes of emancipation, whilst the Protestants were equally
assured of their ascendancy, and every encouragement was held out to the
sectarians."
That is one side of the picture. In Pitt's own words
we see the other side. "Great Britain had", he said, "always felt a
common interest in the safety of Ireland; but that interest was never so
obvious and urgent as when the common enemy made her attack upon Britain
through the medium of Ireland, and when the attack upon Ireland tended
to deprive her of her connection with Britain, and to substitute in lieu
of it the new government of the French Republic. When that danger
threatened Ireland, the purse of Great Britain was open for the wants of
Ireland, as for the necessities of England."
The Union was first proposed indirectly in a speech
from the throne on the 22nd of January, 1799. The project was next made
the subject of a pamphlet written by Under-Secretary Cooke, the
arguments in which were replied to in one by Lord Chancellor Plunkett.
The question was discussed at a meeting of the Irish Bar, on the 9th of
December, when the division was, against the Union, 166; in favour of
it, 32. Five debates on the subject took place in the Irish House of
Commons. On the one side, it was held that there was no safety for
Ireland save under the protection of England; on the other, it was
argued by able lawyers that Parliament was incompetent even to entertain
the question of a union. "Such", says Barrington, "was the opinion of
Mr. Saurin, since Attorney-General; Mr. Plunkett, since Lord-Chancellor;
Sergeant Ball, the ablest lawyer of Ireland; Mr. Fitzgerald, Prime
Sergeant of Ireland; Mr. Moore, since a judge; Sir John Parnell, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer; Mr. Bushe, since Chief Justice; and Lord
Oriel, the then Speaker of the House of Commons." Such also was the
opinion of Grattan, Curran, Ponsonby, Burrowes, and other eminent men.
In order to ascertain the attitude of the country
generally on this subject, the Viceroy, Lord Cornwallis, made a tour
through the south, and in writing to the Duke of Portland he said: "In
the north the public opinion is much divided on the question. In Derry
and Donegal, the gentry are in general well disposed. The
linen-merchants are too busily employed in their trade to think much on
the subject, or to take an active part on either side; but I understand
they are, on the whole, rather favourable, wishing to have their trade
secured, which they do not feel, notwithstanding the Speaker's argument,
to be independent of Great Britain." Later he wrote: "The measure has
not, as yet, made the same progress [as in the south] in the province of
Ulster. Although we have very formidable opponents to contend against in
that quarter of the kingdom, I by no means despair of the public
sentiments being ultimately favourable, and feeling strongly the
importance of the object, my exertions shall be particularly directed to
dispose the public mind to the Union. In the northern counties, we have
already established the question strongly in Derry and Antrim." In this
Cornwallis was eventually very successful.
Daniel O'Connell now first appeared upon the scene,
and threw all the weight of his opinion into the many arguments against
the "injurious, insulting, and hated measure". When the Irish Parliament
met on the 15th of January, 1800, the speech from the Throne contained
no reference to the subject. Lord Loftus made a slight allusion which
gave an opening to Sir Laurence Parsons to open a violent attack on the
Government. He was supported by Plunkett. Fitzgerald, Ponsonby, Moore,
and Bushe followed, stating the case against the Union, and Egan, at
seven o'clock in the morning, was referring to the constitution of 1782,
when Henry Grattan entered. Worn with severe ill-health, he had been
induced to appear once more. He came dressed in the old Volunteer
uniform, armed with his pistols, to prove that if his frame was feeble
his heart was undaunted and his spirit as daring as ever. Intense
excitement thrilled the House, and all the members at once rose to their
feet. Grattan, while seated, delivered an admirable speech, which he
concluded by declaring that Irishmen were called upon to destroy the
body that restored Ireland liberties, "and restore that body which
destroyed them. Against such a proposition," he said, "were I expiring
on the floor, I should beg to utter my last breath, and to record my
dying testimony."
It was ten o'clock in the morning when the debate was
brought to a close, and then, on a division, 138 voted for, 96 against
the measure, giving the Government a majority of 42, in reality only 38,
for two members (for Clogher) were unseated and replaced by patriots.
