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Ulster now a Province
without a History - Charles and his Parliaments - Wentworth appointed
Lord Deputy - He repairs to Ireland twelve months later - Disgraceful
Evasion of the Graces - Wentworth's Efforts to raise Money - His
Treatment of the Privy Council - He proposes to call a Parliament - His
Secretive Methods - Lord Fingall rebuffed - The Sentiments of a Solitary
Man. The history of
Ulster is^iot necessarily confined within the limits of the area known
by that name. The history of Ireland, as we have already pointed out, is
the history of each of the four provinces; but it must be admitted that
of the four provinces, even when geographically considered, Ulster has
the most imposing record of stirring events, and Con- naught the least.
This, no doubt, springs from the fact that Connaught's seaboard is on
the broad Atlantic, "perilous seas" to the small craft of bygone days;
while the shores of Antrim and Down and Deny, with their landlocked
harbours of Loughs Foyle and Swilly, with what is now known as Belfast
Lough and Carlingford Lough, made safe ridings for the ships of all
nations, and especially for those manned by the Scots, who spoke in a
tongue closely allied to that of the Irish.
The upheavals in Ulster
in James's reign had the result of making Ulster in the reign of Charles
a province without a history. Ulster was too busy settling down and
becoming reconciled to the new state of things ; but she was
nevertheless but a slumbering volcano, soon to burst forth into
torrential life, and thus make up for years of seeming sleep. At the
moment, however, Ulster was dormant.
In the meanwhile England
was wide-awake. Charles, having inherited many difficulties and
embarrassments through his father's misrule, had entered upon a policy
of coercion, and had provoked thereby a stern spirit of resistance. Two
Parliaments, on account of the courage with which they had opposed the
encroachments of the Crown, had, without passing a law or granting a
subsidy, been dissolved, and the King, to supply his necessities, had
had recourse to unconstitutional measures.
A third Parliament had
forced from Charles the Petition of Right; but it also, on account of
its want of subserviency, had been dissolved, the King announcing his
intention of governing by prerogative, and never again embarrassing
himself by appeals to Parliament. The spirit of resistance now spread
over the whole island, and the agitation which manifested itself so
violently in England could not fail to find its echo in Ireland.
Charles now came to the
conclusion that some of the Graces interfered with the free exercise of
his prerogative, and he resolved that they should not be confirmed. He
determined, in addition, not only to discard the Graces, but to extort
the continuation of the promised subsidy, and to reduce Ireland to a
more close conformity to England. Various circumstances encouraged him
in the design of trying the experiment in Ireland of carrying the
exercise of the prerogative to a greater extent than he could hope at
first to succeed in doing in England, and for this purpose he required a
minister of stern, not to say unscrupulous, character, who would be
nothing daunted by difficulties or by danger. Such a minister Charles
found in Thomas, Viscount Wentworth.
Although the King's
intention was known for some time previously, the appointment of
Wentworth did not take place until the beginning of 1632, when, in
making the announcement, Charles requested a detailed statement from the
Lords Justices of receipts and expenditure, and also one regarding the
state of the army. Lord Wilmot replied to the latter request by stating
that the army consisted of 2000 horse and 400 foot, distributed in
companies of 50. He also gave it as his opinion that it would be
dangerous to reduce this small force, for, "such as they are, they give
countenance unto justice itself, and are the only comfort that the poor
English undertakers live by, and at this hour the King's revenues are
not timely brought in but by force of soldiers . . . out of long
experience I have seen these people are ready to take the bit in their
teeth upon all advantages, as any people living, although they pay for
it, as many times as they have done before, with all they are worth".
Although appointed Lord
Deputy early in 1632, the beginning of 1633 did not find Wentworth in
Ireland; but with the new year, a certain Mistress Rhodes arrived
mysteriously and took up her quarters in Dublin Castle, no title or
place being given her until midsummer brought the Deputy, whereupon she
took her place by his side as his wife, and was saluted with a kiss by
each of the Lords Justices when she was presented to them.
