The Volunteer National Convention—Their Deliberations
led by Flood and the Bishop of Londonderry—Flood's Panegyric on the
Volunteers—The Struggle between Parliament and the Volunteers ends in
the Triumph of Parliament— Theobald Wolfe Tone and the Dissenters of the
North—Religious Animosity— The Defenders and Peep o' Day Boys—The
Society of Orangemen—Outrages in Armagh—The Battle of Diamond—The Spirit
of Conciliation—Wolfe Tone visits Belfast at the Invitation of Samuel
Neilson—The Catholic Delegates of the General Convention welcomed in
Ulster by the Protestants — Petition presented to the King results in
Measures for the Promotion of Concord.
"The concessions made in 1782", says Viscount Bryce,
"mark the first stage in the evolution of modern Irish nationality,
created, not as in other countries, by the possession of a separate
language and literature, or by pride in a separate history, but by the
unwise policy of England. Grattan and Flood, Ponsonby and Langrishe, did
not look back to, nor feel themselves the successors of, such Irish
leaders as Shane O'Neill or Sarsfield. It was to the English, not to the
Irish Celts, that they were linked by social and literary as well as by
religious ties. England kindled among them, her own colonists, the flame
of Irish national feeling when, among the Catholic Celts, it was dying
away to a feeble spark, kindled it in Ireland, with the same folly as
English statesmen showed in their dealing with America, by crippling
Irish industries and humiliating the Irish legislature." Bryce proceeds
to prove that the Irish Parliament was far from perfect, hence the need
of the Irish Volunteers, and, he adds, of the Society of United
Irishmen.
The Volunteer National Convention was held in Dublin
on the 10th of November, 1783, when Lord Charlemont was elected
chairman. One of the most active members was the Earl of Bristol, who
was also Bishop of Londonderry; he and Flood took the lead in the
deliberations, and the plan of Parliamentary Reform drawn up by them was
the one eventually adopted. The meetings of the Convention continued,
and Flood left one held on the 29th to carry the Bill of the Convention
to the House of Commons. Here, in reply to Yelverton, the
Attorney-General, who opposed the Bill, Flood said in the course of his
speech: "I have not introduced the Volunteers, but if the Volunteers are
aspersed, I will defend their conduct against all the world. By whom
were the commerce and the constitution of this country recovered?—by the
Volunteers. Why did not the Rt. Hon. Gentleman make a declaration
against them when they lined our streets, when Parliament passed through
ranks of those virtuous armed citizens, to demand the rights of an
insulted nation? Are they different men at this day, or is the Rt. Hon.
Gentleman different? He was then one of their body— he is now their
accuser. He who saw the streets lined, who rejoiced, who partook in
their glory, is now their accuser. What has changed them since that
time? Are they less wise, less brave, less ardent in their country's
cause? or has their admirable conduct made him their enemy? May they not
say: 'We have not changed, but you have changed'? He cannot now bear to
hear of Volunteers—but I will ask him, and I will have a starling taught
to holla in his ear, 'Who got you Free Trade? Who got you the
Constitution? Who made you a nation?—the Volunteers!'" Flood concluded
by asking: "What do some of the greatest men in England say, speaking of
the Volunteers? ' That the history of mankind, the annals of the world
do not furnish such another glorious example of patriotism and
moderation'; and now will any man condemn them if they wish to crown
themselves with never-fading glory, and finish their labours by
rendering perfect that Constitution that their labours have acquired?"
A heated debate followed Flood's speech, the
discussion being kept up until three o'clock on Sunday morning. It was
recognized by all that it was a struggle between the Parliament and the
Volunteers. In the end Flood's motion was rejected, Grattan giving it
but feeble support. As soon as the result of the division was known, the
Attorney-General moved "that it is now become necessary to declare, that
this House will maintain its just rights and privileges against all
encroachments whatsoever", which was carried by a large majority.
The gauntlet had been fairly thrown down by the
Volunteers, and the consequences might have been most serious to the
country had not some of the popular leaders exhibited more than ordinary
prudence. Lord Charlemont exerted himself privately and publicly to
prevent a collision; and at length, on Tuesday, the 2nd of December, he
adjourned the Convention sine die. This sealed the fate of the
Volunteers. Their prestige and influence were gone for ever. "From this
time", says Dr. Madden, "the power of the Volunteers was broken. The
Government resolved to let the institution die a natural death; at
least, to aim no blow at it in public; but when it is known that Col.
the Hon. Robert Stewart (father of Lord Castlereagh) was not only a
member of the Convention—a delegate from the County Down—but a chairman
of a sub-committee, and that he was the intimate friend of Lord
Charlemont, the nature of the hostility that Government put in practice
against the institution will be easily understood. While the Volunteers
were parading before Lord Charlemont, or manifesting their patriotism in
declarations of resistance to the Parliament, perfidy was stalking in
their camp, and it rested not till it had trampled on the ashes of their
institution."