Immediately on the adjournment (to 5th February) of the House an
aggregate meeting of the citizens was held, the High Sheriff presiding,
to protest against the Union, and to thank Grattan, Foster, Beresford,
and Ogle for their services. The Guild of Merchants met with the same
object, and warmly thanked their Roman Catholic fellow-citizens for
their manly and patriotic conduct. The yeomanry, Orangemen, and
Catholics were called upon to form a solid force to resist the Union.
When the House met on the 5th of February, Lord
Castlereagh outlined the advantages derivable from the measure. He was
strenuously met, and on a division had but 158 to 115—a majority of only
43. Petitions came in great numbers from the counties and corporations
against the measure; Pitt desired counter-petitions, but succeeded in
getting only a few, the Government not daring to risk public meetings.
Nevertheless, the measure was pressed on. In the debates which followed,
Foster pointed to the fact that the Irish House included
country-gentlemen, merchants, lawyers, and men of all professions;
removal to London would exclude the commercial and professional
elements. Every article was fought against. Proposals were made to
address the King, to inform him of the actual feeling of the nation, and
again to ask him to dissolve Parliament and take the opinion of the
country on so important and complete a change. The Government rejected
every motion by its hired majority.
On the 26th of May Grattan opposed the committal of
the Union Bill in a memorable speech, and concluded with an eloquent
peroration. His concluding words were: "I do not give up my country, I
see her in a swoon, but she is not dead; though in her tomb she lies
helpless and motionless, still, there is on her lips a spirit of life,
and on her cheeks a glow of beauty.
'Thou art not conquered; Beauty's ensign yet
Is crimson in thy lips and in thy cheeks,
And Death's pale flag is not advanced there'".
Lord Castlereagh reprobated this as prophetic treason
and rebellion, but his majority of 45 fell to 37 on a second division.
Lord Corry, member for Tyrone, made the final effort of the party,
moving a long address to the King against the completion.
On the 7th of June the Bill was read in the Commons a
third time and passed after a division, many members, "finding all
useless", as Grattan said, "retired with safe consciences, but with
breaking hearts". At the gate without, Curran, hearing the result,
turned to a member of the United Irishmen and asked in indignation:
"Where are now your thirty thousand men?"
The story of how the Union was carried has often been
told. Walter Savage Landor, who must be considered an impartial judge,
declared that the means by which it was carried "would have
disfranchized a pocket-borough in England". The means employed cannot
and need not be defended. The most nefarious corruption was openly
practised. Votes were publicly bought and sold. Money, titles, offices,
were given as bribes in the light of day. A tariff of corruption was
announced. For each rotten borough the price fixed was from £14,000 to
£16,000; each member who had purchased his seat was to be repaid the
amount of the purchase-money out of the Treasury; all who might
otherwise be losers by the Union were to be compensated for their
losses, and for that purpose a vote of £1,500,000 was demanded; but
these sums were quite distinct from those paid for the private purchase
of votes, which were very large. The entire amount paid for the rotten
boroughs, at an average of £15,000 each, was £1,260,000.
Attempts were made in some instances by the English
Government to repudiate promises made by their agents in Ireland. In the
correspondence between Lords Castlereagh and Cornwallis are to be found
some very frank statements on the subject, made by the former. In a
letter to Under-Secretary Cooke, who was at the time in England,
Castlereagh wrote on the 21st of June, 1800: "It will be no secret what
has been promised, and by what means the Union has been carried.
Disappointment will encourage, not prevent, disclosures; and the only
proceeding on their (the ministers') part will be, to add the weight of
their testimony to that of the anti-unionists, in proclaiming the
profligacy of the means by which the measure has been accomplished." And
writing to Lord Camden on the 25th of the same month, he said: "The
Irish Government is certainly now liable to the charge of having gone
too far in complying with the demands of individuals; but had the Union
miscarried, and the failure been traceable to a reluctance on the part
of the Government to interest a sufficient number of supporters in its
success, I am inclined to think we should have met with, and in fact
have deserved, less mercy".
The progress of the measure through its various
stages culminated on the 1st of August, on which day, the anniversary of
the accession of the House of Brunswick, the royal assent was given to
the Act of Union.