The new ruler of Ireland
came with a firm resolve to establish the principles of government of
Charles, and be an exponent of the ecclesiastical maxims of Archbishop
Laud. He was given unusually extensive powers, and made an express
stipulation that no appeal from his judgment should be admitted by the
English courts. His chief object was, however, to make Ireland do what
she had never yet done give pecuniary assistance to the English Crown.
The new methods by which
the country was to be governed may be gathered from the reply sent by
the King upon learning that the Council had informed the Lord Treasurer
"that all sorts of men, as well British as natives, had so far declared
averseness and impatience in the payment of the contributions toward the
payment of the army, and resolution to withstand the continuance thereof
without respect to any consequence, or opening ear to any persuasions,
that they conceived it a work impossible and beyond any industry to
continue those levies longer than the three subsidies are in paying,
without much hazard and danger to the State and peace of the King's
affairs there".
Charles declared such a
statement to be "very strange", and added, "nevertheless we may and do
still justly hope for better endeavours and affections, as well from you
our ministers, as from our subjects there in general, especially
considering that our army is, as you write, not at all as formerly
burdensome unto them, that they enjoy in a large manner the protection
and care of our just and peaceable government, and that they have
largely tasted of our acts of Grace and bounty when the Agents last
attended us about the affairs of that kingdom, and ever since".
This was the first direct
intimation that Charles now determined to look upon the Graces as merely
temporary concessions, and it is coupled with the threat of treating
them as such. "But seeing you conceive there is so much difficulty in
the settlement of the payments, and considering the small hopes you
mention in your letters of further improvement there, we must be
constrained, if they be not freely and thankfully continued, to
streighten our former Graces vouchsafed during those contributions, and
make use more strictly of our legal rights and profits".
And further to terrorize
the Roman Catholics, from whom naturally he expected most opposition,
the King announced his intention to rigorously enforce the obnoxious
fine for irregular attendance at church. "We approve", wrote His
Majesty, "that this business may be presently put into such a state, as
that the monies which shall by that means grow due unto us may be ready
to be levied by Michaelmas next, albeit we are purposed for the present
in this also to follow your counsel, and not to levy or seize any man's
goods for the duty before the said subsidies be determined. And as the
best and surest way to bring this business to effect, we do hereby
authorize and require you forthwith to assemble our Council there, and
with their privity to cause presentments to be duly made through the
whole kingdom, according as the law you maintain doth appoint, which we
expect shall be finished by the going over of our deputy, who shall be
fully instructed to make use and proceed therein according as we shall
by that time resolve upon."
Wentworth arrived in
Dublin on 23rd July, and two days later was handed the sword in the
Council Chamber, Cork declaring: "I for my part did most willing
surrender the sword, the rather in regard the kingdom was yielded up in
general peace and plenty". The new Deputy's opinion of his subordinates
was not flattering. "I find them in this place", he reported, "a company
of men the most intent upon their own hands that ever I met with, and so
as those speed, they consider other things at a very great distance."
The Viceroy was determined that the "great revenue, which His Majesty's
affairs cannot subsist without", should be continued, and he was fully
prepared, if he found any "wanton and saucy boldness", to deal severely
with the recusants, and, if necessary, "lay it on them soundly".
Having been in office for
seven days, Wentworth summoned the Council to consider how money could
be raised for the payment of the army ; when it was proposed by Sir Adam
Loftus, of Rathfarnham, that the voluntary contribution should be
continued for another twelve months. The Deputy then asked Sir William
Parsons, the Master of the Wards (whom he found to be "the driest of all
the company"), for an expression of opinion. Sir William's reply proving
to be particularly arid and unsatisfactory to the Viceroy, he determined
to adopt his royal master's methods, 4 'which was plainly to declare
that there was no necessity which induced me to take them to council in
this business, for rather than fail in so necessary a duty to my master,
I would undertake upon the peril of my head to make the King's army able
to subsist, and to provide for itself amongst them without their help".
At the same time he suggested a Parliament, not only for supply, but for
the settlement of disputed titles, and for this all expressed their
desire. "They are so terribly afraid", wrote Wentworth, "that the
contribution money should be set as an annual charge upon their
inheritances, as they would redeem it at any rate, so as, upon the name
of a Parliament thus proposed, it was something strange to see how
instantly they gave consent to this proposition, with all the
cheerfulness possible. . . ."