The Volunteers through the country received the
accounts of their delegates with indignant amazement. They beat to
arms—they met—and resolved. But the binding principle was relaxed;
doubt, suspicion, and alarm pervaded the ranks that had been firmly
knit; their resolutions, though still warmed by the spirit of fiery
eloquence, were but sounding words, unheeded by a Government which had
planted securely the seeds of disunion, and did not fear the threats of
men without leaders, without mutual confidence, without reliance on
themselves. The Bishop of Derry became the idol of the Volunteers, but
it was beyond his power to restore them to their commanding position.
Flood retired in disgust to England, and on his return in the following
year introduced another Reform Bill, only to be again defeated. The
Bishop of Derry was a bad adviser, being too bold and unguarded, and the
Government, amazed at an extraordinary reply which he gave to an address
of the Bill of Rights Battalion (an Ulster corps), seriously considered
the advisability of his arrest. His reply concluded with a memorable
political aphorism: "Tyranny is not government, and allegiance is due
only to protection". He was, however, neither prosecuted nor arrested.
It would have been a rash as well as a useless step. The natural
progress of events effected what severe measures would undoubtedly have
retarded—the suppression of the Volunteers. Differences of opinion
gained ground amongst them, yet the Volunteers continued their reviews,
they passed their resolutions, they published their proceedings. But
month by month, and year by year, their number diminished, their reviews
became less striking, their exposition of political opinion was less
regarded by the people or feared by the Government. An attempt was made
by Flood, Napper Tandy, and others, by addressing circulars to High
Sheriffs, to convene meetings with the object of holding another
National Convention; but the High Sheriffs were threatened by the
Government, and few of them had the hardihood to hold the meetings as
suggested.
The Volunteers, deserted by most of their
aristocratic leaders, now became a democratic association. In Belfast
and Dublin they commenced openly to train people of all classes and
sects in the use of arms, and the example was followed elsewhere; but
the Government, reassured by the triumph of the Parliament, now took
bolder measures. The standing army was raised to 15,000 men, and in
February, 1785, a sum of £20,000 was voted to clothe the militia; these
forces, however, were unpopular, and, the Volunteers having ceased to
co-operate with the civil authorities for the preservation of the peace,
the country soon became disturbed by scenes of tumult and violence, the
more advanced section of the patriotic party, led by Wolfe Tone, and
strong in the towns of Ulster, inclining to republicanism. Wolfe Tone
himself declared that "the Dissenters of the North, and more especially
of the town of Belfast, are, from the genius of their religion and from
the superior diffusion of political information among them, sincere and
enlightened Republicans".
Pitt hesitated for a time between repression and
reform, but in the end Ireland fell under Pitt's displeasure, with the
result that, until the French Revolution caused war again to threaten
Great Britain, he left the Irish Government in the hands of a petty
oligarchy whose policy was to augment its own power by every possible
means.
In the autumn of 1788 the King's mind gave way. In
Ireland the news of His Majesty's condition caused many to hope that the
arbitrary oligarchy would be thrown out of power, and political
excitement was intense. In anticipation of a general election,
associations of electors were formed, bound not to vote for any
candidate who refused to pledge himself to the test, which consisted of
a percentage tax on the property of absentees, a settlement or
commutation of tithes, restoration of sailcloth manufacture, protective
duties, a limitation of the pension list, and reform in the
representation of the people. The tithe question, however, did not
affect the north, where, as Grattan remarked, "a moderate modus" was
adopted; but in the south tithes, church-rates, and rack-rents had
driven the famishing peasantry to madness. Disturbances began in the
north between rival factions called "Peep o' Day Boys" and "Defenders".