There were many reasons
in favour of calling a Parliament at this moment. But the one which
weighed the most with Wentworth was the prospect of obtaining an
equivalent for the voluntary contribution and an increase in the
revenue. He had secured the contribution until the end of the year 1634
(which was now commencing), and he calculated that, by calling the
Parliament in Easter or Trinity term, now approaching, the Crown had its
Irish revenue secured for some months, in case the legislative body
should prove unruly, and thus he would have time to lay down plans for
the future.
As Wentworth did not
consider it expedient to permit an unconditional confirmation of the
Graces, many of which were now held to be not sufficiently advantageous
to the prerogative, he proposed to the King that the Parliament should
be divided into two sessions, one of which, held immediately on its
assembling, was to be occupied only with the question of supplies, and
the second, to be held in the following winter, for considering the
other business of the State.
This was Charles's
favourite method in dealing with his English Parliaments, and he
therefore fully approved of it as applied to Ireland, but urged that the
plan should be kept secret until the supplies were obtained, so that the
Parliament might be induced more readily to hasten over such
preliminaries in order to proceed with their grievances.
Charles's opinion of
Parliaments is well known, but of his duplicity there is no better
evidence than that contained in his private letter to Wentworth, in
which, writing about the pro- posed Parliament in Dublin, he says: "As
for that hydra, take good heed; for you know, that here I have found it
as well cunning as malicious. It is true that your grounds are well
laid, and I assure you that I have a great trust in your care and
judgment; yet my opinion is, that it will not be worse for my service,
though their obstinacy make you break them, for I fear that they have
some ground to demand more than it is fit for me to give."
Lords and Commons being
alike interested in the holding of the proposed Parliament, and there
being an unprecedented mystery with regard to it, all parties commenced
to agitate, and the Privy Council began to discuss the question of
supplies and subsidies, asking at the same time to be enlightened as to
the nature of the Bills which were to be brought forward; whereupon they
were silenced "by a direct and round answer" to mind their own business
and leave everything to the King.
Lord Fingall, who called
at the Castle a little later for information on the same subject, the
Lords having "been accustomed to be consulted before those meetings",
fared no better, for his lordship received "a quick answer" to the
effect that "His Majesty might judge it, with some more reason, a high
presumption in him or any other private man to elect themselves
inquisitors over his gracious purposes towards his subjects. . .
."Whereupon Fingall, "a little out of countenance" at this new aspect of
affairs, excused himself by saying that he merely called to remind the
Lord Deputy of former practice in such circumstances, and that Lord
Falkland had summoned the Lords of the Pale in like case. "My answer",
said Wentworth, "was, my lord of Falkland should be no rule in this for
me, much less than for my great master, to follow; that I advised his
lordship, therefore, not to busy his thoughts with matters of this
nature, but leaving them to the King and such as he should please to
entrust therewith, to rest assured he should in convenient time be
acquainted with as much of His Majesty's resolutions as should be fit
for him to know, wherewithal he either ought or must rest satisfied; so
we parted."
Wentworth now set himself
to securing a majority; every important man whom he could influence
found his way into the House of Commons. Sir William Parsons sat for the
county, and Sir George Radcliffe, the Deputy's cousin, for the city of
Armagh, and Captain Charles Price sat for Belfast. Then, as now, "the
priests and Jesuits" were "very busy in the election of knights and
burgesses", calling "the people to their masses", and there charging
"them on pain of excommunication to give their voices to no Protestant".
When the elections were over it was found that the Viceroy's exertions
had not been in vain, and that a House of Commons had been returned in
which the Crown had a considerable majority.
Thus, in spite of all
opposition, Wentworth had his way. Half his strength lay in his
secretiveness, for he deemed no- thing "more prejudicial to the good
success of these affairs than their being understood aforehand by them
here. So prejudicial I hold it indeed, that on my faith there is not a
minister on this side who knows anything I either write or intend,
excepting the Master of the Rolls and Sir George Radcliffe, for whose
assistance in this government and com- fort to myself amidst this
generation I am not able sufficiently to pour forth my humble
acknowledgments to His Majesty. Sure I were the most solitary man
without them that ever served a King in such a place." |