This originated among some rustic folk who appear to have been
Evangelicals and Presbyterians; but, Catholics having sided with one of
the parties, the quarrel quickly developed into a religious feud, and
spread from the County Armagh, where it began, to the neighbouring
districts of Tyrone and Down. Both sides belonged to the humblest
members of the community. The Protestants commenced attacking the houses
of the Catholics at an early hour of the morning, hence the title "Peep
o' Day Boys". The faction was also known as the "Protestant Boys" and
the "Wreckers", and it has been stated by Plowden and other historians
that from this lowly source sprang the Society of Orangemen. Plowden
says: "Personal animosity was artfully converted into religious rancour;
and for the specious purpose of taking off the stigma of delinquency,
the appellation of Peep-o'-Day Boys was exchanged into that of
Orangemen". In a pamphlet published in 1797, entitled A View of
the Present State of Ireland, attributed to Arthur O'Connor, the
oath of the Orangemen is given in exaggerated terms to the effect that
the members swore to use "utmost exertions to exterminate all the
Catholics of the kingdom of Ireland". There is no evidence that such an
oath was ever administered to members of the Orange Society, and no such
oath is taken in the Orange lodges of to-day. Madden says that "efforts
were made to infuse into the mind of the Protestant feelings of distrust
to his Catholic fellow-countrymen. Popish plots and conspiracies were
fabricated with a practical facility, which some influential authorities
conceived it no degradation to stoop to; and alarming reports of these
dark confederations were circulated with a restless assiduity".
It is strange that this subject cannot be referred to
by historians in the cool, unbiased spirit which one would naturally
deem to be most essential in a chronicler of events. In writing on the
subject of intolerance there is no necessity to be intolerant. There
were evidently faults on both sides, and lawlessness is a fruitful
parent of crime.
The County Armagh was at this period (1791) the scene
of terrible outrages. These outrages were usually committed by
torchlight. A Protestant colony having been established at Forkhill,
near Dundalk, the presence of the new colonists was resented, and they
were treated with savage cruelty. The victims included the clergyman of
the district, Edward Hudson, who was shot at, his horse being killed;
and the schoolmaster, a Scottish Presbyterian, named Alexander Barclay,
who, with his wife and her brother, aged thirteen, had their tongues cut
out, and suffered other mutilations, from the effects of which Mrs.
Barclay died. Only one of the perpetrators of this horrible crime, a man
named Murphy, was caught. He was convicted and hanged at Forkhill.
Another instance of the religious animosity existing
in the province was the so-called Battle of Diamond. The Orangemen in
Armagh had attacked the Defenders, who made some feeble efforts to
protect themselves, though possessed of but few arms. This resistance
led to a skirmish near the village of Diamond, on the 21st of September,
1795. The result of the fight was that four or five Defenders were
killed. Thomas Addis Emmet says: "The Defenders were speedily defeated
with the loss of some few killed and left on the field of battle,
besides the wounded, whom they carried away. . . . The Catholics after
this, never attempted to make a stand, but the Orangemen commenced a
persecution of the blackest dye. They would no longer permit a Catholic
to exist in the country. They posted up on the cabins of these
unfortunate victims this pithy notice: 'To Hell or Connaught'; and
appointed a limited time in which the necessary removal of persons and
property was to be made. If after the expiration of that period, the
notice had not been complied with, the Orangemen assembled, destroyed
the furniture, burned the habitations, and forced the ruined families to
fly elsewhere for shelter." In this way, it is stated, seven thousand
were driven from their homes.
But even in the midst of these feuds the spirit of
conciliation was at work. On the 11th of February, 1791, a general
committee of the Roman Catholics of Ireland met in Dublin to apply to
Parliament for relief from their disabilities. The convention concurred
with their Ulster allies in adopting resolutions asking for complete
repeal of the penal code, and it was resolved to send an address to the
King, who had for some time been completely restored to health. The
committee appointed their own delegates. With the view of securing
unanimity amongst all classes of Irishmen, Theobald Wolfe Tone, a young
barrister, a Protestant, visited Belfast in October, 1791. Wolfe acted
as secretary to the delegates, and he visited Belfast on the invitation
of a Volunteer Club, composed of such men as Samuel Neilson, editor of
the Northern Star newspaper; Robert Simms; and Thomas Russell.
The Catholic delegates, having been duly elected,
held their first meeting in Taylor's Hall, Dublin, on the 2nd of
December, 1792. One of their first measures was to frame the proposed
petition to the King, and five delegates were chosen to present the
address. On their way to London it was decided to make a detour through
Belfast. Here the principal Protestants called upon the Dublin delegates
to bid them welcome; and as the Catholic deputies were departing for
Donaghadee, the Protestant populace took the horses from their
carriages, and drew the vehicles through the streets, amidst scenes of
great enthusiasm. The Catholics responded with much heartiness, and
pledged themselves to maintain the fraternal union, which was the
strength and honour of Ireland. The petition was presented to the King
at St. James's on the 2nd of January, 1793, the King receiving the
delegates most graciously; and the result was that when, on the 10th of
the same month, the Irish Parliament assembled, the Viceroy (Lord
Westmoreland) announced that he had it in particular command from His
Majesty to recommend them to consider measures for the promotion of
concord; and, as one, to give a serious consideration to the situation
of his Catholic subjects.